LIBRARY 

OF  THE 

UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA. 


Class 


THE     LIFE 


OF 


JAMES  W.  GKIMES, 

GOVERNOR  OF  IOWA,  1854-1858; 
A  SENATOR  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES,  1859-1869. 


BY 

WILLIAM  SALTEE. 


NEW    YORK: 
D.    APPLET  OX    AND    COMPANY, 

549    AND    551    BROADWAY. 

1876. 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER   I. 
EARLY  LIFE  AND  EDUCATION,  1816-1836. 

PAGH 

Birth — Parents — Ancestry — Education — At  Hampton  Academy  and  Dartmouth 

College — Student  of  Law — Friendship  of  Mrs.  Walker      ....       1 

LETTERS  : 

1.  To  his  Parents  and  Sister  Susan — A  Season  of  Religious  Interest .          4 

2.  To  his  Father— Eighteenth  Birthday 7 

CHAPTER  II. 

LIFE  AT  BURLINGTON,  1836-1853. 

Removal  West — At  Burlington,  in  the  Black  Hawk  Purchase — Under  the  Gov 
ernment  of  the  Territory  of  Michigan — In  Wisconsin  Territory — In  the 
Territory  and  State  of  Iowa — Practice  of  Law — Marriage — Interest  in  Hor 
ticulture — Railroads — Politics — Member  of  the  Territorial  and  State  Legis 
latures 10 

LETTERS : 

3.  To  his  Sister  Sarah — In  Illinois — Burlington,  in  1836 — Manners — 

Society 13 

4.  To  the  same — Sickness — Growth  of  Burlington — Temporary  Capital 

of  Wisconsin  Territory lf> 

6.  To  the  same — Death  of  Joshua  Sears,  a  Native  of  Yarmouth,  Mass.       16 

6.  To  the  same— Recovery  from  Sickness — Hard  Times — Views  on 

Preaching 17 

7.  To  the  same — Leader  of  the  Opposition  in  the  Territorial  Legislature 

of  Iowa 20 

8.  To  his  Father — Went  to  College  too  young — Political  Speeches  for 

General  Harrison  20 


vi  CONTENTS. 

LETTERS  :  PAOB 

9.  To  his  Sister  Sarah — A  Lawyer's  Anxiety  for  his  Client — Death  of 

Friends ,      .         .         .  21 

10.  To  the  same — Death  of  a  Relative  and  his  Teacher  ....  22 

11.  To  his  Father — Sickness  in  the  West — Crops — Low  Prices — Rejection 

of  a  State  Constitution  in  1845 — Purchase  of  Laud  ...  23 

12.  To  his  Parents — Ten  Years  in  the  West — Climate — Productions — 

Success — Rev.  Horace  Hutchinson 24 

13.  To  his  Sister  Sarah— Death  of  his  Sister  Susan     .         .         .         .  27 

14.  To  his  Father— Death  of  his  Mother 28 

15.  To  Mrs.  Grimes — Attending  the  Legislature  in  the  Interest  of  the 

Burlington  and  Mount  Pleasant  Plank-road  Company       .         .  29 

16.  To  his  Father — Plank-roads  and  Railroads 30 

17.  To  his  Sister  Sarah — Death  of  his  Father 30 

18.  To  Mrs.  Grimes — Life  and  Society  at  Washington,  D.  C. — Daniel 

Webster— H.  W.  Bellows,  D.  D 30 

19.  To  the  same — In  the  House  of  Representatives  of  the  State  of  Iowa  31 

20.  To  the  same — Legislative  Duties 32 

CHAPTER  III. 

GOVERNOR  OF  IOWA,  1854-1858. 

His  Nomination,  Address  to  the  People  of  Iowa,  Election — Not  a  Candidate  for 
the  U.  S.  Senate — Inaugural — Asylum  for  the  Insane — Geological  Survey 
— Thanksgiving — The  Assault  upon  Mr.  Sumner — Kansas — Land-Grant  for 
Railroads  in  Iowa — Special  Session  of  the  General  Assembly — Fremont 
Campaign — Letters  of  Mr.  Lincoln — Sixth  General  Assembly — Message — 
New  Capital — New  Constitution — Message  to  the  Seventh  General  Assem 
bly — Rev.  Asa  Turner's  Reminiscences 33 

LETTERS : 

21.  To  Rev.  H.  Clay  Dean — Prohibition  of  Sale  of  Ardent  Spirits — The 

Veto-Power      ..........  50 

22.  To  Mrs.  Grimes — Campaign  Speeches — Mrs.  Gage    .         .         .         .51 

23.  To  —       —Traveling  on  Sunday— The  Gospel  of  Liberty       .         .  51 

24.  To  Mrs.  Grimes — Same  Opinions  on  the  Missouri  as  on  the  Mississippi  52 

25.  To  Hon.  S.  P.  Chase— State  of  Politics 54 

26.  To  Mrs.  Grimes — Executive  Duties — Letter  from  Joshua  R.  Giddings  62 

27.  To Candidates  for  the  U.  S.  Senate — Expiring  Whiggery     .  68 

28.  To Election  of  Senator  and  Judges 64 

29.  To  Mrs.  Grimes — Acts  of  the  Fifth  General  Assembly  ...  65 

30.  To  Hon.  S.  P.  Chase — Presidential  Candidates — Preference  for  Mr. 

Chase — Mr.  Seward — Organization  of  the  Republican  Party      .         68 

31.  To  Mrs.  Grimes — Preaching  of  Rev.  Mr.  Hosmer — Visiting  Asylums 

for  the  Insane — Prof.  James  Hall,  State  Geologist        ...     60 

32.  To  Hon.  S.  P.  Chase — The  New  Political  Party — The  Know-Nothinga 

— Dartmouth  College 70 


CONTENTS.  vii 

LETTERS :  PAGE 

33.  To  Mrs.  Grimes — Aversion  to  Public  Dinners — The  Know-Nothings 

breaking  down -Growth  of  Antislavery  Sentiment        ...         .71 

34.  To  the  same — Necessity  of  an  Asylum  for  the  Insane — A  Fugitive 

from  Slavery  in  Burlington — Edwin  James,  M.  D.     .         .         .  72 
.  •  35.  To  the  same — Fourth  of  July — Everybody  coming  to  Iowa — Mr.  Sum- 

ner— Mr.  Chase 74 

36.  To  Hon.  S.  P.  Chase— Politics  in  Ohio— The  German  Vote  .         .  75 

37.  To  the  same — Congratulations  upon  his  Election  as  Governor  of  Ohio  78 
88.  To  the  same — Prospects  of  the  Republican  Party          ...  78 

39.  To  the  same — The  German  Vote — Mr.  Seward          .         .         .         .79 

40.  To  Franklin  Pierce,  President  of  the  United  States — Kansas  Affairs      84 

41.  To  Hon.  S.  P.  Chase— Kansas  . 86 

42.  To  Mrs.  Grimes— Wendell  Phillips        .         .         .         .         .         .         92 

43.  To  W.  H.  Buchanan,  Sheriff  of  Clinton  County — To  execute  the  Laws 

—Against  Mobs 93 

44.  A  Circular — State  of  Politics,  1857        .         .         .         .         .         .         95 

45.  To  Mrs.  Grimes— Retirement  from  Office — Elected  Senator  of  the 

United  States      .        .        . 113 

46.  To  Hon.  S.  P.  Chase— The  Free-Soil  Vote    .  116 


CHAPTER   IV. 

A  SENATOR  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES,  1859-1869. 
§  1. — In  the  Thirty-sixth  Congress,  1859-1861. 

Course  in  the  Senate — Committee  Service — A  Working  Member — Defense  of 
Iowa — Court  of  Claims — Homestead  Bill — Des  Moines  River  Land-Grant — 
Post-Office  Department — U.  S.  Offices  in  Iowa — Military  Academy — U.  S. 
Police  for  City  of  Washington — The  Navy — Kansas — Peace  Conference — 
Tariff— Detection  of  Treason 118 

LETTERS : 

47.  To  Mrs.  Grimes — Life  and  Manners  in  Washington       .        .         .  118 

48.  To  Messrs.  Hillguertner  and  Olshausen — The  Naturalization  Laws    .  119 

49.  To  Mrs.  Grimes — Rev.  Jonathan  Blanchard — Mrs.  Crittenden       .  120 

50.  To  the  same — John  Brown 121 

51.  To  the  same — John  Brown — Dislike  of  Social  Conventionalism     .  121 

52.  To  the  same — Mr.  Sumner's  Speech  on  the  Barbarism  of  Slavery — 

Charles  F.  Adams's  Speech — Mr.  Seward's  Intellectual  Vigor — 
Mr.  Lincoln's  Nomination 127 

53.  To  the  same — Secession  of  South  Carolina— War  inevitable— Presi 

dent  Buchanan — His  Cabinet  tumbling 131 

64.  To  Hon.  S.  P.  Chase— Desire  that  he  should  be  Secretary  of  the  Treas 
ury      133 

55.  To  Hon.  Samuel  J.  Kirkwood,  Governor  of  Iowa — Condition  of  Pub 
lic  Affairs — Mr.  Crittenden's  Proposition  .         .         .         .133 


viii  CONTENTS. 


§  2.  —  In  the  Thirty-seventh  Congress,  1861-1863. 

Special  Session  —  Slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia  and  Earliest  Act  of  Prac 
tical  Emancipation  —  Letter  from  Hon.  Simon  Cameron  —  The  Army  —  The 
Navy  —  Hon.  G.  V.  Fox,  Assistant  Secretary  —  Port  Royal  Expedition  — 
Commodore  Du  Pont  —  Conduct  of  the  War  —  Drunkenness  in  the  Army  — 
Reform  in  Naval  Organization  —  Jail  of  District  of  Columbia  —  Marshal 
Lamon—  Iron-clads  —  Western  Naval  Flotilla  —  Fort  Donelson  —  General  C. 
F.  Smith  —  Surrender  of  Slaves  by  the  Army  —  Employment  of  Colored  Per 
sons  in  Military  Service  —  Parker  Pillsbury  —  George  B.  Cheever,  D.  D.  — 
Abolition  of  Grog-Ration  —  Commodore  Foote  —  National  Armory  at  Rock 
Island  —  Higher  Grades  of  Naval  Officers—  Admirals  —  Marine  Corps  —  Abo 
lition  of  Useless  Offices  —  Excessive  Multiplication  of  Generals  —  Executive 
Power  —  Hospitals  —  Recommendation  of  Changes  in  his  Cabinet  to  Mr.  Lin 
coln  —  Troops  at  Election  in  Delaware  —  Emancipation  in  Missouri  —  Presi 
dent's  Emancipation  Proclamation  —  Military  Academy  —  Naval  Academy  — 
Removal  of  the  Philadelphia  Navy-Yard  to  League  Island  —  Ninth  Circuit 
of  the  Supreme  Court  —  Greenbacks  —  Banks  —  National  Debt  —  Letters  of 
Marque  —  Banks  Expedition  —  Frauds  in  Transport  Service  —  Commodore 
Vanderbilt  —  John  Tucker,  Assistant  Secretary  of  War  —  Against  Increase 
of  Pay  to  any  Civil  Officer,  while  Soldiers  were  unpaid  —  Fortifications  for 
Harbor  Defense  —  Pacific  Railroad  —  Education  of  Colored  Girls  in  District 
of  Columbia  —  No  Compromise  with  Rebellion  ......  139 

LETTERS  : 

56.  To  Hon.  W.  P.  Fessenden  —  Mr.  Lincoln's  Attempt  to  add  to  the  Stand 

ing  Army  a  Dangerous  Precedent     ......       140 

57.  To  the  same  —  Volunteers  demanded          ......  140 

58.  To  Mrs.  Grimes  —  Reflections  at  the  Old  Home      .         .         .         .141 

59.  To  Hon  S.  Cameron  —  Emancipation  in  District  of  Columbia,  July  4, 

1861    ............  142 

60.  To  Mrs.  Grimes  —  Bull  Run  —  On  the  Field  of  Battle       .         .         .       146 

61.  To  the  same  —  Close  of  Special  Session     .        .        .         .        .        .  147 

62.  To  J.  H.  Gear,  W.  F.  Coolbaugh,  and  others—  Rebellion  to  be  sup 

pressed,  otherwise  Iowa  a  Dependent  Province         .         .         .       147 

63.  To  A.  C.  Barnes  —  Approval  of  the  Acts  of  President  Lincoln  by 

Congress      ...........  150 

64.  To  Hon.  W.  P.  Fessenden  —  Circulation  of  Treasury  Notes  —  Army 

Contracts  —  Fremont         ........       152 

65.  To  Mrs.  Grimes  —  Dissatisfaction  with  the  Course  of  the  Administra 

tion  —  W.  H.  Channing,  D.  D  ........   153 

66.  To  the  same  —  General  Fremont  —  His  Proclamation  —  His  Removal      154 

67.  To  Hon.  W.  P.  Fessenden  —  Removal  of  General  Fremont  —  Extrava 

gance  —  Responsibility  of  Mr.  Fessenden  to  arrest  the  Progress  of 
Corruption        ..........       155 

68.  To  Commodore  Du  Pont—  Capture  of  Port  Royal     .         .        .        .158 


CONTENTS.  ix 

LETTERS  :  PAUK 

69.  To  Mrs.  Grimes — "  Keep  up  the  Fire  " — W.  H.  Channing — Captains 

Rodgers  and  Porter,  TJ.  S.  N. — "Running  the  Committee  alone"    159 

70.  To  Commodore  Du  Pont — Vote  of  Thanks        .         .         .         .         .  1 68 

71.  To  the  same— Captain  Foote,  U.  S.  N 182 

72.  To  Mrs.  Grimes — Employment  of  Colored  Persons  in  the  Army  and 

Navy  more  important  in  putting  an  End  to  Slavery  than  Con 
fiscation — Robert  Small — Hunter's  Proclamation  rescinded — 
Liquor  banished  from  the  Ships 196 

73.  To  Commodore  Du  Pout — Restoration  of  Naval  Officers — Vote  of 

Thanks  to  Farragut's  Fleet-Officers—Naval  Bill        .         .         .200 

74.  To  the  same— Grade  Bill          . 201 

76.  To  Hon.  S.  P.  Chase — The  People  of  Iowa  in  Advance  of  the  Admin 
istration  for  a  Vigorous  Prosecution  of  the  War       .         .         .215 

76.  To  Mrs.  Grimes — Canvass  of  Iowa — Enthusiastic  Receptions — Among 

the  Quakers — President  Lincoln's  Proclamation  well  received    .  21  fi 

77.  To  Hon.  W.  P.  Fessenden— Death  of  his  Son  Samuel— His  Tax-Bill 

Speech      . 217 

78.  To  Hon.  S.  P.  Chase — The  President's  Proclamation  an  Issue  in  the 

Iowa  Election — Politicians  behind  the  People      .         .         .         .217 

79.  To  Admiral  Du  Pont — Attack  on  Charleston — Navy  nationalized; 

no  Man  from  the  Interior  having  presumed  to  know  anything 
about  it  before 218 

80.  To  a  Midshipman  at  the  Naval  Academy — "Keep  ahead  of  your 

Class" 219 

§  3. — In  the  Thirty-eighth  Congress,  1863-1865. 

Employment  of  Colored  Troops,  and  not  as  Substitutes  for  White  Soldiers — 
Repeal  of  Fugitive  Slave  Act  of  1850 — Chosen  Senator  for  Six  Years,  from 
March  4,  1865 — Economy  demanded  in  Public  Service — Intercontinental 
Telegraph — Work  of  the  Navy  in  the  War — Diplomacy — History  of  Naval 
Academy — Loss  of  the  Baron  de  Kalb — Frauds  in  Contracts  for  Naval  Sup 
plies — Navy-Yard  at  Cairo — Pacific  Railroad — Against  allowing  Trade 
with  the  Rebels — "  Fill  up  the  Ranks  " — Freedmen's  Bureau — Letter  of  Mr. 
Fessenden's — Defense  of  Northern  Frontier — Reciprocity  Treaty — Military 
Arrest  of  Citizens  of  Kentucky — Management  of  the  Navy  Board  of  Ad 
miralty — Boundaries  of  Nevada — Stone  Fortifications  ....  235 

LETTERS : 

81.  To  Admiral  Du  Pont — Attack  on  Charleston— Emancipation — The 

Work  of  the  Thirty-seventh  Congress  second  only  to  that  of  the 
First  Continental  Congress— Naval  Legislation  .  .  .  236 

82.  To  the  Editor  of  the  Linn  County  Register — Views  on  Reelection 

to  the  Senate .236 

83.  To  Admiral  Du  Pont— Charleston  a  Hard  Nut  to  crack         .         .       236  % 

84.  To  Mrs.  Grimes— Political  Speeches  in  Iowa 238 


x  CONTENTS. 

LETTERS :  PAGE 

85.  To  Admiral  Du  Pont — Official  Etiquette — Personal  Influence  at  the 

Navy  Department — Intention  not  to  serve  longer  on  Naval  Com 
mittee      .         .         ..      239 

86.  To  Mrs.  Grimes— At  Mr.  Fessenden's  House  in  Portland  .         .  239 

87.  To  the  same — Francis  Fessenden   wounded — Banks   Expedition — 

Rev.  J.  Blanchard — Negro  Troops 260 

88.  To  the  same — Army  of  the  Potomac — Battles  .         .         .         .261 

89.  To  Admiral  Du  Pont — Intended  Visit 263 

90.  To  Mrs.  Grimes — Grant's  Campaign  in  Virginia        ....  263 

91.  To   Hon.  W.  P.  Fessenden— His  Position   in  the   Cabinet— Their 

Friendship        .         .         . 263 

92.  To  Mrs.  Grimes — "Naval  Warfare  ashore  and  afloat" — Hon.  F.  A. 

Pike's  Speech ' 272 

93.  To  Admiral  Du  Pont— The  Prize  Law 272 

§  4.— In  the  Thirty-ninth  Congress,  1865-1867. 

Reconstruction — Inexpediency  of  Land  Grant  for  Schools  in  District  of  Colum 
bia — Colorado  not  entitled  to  Admission  as  a  State — Ships  that  had  been 
transferred  during  the  Rebellion  to  a  Foreign  Flag  to  be  prohibited  an  Am 
erican  Register — Search  for  Missing  Soldiers,  Clara  Barton — Against  In 
crease  of  the  Army — Roll  of  Soldiers — Indian  Agents — Private  Claims — 
Senator  Foot,  his  Death — Non-interference  with  Matters  belonging  to  States 
— Naval  Academy — Monitors — Hon.  G.  V.  Fox,  his  Letter  to  Mrs.  Grimes 
— Appointments  in  the  Navy — Napoleon's  Interference  in  Mexico — Paris 
Exposition — Railroad  Bridge  over  the  Mississippi  at  Burlington — Union  Pa 
cific  Railroad — Niagara  Ship-Canal — Against  Leasing  of  Saline  Lands — 
Pacific  Mail  Steamships  to  touch  at  Honolulu — Tariff — Agricultural  Bureau 
— Public  Money  to  be  deposited  in  the  Treasury — Admission  of  Nebraska 
— Tenure  of  Office — League  Island — Des  Moines  Rapids  of  the  Mississippi  276 

LETTERS  : 

94.  To  A.  D.  Smith,  D.  D.,  Dartmouth  College   .         ...         .276 

95.  To  Mrs.  Grimes— Iowa  College — The  Grimes  Foundation          .         .  276 

96.  To  the  same — Assassination  of  Mr.  Lincoln          ....  277 

97.  To  the  same — Happy  Spring-Time 279 

98.  To  Hon.  W.  P.  Fessenden — "  Come  West "          ....  280 

99.  To  E.  H.  Stiles — Necessity  of  an  Unbroken  Front  in  the  Union  Party 

— Impolicy  of  introducing  any  New  Issue         .         .         .         .280 

100.  To  Mrs.  Grimes — Eulogies  on  Senator  Foot 290 

101.  To  the  same — President  Johnson — Reconstruction       .         .         .291 

102.  To  the  same — Constitutional  Amendment — Mission  of  Mr.  Fox  to  the 

Emperor  of  Russia 297 

103.  To  the  same — Examination  of  Naval  Academy,  its  Efficiency        .        298 

104.  To  the  same — Visit  to  West  Point — The  Military  and  Naval  Acad 

emies — Central  Park,  New  York — Report  of  the  Reconstruction 
Committee  .  .  298 


CONTENTS.  xi 

LETTERS :  PAGE 

105.  To  Mrs.  Grimes — Ristori — Letting  the  President  alone         .        .  308 

106.  To  the  same — Speech  on  the  Tariff— Handel's  "  Messiah  "       .  .321 

107.  To  the  same — Night  Sessions 322 

§  5. — In  (he  Fortieth  Congress,  1867-1869. 

Impeachment  of  the  President— Against  Class  Legislation — On  Thanks  to  Gen 
erals  for  Civil  Administration — Cotton  Tax,  and  Prosperity  of  the  Southern 
States — Public  Library  in  Burlington — Retired  Naval  Officers  recommended 
for  Consuls — Naval  Pension  Fund — Pension  System — Reduction  of  Navy 
and  Marine  Corps — Naval  Apprentices — Admiral  Farragut — Reduction  of 
Duties,  Protection  and  Free  Trade — Trial  of  the  President — Opinion  and 
Vote — Paralysis — Card  to  Chicago  Tribune — Donation  to  Dartmouth  Col 
lege — Duty  upon  Copper — Revenue  Tariff — Compensation  to  a  Naval  Con 
structor's  Widow  for  his  Invention — Publication  of  the  Medical  and  Surgical 
History  of  the  War 323 

LETTERS : 

108.  To  Mrs.  Grimes — The  Impeachment  Project — President's  Hands  tied  323 

109.  To  H.  W.  Starr,  Esq.— Public  Library          .....        328 

110.  To  the  same — Selection  of  Books — Senate  organized  as  a  Court         .  336 

111.  To  the  same — First  Letter  after  Paralysis     .         .         .         .         .        358 

112.  To  Hon.  W.  P.  Fessenden — Recovering  Health — Mr.  Sumner's  Reso 

lutions   on  Impeachment  a  Political  Proceeding — Revolutionary 
Tendencies — We  saved  the  Country *       .  360 

113.  To  Mr.  N.  C.  Deering — The  Republican  Party  saved,  and  such  a  Pre 

cedent  prevented  as  would  have  turned  ours  into  a  Sort  of  South 
American  Republic .361 

§  .6— In  the  Forty-first  Congress,  First  Session,  March-April,  1869. 
Economy  in  Public  Expenditure — Sinking  Fund — Repeal  of  Tenure-of-Office  Act  366 
LETTER  : 

114.  To  H.  W.  Starr,  Esq. — Impeachment  Furor  subsided        .        .        .367 

CHAPTER  V. 

TRAVELS  IN  EUROPE. — RETURN  HOME. — DEATH. — CHARACTER. — 1869-1872. 

In  London .        .        .  868 

LETTERS : 

115.  To  the  London  Times — Excitement  in  London  from  Mr.  Sumner's 

Speech  on  the  Johnson-Clarendon  Treaty — England's  Offense  in 
the  Eyes  of  Americans 368 

116.  To  Hon.  W.  P.  Fessenden— Tumult  caused  by  Mr.  Sumner'a  Speech 

—John  Bright        .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .370 


xii  CONTENTS. 

LETTERS :  PAOE 

117.  To  Hon.  W.  P.  Fessenden — In  Paris — Second  Attack  of  Paralysis- 

Memoirs  of  Public  Men,  numerous  in  England,  needed  in  America  372 

118.  To  H.  W.  Starr,  Esq. — Treatment  in  Paris — Effect  of  Mr.  Sumner's 

Speech  on  our  Bonds  in  London — Health  prostrated  in  the  Full 
Vigor  of  Mental  Power 373 

119.  To  Mr.  Lyman  Cook— Switzerland — Eesignation  of  Office  of  Senator  374 

120.  To  Hon.  W.  P.  Fessenden — Reflections  on  laying  down  Office — Cor 

rupt  Senatorial  Elections — Extract  from  Mr.  Fessenden' s  Last  Let 
ter  to  Mr.  Grimes 376 

121.  To  Mr.  Lyman  Cook — Severe  Affliction  in  the  Death  of  Mr.  Fessen 

den — His  Character — Their  Friendship 377 

122.  To  Mr.  Jacob  Rich — Power  corrupts  all  Parties — Change  essential 

— San  Domingo — Revenue  Reform 378 

123.  To  Mr.  Lyman  Cook — Berlin — Leipsic — Admiration  for  the  German 

People — German  Books  for  the  Public  Library    ....  380 

124.  To  the  same — Lake  Geneva — The  Mountains — Meditations  in  Review 

of  Life 381 

125.  To  Hon.  F.  A.  Pike — Six  Months  in  Switzerland — Glory  in  Sumner's 

Pluck  on  San  Domingo  Annexation,  "  and  wish  I  were  able  to  fight 
by  his  Side  " — Franco-German  War 382 

126.  To  Mr.  J.  W.  Cadwallader— Account  of  Health  and  Travels  to  an 

Old  Neighbor 383 

127.  To  Mr.  Lyman  Cook — Necessity  of  Occupation — Prussian  Generals 

— The  North  German 384 

128.  To  Hon.  Charles  Mason— Nothing  more  to  do  with  Public  Life        .  384 

129.  To  Mr.  H.  K.  Edson— Prussians  the  Greatest  People  in  the  World         385 

Return  Home — Letters  of  Hon.  E.  Price  and  Hon.  Samuel  Merrill,  Governor — 
Silver  Wedding — Last  Months — Death — Funeral — Tributes  to  his  Memory 
— Character 386 

Index  .  395 


ILLUSTRATIONS. 

PORTRAIT Frontispiece. 

HOUSE 25 

SEAL  OF  STATE  OF  IOWA 117 

U.  S.  SHIP  IRONSIDES    .         .        .         .        .        .        .         .         •        •         .234 

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THE  LIFE  OF  JAMES  W.  GRIMES. 

CHAPTER  I. 

EAELT    LD7E   AND    EDUCATION. 
1816-1836. 

IN  the  early  part  of  the  seventeenth  century  a  colony  of 
people  from  Argyleshire,  Scotland,  emigrated  to  the  north  of 
Ireland,  and  settled  in  the  Province  of  Ulster,  encouraged  by 
grants  of  land  from  James  I.,  made  for  the  purpose  of  strength 
ening  his  throne  and  the  Protestant  interest  in  Ireland.  From 
being  the  most  wild  and  disorderly  province  of  Ireland,  Ulster 
soon  became  the  best  cultivated  and  most  civilized.  In  process 
of  time  the  appellation  "Scotch-Irish"  was  fixed  upon  the  de 
scendants  of  this  people,  though  they  always  insisted  upon  their 
pure  Scotch  blood.  Emigrants  from  this  body  of  people  came 
to  America,  and  commenced  the  settlement  of  Londonderry, 
New  Hampshire,  in  1719,  and  others  of  them,  about  the  same 
time,  settled  in  and  near  Boston,  Massachusetts. 

Of  this  sturdy  and  vigorous  stock,  JAMES  WILSON  GKIMES 
was  born  in  the  town  of  Deering,  Hillsborough  County,  New 
Hampshire,  on  the  20th  of  October,  1816.  His  parents — John 
Grimes,  born  August  11,  1772,  and  Elizabeth  Wilson,  born 
March  19,  1773 — were  natives  of  the  same  town.  He  was 
named  for  a  brother  of  his  mother.  Her  parents,  Captain 
David  Wilson  and  Sarah  Cochran,  were  born  in  Londonderry 


2  LIFE  OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES. 

in  1743.  On  his  father's  side,  his  grandfather,  Francis  Grimes, 
was  born,  in  1747,  upon  Noddle's  Island,  now  East  Boston  ;  and 
his  grandmother,  Elizabeth  Wilson,  a  sister  of  his  mother's 
father,  in  Londonderry,  in  1736.  The  first  permanent  settle 
ment  of  the  town  of  Deering  was  made  in  1765,  and  these  per 
sons  were  among  the  early  settlers.  The  town  was  incorporated 
in  1774,  and  named,  with  Francestown,  which  adjoins  it  on  the 
south,  for  Frances  Deering,  wife  of  John  Went  worth,  the  last 
royal  governor  of  the  Province  of  New  Hampshire.  In  re 
sponse  to  a  resolution  of  the  Continental  Congress  of  March 
14,  1776,  the  male  inhabitants  of  Deering  Colony  over  twenty- 
one  years  of  age,  with  two  exceptions,  signed  the  following 
declaration,  April  12,  1776: 

"  To  show  our  determination  in  joining  our  American  brethren 
in  defending  the  lives,  liberties,  and  properties  of  the  inhabitants 
of  the  United  Colonists,  we,  the  subscribers,  do  hereby  solemnly 
engage  and  promise  that  we  will  to  the  utmost  of  our  power,  at 
the  risk  of  our  lives  and  fortunes,  with  arms,  oppose  the  hostile  pro 
ceedings  of  the  British  fleets  and  armies  against  the  United  Amer 
ican  Colonies." 

Among  the  thirty-three  subscribers  to  this  declaration  were 
Francis  Grimes  and  David  Wilson. 

Born  of  such  an  ancestry,  among  a  people  inheriting  these 
traditions,  he  breathed  the  free  air  of  the  hills  in  a  community 
of  intelligent,  self-reliant,  and  independent  farmers.  He  was 
the  youngest  of  eight  children,  of  whom  one  died  in  infancy ; 
the  others  survived  him,  except  a  sister,  Susan,  who  became  the 
wife  of  Mr.  Alden  Walker,  and  died  October  31,  1846.  She 
was  the  mother  of  Captain  John  G.  Walker,  United  States 
Navy.  Being  thirteen  years  older  than  her  brother,  she  assisted 
very  much  in  the  care  of  his  childhood.  Through  life  he  cher 
ished  a  grateful  recollection  of  her  kindness,  and  regarded  her 
children  with  peculiar  tenderness  and  affection.  His  father, 
whom  he  resembled  in  temperament  and  appearance,  was  a  sub 
stantial  farmer,  a  man  of  unpretending  goodness,  warmly  at 
tached  to  his  family,  hospitable  and  kind  to  all,  of  thrifty  hab 
its,  and  highly  esteemed  among  his  neighbors  and  in  the  sur- 


EARLY   LIFE  AND  EDUCATION.  3 

rounding  region  for  sterling  integrity  and  worth.  His  mother 
was  a  woman  of  energy  and  determination,  and  gave  herself  to 
the  duties  of  home  with  careful  industry  and  devotion.  The 
happy  parents  lived  together  more  than  half  a  century,  the 
mother  dying  in  1850,  and  the  father  the  next  year.  His  fa 
thers  farm  was  situated  in  the  northern  part  of  Deering,  about 
two  and  a  half  miles  from  the  village  of  Hillsborough  Bridge, 
upon  the  broad  expanse  of  a  hill-top  that  affords  an  extensive 
outlook  over  the  valley  of  the  Contoocook,  and  far  away  to  distant 
hills  that  ennoble  the  landscape  on  every  side.  In  1806,  the 
house  which  his  grandfather  built  in  the  early  settlement  of  the 
town  gave  place  to  a  large,  two-story  double  house,  erected  by 
his  father.  Here  was  his  birthplace.  A  short  distance  down 
the  road  was  a  district  schoolhouse,  where  the  child  mingled 
with  his  mates  in  study  and  play.  The  town  of  Deering  had 
ten  school-districts,  each  with  a  schoolhouse,  and  possessed  a 
social  library. 

From  early  childhood  he  was  fond  of  reading,  and  eagerly 
devoured  books.  He  commenced  the  study  of  Latin  and  Greek 
with  Rev.  Eber  Child,  pastor  of  the  church  in  Deering,  and 
boarded  in  his  family  a  few  months.  Mr.  Child  was  highly 
esteemed  in  the  region  as  a  scholar.  He  was  a  graduate  of 
Dartmouth  College  in  1821,  and  of  the  Theological  Seminary 
at  Andover  in  1826.  His  widow  gives  the  following  reminis 
cences  of  her  husband's  pupil : 

Mr.  Grimes  was  but  a  lad  when  I  knew  him  over  forty  years 
ago,  but  I  can  think  of  no  young  man  out  of  my  own  family  of 
whom  I  have  such  vivid  recollections.  I  remember  the  tones  of  his 
voice  and  his  smiling  countenance.  He  always  laughed  with  his 
eyes.  He  had  a  happy  disposition  and  an  uncommon  flow  of  spir 
its.  I  have  no  recollection  of  ever  seeing  him  angry  or  put  out  at 
anything.  If  for  nothing  else,  I  should  love  his  memory  because  he 
was  so  kind  to  my  children.  He  would  often  undress  our  youngest 
child,  and  put  him  in  his  cradle  to  hear  him  sing  his  lullaby.  After 
the  child's  death,  he  went  to  his  scrap-book,  and  cut  out  some  beau 
tiful  lines  written  over  the  grave  of  a  child.  I  think  he  did  not  like 
his  studies,  still  he  always  got  his  lessons.  My  husband  thought  a 


4:  LIFE   OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES. 

great  deal  of  James,  and  was  proud  to  hear  of  his  success  in  life. 
When  my  husband  died  (December,  1847),  I  was  left  in  a  land  of 
strangers,  with  my  family  of  little  ones,  to  get  through  the  world 
as  best  I  could.  My  husband  left  a  small  farm  of  unimproved  land 
in  Rock  Prairie,  Wisconsin,  but  mortgaged  tor  all  it  was  worth  at 
the  time  of  his  death.  I  managed  to  clear  the  incurnbrance,  and 
went  on  it  to  make  a  home.  I  needed  money,  and  wrote  Mr. 
Grimes,  asking  the  loan  of  a  hundred  dollars,  to  which  he  readily 
responded.  In  his  letters  to  me  he  never  alluded  to  self  in  any 
shape,  only  the  state  of  his  health  and  his  family,  but  always  remem 
bered  his  old  friends  and  relations  with  unabated  interest  and  affec 
tion.  In  one  he  said,  "  Could  you  see  my  gray  hair  and  wrinkled 
face,  you  would  not  recall  the  gay,  rollicking  boy  I  used  to  be."  In 
the  dark  hours  of  the  nation's  peril,  when  I  read  in  a  description  of 
the  Senate,  "  There  is  Senator  Grimes — he  is  always  found  in  the 
right  place,"  I  thought,  "  James  has  not  altered  any — the  boy  is 
father  to  the  man."  When  the  disappointment  of  "  Impeachment " 
flashed  over  the  land,  I  told  a  neighbor  I  was  confident  there  was 
one  who  decided  according  to  the  evidence ;  that  I  knew  Mr. 
Grimes  and  his  father  before  him,  and  he  had  not  swerved  from 
what  he  thought  was  right  and  duty. 

The  lad  completed  his  preparation  for  college  at  Hampton 
Academy,  under  the  instruction  of  Rev.  Roswell  Harris.  In  one 
of  his  compositions,  while  a  member  of  the  academy,  he  describes 
the  beauty  of  Hampton  Beach,  and  the  picturesque  and  sublime 
scenery  of  Boar's  Head.  At  this  period  many  portions  of  the 
country  were  visited  with  seasons  of  special  religious  awakening. 
The  year  1831  was  memorable  in  this  respect.  Several  eminent 
clergymen  of  the  vicinity  visited  Hampton,  and  preached  to  the 
students.  The  following  letter,  the  earliest  that  has  been  pre 
served,  gives  an  account  of  the  interest  that  prevailed,  and 
records  the  impressions  and  convictions  of  ingenuous  youth : 

1. — To  his  Parents,  and  Sister,  Mrs.  Susan  G.  Walker. 

HAMPTON,  October,  1831. 

It  is  certainly  with  feelings  of  quite  a  different  nature  I  ad 
dress  you  now,  from  those  with  which  I  have  hitherto  addressed 
you.  On  Monday  Dr.  Dana  addressed  the  students,  and  it  was  an 


EARLY  LIFE  AND  EDUCATION.  5 

affecting  time ;  my  sins  were  exposed  to  me.  It  seemed  as  if  I 
was  the  greatest  sinner  under  heaven.  I  immediately  retired  to 
my  room,  and  before  that  night  found  joy,  and  peace,  and  comfort 
to  my  soul.  Yesterday,  in  the  morning,  there  was  a  prayer-meet 
ing.  Mr.  Harris  proposed  that  all  who  were  determined  to  have 
religion  and  to  seek  the  Lord  should  rise.  Ten  in  our  department 
arose.  It  is  a  very  interesting  time  among  us.  It  seems  as  if  the 
Holy  Spirit  was  in  our  midst.  And  may  the  Divine  Spirit  be  with 
you! 

My  dear  sister,  it  seems  as  if  I  wanted  to  write  to  some  one 
of  our  family  continually,  but  I  sometimes  forbear  for  fear  I  shall 
not  do  the  subject  justice.  You  have  professed  an  interest  in 
Christ.  You  have  taken  upon  you  the  solemn  covenant  of  the 
Church.  You  have  said  you  would  devote  yourself  to  the  cause  of 
the  Redeemer,  who  has  died  and  done  so  much  that  you,  and  I,  and 
every  one  of  the  human  family,  might  be  saved.  Now,  will  you 
live  up  to  this  affirmation,  and  do  everything  in  your  power  to  bring 
precious  and  immortal  souls  to  taste  of  the  waters  of  life  ?  Do  you 
administer  help  to  the  sick  and  needy  ?  If  you  do,  you  are  doing 
your  duty.  If  not,  it  is  the  sad  reverse.  Let  me  entreat  you  to 
take  impenitent  sinners  by  the  hand,  and  tell  them,  "  Now  is  the 
accepted  time.  To-day,  if  you  will  hear  his  voice,  harden  not  your 
heart.  The  Spirit  and  the  bride  say,  come ;  and  let  him  that  hear- 
eth  say,  come ;  and  let  him  that  is  athirst  come ;  and  whosoever 
will,  let  him  take  the  water  of  life  freely." 

During  the  last  week,  eighteen  belonging  to  the  academy  have 
obtained  hopes.  Oh,  imagine,  if  it  is  possible,  the  happiness  I  now 
feel !  Supposing  there  was  no  hereafter,  I  would  be  constrained  to 
have  religion  for  the  sole  purpose  of  having  temporal  happiness. 

Mr.  Harris  is  very  much  engaged,  and  I  am  afraid  will  wear 
himself  out.  Indeed,  who  would  not  be  engaged  in  such  a  time  as 
this  ?  I  suppose  you  are  enjoying  all  that  domestic  happiness 
which  this  world  can  give.  But  do  not  fail,  while  you  are  enjoying 
this  happiness,  to  give  the  praise  to  Almighty  God.  He  alone  can 
make  you  happy  or  miserable. 

He  entered  Dartmouth  College,  August,  1832,  in  the  six 
teenth  year  of  his  age.     Here  his  tastes  led  him  into  general 
and  miscellaneous  reading,  rather  than  close  application  to  the 
2 


6  LIFE  OF  JAMES  W.   GEIMES. 

prescribed  course  of  study.  His  favorite  books  were  of  his 
tory  and  light  literature.  His  journal  of  reading  and  reflec 
tions  at  this  period  shows  a  free  range  of  mind  over  a  wide  cir 
cle  of  subjects.  One  of  his  essays  is  a  criticism  on  the  college 
course  of  study,  as  prescribing  too  much  Latin,  Greek,  and 
metaphysics,  and  not  enough  deep  and  laborious  reading  of 
the  British  classics.  He  handled  the  following,  among  other 
topics : 

"  Independence  of  Spirit." 

"  Gibbon's  '  Decline  and  Fall  of  the  Roman  Empire,'  with  an 
Abstract  of  the  Fortieth  Chapter." 

"  Hume  and  Robertson  as  Historians." 

"  The  English  Constitution,  and  the  Superior  Advantages  of  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States." 

"British  Jealousy  of  America." 

"  Cooper's  Novels." 

"Paulding's  Novels." 

"  Sketches  of  Public  Characters :  Webster,  Calhoun,  Living 
ston,  Chancellor  Kent." 

"  A  Republican  Government  for  France." 

"  Dissensions  among  Christians." 

"The  Error  of  Students  in  depending  too  much  upon  their 
Talents,  and  not  enough  upon  Application." 

"  The  Mistake  of  depending  upon  Riches." 

"  Intellectual  Improvement  conducive  to  True  Happiness." 

An  esteemed  classmate,  for  whom  he  predicted,  in  their 
Freshman  year,  the  distinction  he  has  attained  as  a  scholar — Rev. 
Samuel  C.  Bartlett,  D.  D.,  professor  in  the  Chicago  Theological 
Seminary — says : 

He  was  a  man  of  general  intelligence,  and  had  acquired  an 
easy,  fluent  style,  both  of  writing  and  talking,  but  was  entirely 
modest,  and  free  from  arrogance  or  assumption.  He  was  a  very 
genial  person,  with  a  steady  vein  of  humor  and  good-nature.  I 
always  liked  and  respected  him.  I  think  he  had  no  enmities  or  jeal 
ousies.  He  took  little  active  part  in  class  or  college  excitements 
and  office-seeking.  He  gave  no  offense  and  took  none.  He  was 
liked  by  his  classmates,  who  all  knew  he  could  have  made  more  of 


EARLY  LIFE  AND  EDUCATION.  7 

himself  in  college.     When  he  left,  he  was  beginning  to  wake  up  to 
greater  earnestness  of  purpose,  thought,  and  application. 

Another  classmate,  subsequently  a  member  of  Congress  for 
twelve  years,  two  of  which  were  during  the  period  of  Mr. 
Grimes' s  senatorial  career — Hon.  John  Went  worth,  of  Chicago 

— says : 

I  never  saw  or  heard  of  Grimes  until  we  met  at  Hanover, 
Freshman  year,  1832.  He  left  at  the  close  of  the  first  term  of  the 
Junior  year,  1835.  James  F.  Joy  was  our  tutor  that  year,  and  I 
have  often  heard  him  say  that  Grimes  and  myself  recited  in  Tacitus 
to  him.  After  that,  I  did  not  meet  him  until  he  came  to  Washing 
ton  while  I  was  Congressman.  Grimes  was  a  Whig  and  I  was  a 
Democrat,  but  was  then  quarreling  with  our  Democratic  President 
(Pierce)  about  the  Douglas  Kansas-Nebraska  bill.  General  Pierce 
knew  Grimes's  people  well,  and  he  knew  their  Whig  affinities,  and 
I  thought  it  would  be  a  good  joke  to  take  Grimes  to  him,  and  in 
troduce  him  as  the  next  Governor  of  Iowa,  as  he  was.  Pierce 
thought  he  would  have  to  change  his  politics  first.  After  I  got 
into  Congress,  I  called  upon  President  Lord  to  send  him  his  degree, 
the  same  as  if  he  had  graduated,  and  I  noticed  that  his  name  ap 
peared  in  the  next  triennial  catalogue  as  a  graduate.  Our  class 
mate,  Rev.  E.  E.  Adams,  now  deceased,  preached  at  Washington 
in  the  winter  of  1866-'67,  and  Grimes,  Daniel  F.  Merrill,  and  my 
self,  went  together  to  hear  him. 

2.— To  his  Father. 

DABTMOUTH  COLLEGE,  October  20,  1834. 

My  birthday  !  I  am  eighteen  years  old.  How  I  have  spent 
these  eighteen  years,  and  to  what  advantage,  time  will  show.  But 
one.thing  I  know,  I  have  spent  the  hapfpiest  part  of  my  life.  It  is 
melancholy  to  think  I  have  lived  so  long,  and  where  we  shall  be  at 
the  end  of  another  eighteen  years.  That  length  of  time  will  un 
doubtedly  make  a  great  alteration  in  our  family.  What  change 
there  will  be,  I  know  not.  I  do  not  wish  to  know.  The  whitened 
hair  and  furrowed  brow  of  yourself  and  dear  mother  seem  to  fore 
tell  a  change  which  no  human  foresight  can  prevent.  But  a  truce 
with  this  for  the  present.  I  have  written  in  a  mournful  strain  ;  but 
when  is  a  better  time  to  feel  mournful  ?  It  is  indeed  a  serious 
occasion. 


8  LIFE  OF  JAMES  W.   GKIMES. 

I  was  extremely  sorry  to  hear  Mr.  B.  accused  me  of  neglect  in 
not  calling  oftener  to  see  him.  I  called  there  oftener  than  upon 
any  of  my  brothers  and  sisters.  You  know  I  heartily  hate  to  visit, 
not  because  I  do  not  wish  to  see  my  friends,  but  I  like  to  be  at 
home  all  the  time.  Besides,  to  go  and  talk  about  nothing  seems 
strange,  and  I  appear  perfectly  ridiculous. 

Immediately  on  leaving  college,  February,  1835,  young 
Grimes  entered  the  law-office  of  James  Walker,  Esq.,  in  Peter 
borough,  "N.  II.  In  Mr.  Walker's  absence  from  home,  he  was 
frequently  intrusted  with  important  matters  of  business."  He 
became  a  member  of  his  family,  and  won  a  place  in  the  affec 
tionate  regards  and  care  of  his  wife,  a  gifted  and  amiable  lady, 
whose  superior  intelligence  and  enlightened  counsels  were  so 
helpful  to  his  studies,  that  he  sometimes  said  that  he  read  law 
with  Mrs.  "Walker.  A  few  extracts  from  her  letters  show  her 
appreciation  of  the  young  student.  When  he  was  planning  to 
go  West,  she  wrote  to  his  parents : 

I  wish  to  see  and  converse  with  you  respecting  his  project. 
Allow  me  to  say  that  I  am  much  interested  in  his  welfare,  and  I 
should  be  ungrateful  were  it  otherwise.  His  whole  conduct  since 
he  entered  our  family  has  been  that  of  a  kind  and  dutiful  son,  and 
his  society  has  added  much  to  my  happiness. 

Soon  afterward  she  writes  to  her  young  friend  : 

Do  you  still  look  to  the  West  as  your  future  home  ?  If  so,  I 
pray  God  it  may  be  a  happy  one.  The  world  is  open  before  you,  a 
world  full  of  blessings  to  the  wise  and  the  good.  Let  me  hope  that 
you  will  be  both.  I  can  hardly  account  for  the  interest  I  feel  in 
your  welfare.  I  have  known  those  a  great  deal  better  than -you, 
that  I  did  not  like  half  so  well.  Now  you  must  turn  out  well,  that 
I  may  have  some  excuse  for  this  predilection.  What  pride  I  shall 
take  in  my  old  age,  when  I  shall  see  your  name  among  the  great 
ones,  in  saying,  "  I  aye  thought  he  would  be  something !  " 

The  following  summer,  after  hearing  from  him  of  his  settle 
ment  in  the  West,  she  wrote  to  him  in  a  letter  full  of  affection 
ate  counsel : 

Let   me    caution   you   against  expecting   uninterrupted   good 


EARLY  LIFE  AND  EDUCATION.  9 

fortune,  and  do  not  make  haste  to  be  rich.  Every  day's  experience 
confirms  me  in  the  belief  that  our  happiness  does  not  depend  on 
the  abundance  of  the  things  which  we  possess.  Be  honest  and 
honorable  in  your  dealings,  and  leave  the  event  to  Him  who  orders 
all  things  for  our  good.  Excuse  the  motherly  counsels  of  one  who 
feels  it  her  privilege  to  address  you  in  that  character. 

A  few  years  later,  she  wrote : 

Can  you  really  think  that  I  have  forgotten  you,  or  that  time 
and  distance  have  made  me  indifferent  to  your  welfare  ?  Do  you 
not  know  that,  in  spite  of  all  your  faults,  I  loved  you  almost  as  well 
as  if  you  had  been  my  own  son  ?  I  hardly  know  why,  but  so  it 
was.  Most  sincerely  do  I  rejoice  in  your  brilliant  success,  and 
most  earnestly  pray  that  you  may  be  a  good  and  happy  man.  Do 
not  let  prosperity  make  you  unmindful  of  the  bountiful  Giver. 
There  is  much  in  your  situation  unfavorable  to  serious  thought ; 
but  you  have  a  mind  capable  of  judging  whether  something  more 
than  fame  and  riches  be  not  necessary  to  your  happiness.  I  cannot 
bear  to  think  of  your  being  devoted  wholly  to  politics  and  money- 
making.  I  have  always  hoped  you  would  marry  a  sensible  woman, 
who  would  influence  you  to  all  that  was  good.  What  is  the  pros 
pect  ?  Remember,  I  shall  never  give  my  consent  to  your  marrying 
any  woman,  however  rich  and  pretty,  that  does  not  possess  firm,  re 
ligious  principles.  This  world  is  not  always  bright  to  the  most 
favored ;  and  there  are  times  when  our  hopes  and  wishes  go  for 
ward  to  another. 


CHAPTEK  II. 

LIFE   AT   BURLINGTON. 

1836-1853. 

IN  the  spring  of  1836,  the  young  adventurer  left  the  pa 
ternal  roof  to  seek  his  fortunes  in  the  far  West.  He  came  first 
to  Alton,  Illinois,  and  after  visiting  Pittsfield,  Peoria,  and  Mon- 
mouth,  in  that  State,  his  attention  was  directed  to  Burlington, 
a  new  town  on  the  west  bank  of  the  Mississippi  Kiver,  in  what 
was  known  as  the  "  Black  Hawk  Purchase."  Thither  he  turned 
his  steps,  and  landed  in  the  town  on  the  15th  of  May,  and  at 
once  embarked  in  business  as  an  attorney-at-law,  though  not  yet 
twenty  years  of  age. 

The  Black  Hawk  Purchase  was  a  strip  of  land  lying  along 
the  west  bank  of  the  Mississippi  River,  from  the  north  line  of 
the  State  of  Missouri  to  opposite  Prairie  du  Chien,  and  ex 
tending  back  forty  or  fifty  miles,  which  was  ceded  to  the 
United  States  upon  the  close  of  the  Black  Hawk  War,  by  treaty, 
September  21,  1832.  It  contained  about  six  million  acres  of 
fair  and  fertile  land,  and  by  the  terms  of  the  treaty  the  Indian 
possession  ceased  on  the  1st  day  of  June,  1833.  From  that  day 
explorers  and  settlers  flocked  rapidly  into  the  country.  A  census, 
taken  a  few  months  after  his  arrival,  showed  a  population  of 
more  than  ten  thousand,  viz. :  6,257  in  the  county  of  Des  Moines, 
4,274  in  the  county  of  Dubuque.  These  counties  had  been  or 
ganized  by  an  act  (September,  1834)  of  the  Legislative  Assem 
bly  of  the  Territory  of  Michigan,  to  which  Congress  had  at 
tached  (June  28,  1834)  the  territory  north  of  the  State  of  Mis 
souri.  The  division  line  between  these  counties  was  a  line  drawn 
due  west  from  the  foot  of  Rock  Island.  Burlington  was  the 


LIFE  AT  BUKLINGTON.  11 

seat  of  justice  of  Des  Moines  County.  The  town  was  laid  out 
in  1834,  and  named  after  Burlington  in  Vermont.  The  busi 
ness  and  trade  of  the  region  found  a  natural  centre  at  this  point, 
and  assured  the  growth  of  a  nourishing  town.  The  first  court 
was  held  here  in  April,  1835. 

By  an  act  of  Congress,  approved  April  20, 1836,  the  country 
north  of  the  States  of  Illinois  and  Missouri  to  the  boundary- 
line  of  the  United  States,  lying  between  Lake  Michigan  and 
the  upper  peninsula  of  the  State  of  Michigan  on  the  east,  and 
the  Missouri  and  "White  Earth  Rivers  on  the  west,  was  consti 
tuted  on  the  4th  of  July,  1836,  a  separate  Territory  by  the  name 
of  Wisconsin.  The  second  session  of  the  first  Legislative  As 
sembly  of  this  Territory  was  held  at  Burlington,  November  6, 
1837,  and  a  special  session  June  11,  1838.  By  an  act  of  Con 
gress,  approved  June  12,  1838,  the  Territory  of  Wisconsin  was 
divided,  and  the  portion  west  of  the  Mississippi  River  was  con 
stituted  a  separate  territorial  government,  by  the  name  of  Iowa. 
This  act  took  effect  on  the  4th  of  July,  1838.  The  Legislative 
Assembly  of  the  Territory  was  convened  at  Burlington  for 
three  successive  years,  1838,  1839,  and  1840. 

Thus,  in  a  little  more  than  two  years,  Mr.  Grimes  lived  under 
three  different  territorial  governments;  under  that  of  Iowa, 
during  the  whole  period  of  its  existence,  eight  years  and  a  half. 

In  September,  1836,  he  went  up  the  Mississippi  River  to 
attend  a  council  of  the  chiefs,  braves,  and  principal  men  of  the 
Sac  and  Fox  Indians,  at  Rock  Island.  By  appointment  of 
Henry  Dodge,  Governor  of  Wisconsin  Territory,  and  com 
missioner  on  the  part  of  the  United  States,  he  served  as  secre 
tary  of  the  commission.  Two  treaties  were  made.  One  relin 
quished  to  the  United  States  the  lands  lying  between  the  then 
boundary-line  of  the  State  of  Missouri  and  the  Missouri  River, 
which  were  soon  after  added  to  that  State,  and  contained  six 
counties,  with  a  population  of  102,441,  and  the  flourishing  city 
of  St.  Joseph,  with  a  population  of  19,565  (census  of  1870). 
The  other  ceded  to  the  United  States  four  hundred  sections  of 
land  lying  along  both  sides  of  the  Iowa  River,  in  what  is  now 
Louisa  County,  and  which  Keokuk,  Wapello,  and  their  bands, 


12  LIFE   OF  JAMES  W.   GEIMES. 

had  occupied  as  a  reservation,  under  the  treaty  of  September 
21,  1832. 

In  the  mutation  of  affairs,  it  came  to  pass  that  from  the  ter 
ritory  ceded  to  the  United  States  under  the  first  treaty,  there 
went  forth,  in  less  than  twenty  years,  a  violent  effort  to  carry 
slavery  into  Kansas,  in  resistance  to  which  Mr.  Grimes  bore  a 
conspicuous  part,  and  rendered  efficient  service. 

The  young  lawyer  took  the  attorney's  oath,  "  to  demean  him 
self  honestly,"  before  Judge  Irvin,  one  of  the  Associate  Judges 
of  the  Territory  of  Wisconsin,  February  24, 1837.  In  the  prac 
tice  of  law  he  early  secured  business,  and  established  a  reputation 
for  ability  and  integrity  in  the  management  of  cases.  In  April, 
1837,  he  was  appointed  city  solicitor  by  the  trustees  of  the  town 
of  Burlington.  He  pleaded  nonage,  but  the  board  insisted  upon 
the  appointment,  and  he  entered  upon  the  duties  of  the  office, 
and  assisted  in  drawing  up  the  first  police  laws  of  the  town.  He 
again  held  the  same  office  in  1840.  During  the  second  session 
of  the  first  Legislative  Assembly  of  Wisconsin  Territory,  held 
at  Burlington  in  the  winter  of  1837-'38,  he  was  employed  as 
assistant  librarian  of  the  Territorial  Library.  At  this  session,  a 
member  of  the  House  from  Dubuque  County  was  charged  with 
having  taken  a  bribe  of  three  hundred  dollars  from  John  Wil 
son,  for  the  purpose  of  obtaining  a  charter  for  a  ferry  over  the 
Mississippi  River  at  Davenport.  The  matter  excited  a  stormy 
discussion.  A  committee  of  investigation  was  appointed,  who 
recommended  the  expulsion  of  the  offending  member,  and  that 
Wilson  should  be  brought  before  the  bar  of  the  House  and  be 
reprimanded  by  the  Speaker.  Mr.  Grimes,  who  had  been  em 
ployed,  with  Henry  W.  Starr,  Esq.,  as  counsel  for  John  Wilson, 
promptly  sent  a  communication  to  the  Speaker,  protesting  against 
the  right  to  reprimand  him,  and  asked  to  be  heard  in  his  defense. 
On  the  16th  of  January,  1838,  the  House  heard  Messrs.  Grimes 
and  Starr,  and  rejected  the  proposition  to  reprimand  Wilson  by 
a  vote  of  seventeen  to  seven  ;  the  whole  number  of  members 
of  the  House  was  twenty-six. 

During  the  same  winter  he  was  appointed  a  justice  of  the 
peace  by  Hon.  Henry  Dodge,  Governor  of  Wisconsin  Territory, 


LIFE  AT  BURLINGTON.  13 

and  formed  a  law-partnership  with  William  W.  Chapman, 
United  States  District  Attorney  for  "Wisconsin  Territory,  and 
subsequently  the  first  Delegate  to  Congress  from  Iowa  Territory. 
In  the  threatened  disturbances  between  Missouri  and  Iowa  on 
the  "  boundary  question,"  in  1S39-MO,  he  was  commissioned  by 
Governor  Lucas  as  first-lieutenant,  and  afterward  captain  of  the 
Iowa  Guards,  and  shared  in  the  humor  of  the  period. 

In  January,  1841,  he  entered  into  a  partnership  with  Henry 
W.  Starr,  Esq.,  which  continued  twelve  years.  Their  practice 
was  large  and  lucrative,  and  the  firm  stood  at  the  head  of  the 
legal  profession  in  Iowa.  Mr.  Grimes  gained  wide  repute  as  a 
prudent  and  sagacious  counselor,  attentive  to  the  interests  of  his 
clients,  and  as  having  a  superior  faculty  for  detecting  sophistry, 
for  lucid  statement,  and  for  disentangling  things  confused  and 
mixed.  Courts,  and  juries,  and  opposing  counsel,  listened  to 
him  with  respect  and  confidence,  assured  of  his  knowledge  of 
the  law,  and  of  his  clear  sense  of  truth  and  justice.  Thoroughly 
independent  and  self-reliant,  and  shunning  irrelevant  and  ver 
bose  speech,  his  mind  grasped  the  strong  points  of  a  case,  and 
his  efforts  were  confined  to  the  law  and  the  evidence. 

He  said  to  a  young  student : 

Stick  to  your  law  until  you  can  make  a  lawyer  of  yourself,  and 
get  a  practice,  and  save  money ;  then  it  will  do  to  play  with  poli 
tics.  You  do  not  need  much  money.  I  commenced  with  fifty 
dollars  worth  of  law-books,  and  accumulated  by  degrees,  until  I  had 
the  best  library  in  town.  A  determined,  persistent  industry  will 
secure  your  success  anywhere,  and  without  it  no  one  can  succeed. 
Learn  to  read  and  speak  deliberately ;  you  can  do  neither  too 
slowly. 

His  home-letters  of  this  period  afford  some  information  of 
the  course  of  his  life,  and  occasionally  give  his  views  of  passing 
events. 

B.—To  Miss  Sarah  G.   Grimes,  Leering,  N.  II. 

BURLINGTON,  DBS  MOINES  COUNTY,  ) 

WISCONSIN  TEBEITORT,  July  3,  1836.  ) 

I  intended  to  have  written  you  wrhen  I  first  arrived  in  Alton, 
but  not  concluding  to  stay  (and  glad  I  am  I  did  not,  for  it  is  very 


14:  LIFE  OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES. 

sickly  there),  and  rambling  about  over  Illinois,  I  did  not  find 
time  for  a  convenient  opportunity  to  write  much.  I  am  now  per 
manently  located,  I  hope,  at  this  place.  I  am  building  an  office,1 
and  shall  move  into  it  next  week.  I  shall  then  be  on  my  own  foot 
ing,  and  in  my  own  possession. 

It  is  natural  to  suppose  that  you  want  to  know  something 
about  the  people  of  this  country.  Imagine  yourself  just  where 
you  are,  but  fifty  years  ago.  The  countries  are  very  different. 
Here  we  have  not  so  much  wood  as  there  is  in  New  England  at  the 
present  day,  and  the  soil  is  not  half  nor  one-sixteenth  part  so  fertile 
there  as  here,  but  the  people  here  now,  and  there  then,  are  very 
much  alike.  The  country  is  rather  more  thickly  settled  here,  but 
the  character  of  the  people,  their  manners,  customs,  and  dress,  are 
similar.  There  are  no  more  schools  here  now  than  there  then. 
Imagine  your  grandmothers  dressed  in  their  old  garments,  whale 
bone  stomachers,  etc.,  and  you  will  have  a  very  correct  idea  of  the 
dress  of  Illinois  females.  The  morals  of  the  people  are  as  good  as 
they  were  then  in  New  England.  You  have  heard  father  tell  of 
the  wild  doings  of  the  young  men  of  those  days,  and  it  is  just  so 
here.  Every  one  goes  in  for  sport  arid  social  enjoyment,  more  so 
on  this  side  the  river  than  on  the  other. 

Burlington  is  on  the  bank  of  the  Mississippi,  and  is  about  as 
large  as  Nashua  village.  The  houses  are  not  as  large  and  splendid, 
for  a  good  many  are  built  of  logs.  But  there  are  as  many  inhab 
itants,  taking  out  the  factory-girls  there.  One  street  runs  exactly 
up  the  bank,  facing  the  water.  There  is  but  one  row  of  buildings 
on  this  street ;  the  other  side  is  a  steamboat-landing.  There  are 
twelve  stores  on  this  street,  not  more  than  fifty  feet  from  the  water. 
My  office  is  on  Second  Street,  right  back  of  "Water  Street,  and  par 
allel  with  it.  There  are  three  stores  on  Second  Street,  offices,  etc. 
There  are  six  doctors,  five  lawyers  with  myself,  sixteen  stores,  five 
or  six  groceries,  or,  in  New  England,  called  grog-shops.  No  minis 
ter  in  town.  We  had  one,  but  he  died  a  few  days  ago. 

I  found  Mark  M.  Aiken  in  Peoria.  I  should  not  have  known 
him,  if  he  had  not  come  up  to  me  and  called  me  Mr.  Grimes.  I 
had  not  seen  him  for  ten  years.  He  did  not  know  I  was  in  the 
country,  but  he  said  he  knew  it  was  one  of  our  family  from  the  re- 

1  On  Main  Street,  west  side,  between  Columbia  and  Court  Streets.  It  stood 
until  destroyed  by  fire,  June  19,  1873. 


LIFE  AT  BURLINGTON.  15 

semblance  to  father;  but  he  thought  it  was  David,  for  he  had  for 
gotten  me,  that  I  ever  was.  The  resemblance  between  me  and 
father  must  be  very  great  to  cause  one  to  know  me  by  him,  among 
strangers,  two  thousand  miles  from  home.  He  is  pious,  a  great 
temperance  man,  is  getting  rich,  and  looks  very  much  like  the 
Aikens,  or  like  the  Aiken  boys. 

4.—  To  Miss  Sarah  C.   Grimes. 

BUKLINGTON,  W.  T.,  December  29,  1836. 

I  was  very  sick  in  the  summer,  for  some  time  was  not  expected 
to  live  by  my  physician  or  myself.  Do  you  ask  whether  I  thought 
of  home  and  my  mother,  etc.,  at  that  time  ?  I  did,  but  was  so  stu 
pid,  I  did  not  care  whether  I  got  well  or  not ;  but,  when  I  got  up, 
I  was  determined  to  leave  the  country  ;  and,  had  it  not  been  for  the 
urgent  solicitation  of  my  friends,  I  should  not  now  be  in  Wisconsin 
Territory.  A  young  lawyer,  by  the  name  of  Stockton,1  and  myself 
had  determined  to  go  to  Cincinnati,  and  attend  the  law-school 
there.  My  health  is  now  excellent.  When  I  left  home  I  weighed 
a  hundred  and  thirty  pounds ;  I  now  weigh  a  hundred  and  seventy- 
five. 

The  hundred  dollars  I  received  from  you  I  invested  in  town 
property  in  Bloomington,  in  Muscatine  County.  I  was  this  very 
day  offered  two  hundred  and  fifty  dollars  for  the  lot  and  refused  it. 
I  will  sell  when  I  can  get  enough  for  it,  and  purchase  you  a  farm.  I 
should  have  been  independently  rich  if  I  had  had  any  money  when 
I  came  to  this  place.  It  is  now  the  seat  of  government  for  the  Terri 
tory,  and  property  is  worth  ten  times  as  much  as  it  was  when  I 
came.  Here  is  a  fine  field  for  any  one  who  has  industry,  prudence, 
and  economy,  or  a  speculating  turn.  is  better  fitted  for  the  East 
ern  country  than  the  Western.  He  is,  if  I  mistake  not,  wanting  in 
an  essential  requisite,  energy  of  character.  One  must  be  a  driving, 
bustling  person  to  take  well  in  this  country,  and  must  look  out  for 
himself,  putting  not  much  dependence  on  any  one.  I  wish  a  host 
of  my  old  friends  would  come  out  and  make  fortunes  here.  A  good 
blacksmith  can  make  fifty  dollars  per  month  ;  carpenters,  masons, 
joiners,  etc.,  three  dollars  per  day  ;  a  man  for  common  work  the 

1  Lacon  D.  Stockton,  appointed  a  Judge  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  Iowa  by  Gov 
ernor  Grimes,  May  17,  1856,  afterward  elected  by  the  General  Assembly,  and  again 
by  the  people.  Died  June  9,  1860. 


1G  LIFE  OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES. 

year  round  twenty-five  or  thirty  dollars  per  month.    I  will  give  H 

twenty-five  dollars  per  month  to  work  on  my  farm,  at  splitting  rails, 
breaking  prairie,  and  putting  up  fence.  I  own  a  claim  of  four 
hundred  acres,  in  company  with  a  Boston  firm  of  merchants,  Dick 
inson,  Hedge  &  Sears.  I  own  one-half,  and  we  must  get  work  done 
on  it,  in  order  to  make  it  more  valuable,  and  bring  more  in  the 

spring.     F is  to  be  married  !     I  give  up  all  hope  of  seeing  him 

out  here.  He  will  probably  settle  down  on  his  farm,  and  never  go 
off  it  but  to  mill  and  to  meeting.  It  is  strange  how  people  can 
content  themselves — young  people,  I  mean — to  live  in  that  cold 
country,  when  they  know  from  representations  that  there  are 
preferable  climes  and  more  fertile  lands. 

5. — To  Miss  Sarah  C.  Grimes,  HillsborougJi  Bridge,  N.  H. 

BURLINGTON,  October  9,  1837. 

How  can  I  spend  the  hour  that  remains  between  this  and  day 
light  otherwise  than  in  writing  to  you  ?  It  is  now  three  o'clock  in 
the  morning,  and  since  "  yesternight's  sun  "  I  have  closed  the  eyes 
of  one  of  the  best  friends  I  had  upon  earth.  You  have  heard  me 
speak  of  Sears,  formerly  of  Boston.  He  is  no  more;  one  of  the 
most  amiable,  accomplished,  and  beloved  young  men  in  our  place.  I 
told  3rou  that  I  wrote  to  you  generally  when  I  felt  mournful,  and 
seldom  have  I  felt  more  so  than  at  present.  To  me  belonged  the 
painful  duty  of  closing  his  eyes,  robing  him  in  the  habiliments  of 
death,  and  preparing  him  for  the  grave ;  but  the  most  painful  duty  is 
yet  to  come,  of  acquainting  his  parents  and  friends  of  his  decease. 
Readily  can  I  imagine  the  sorrow  that  my  letter  will  produce  in  his 
father's  family,  easily  can  I  picture  the  anguish  of  a  bereaved 
mother,  the  uncurbed  sorrow  of  brothers  and  sisters,  and  the  heart 
felt  sympathy  of  neighbors  and  kindred.  He  died  of  congestive 
fever,  suffered  excruciating  agony  for  the  last  six  days,  was  sick 
only  ten. 

Never  did  I  feel  more  sensibly  than  at  this  moment  the  folly  of 
abandoning  one's  home  and  all  its  endearments  for  passing  fame  or 
fleeting  wealth.  To  have  the  last  rites  that  man  pays  to  man  per 
formed  by  strangers,  no  relatives  to  soothe  the  last  pangs  of  the 
departing  spirit,  how  mournful  the  thought !  Yet  such  was  poor 
Sears's  case,  and  such  would  be  mine,  too,  if  in  the  inscrutable  wis 
dom  of  Providence  I  should  be  thrown  on  a  bed  of  sickness  and 
death. 


LIFE  AT  BURLINGTON.  IT 

But  let  me  turn  from  this  mournful  subject.  I  have  now  been 
in  Burlington  since  my  return  about  two  weeks.  There  are  a  great 
many  sick  in  town,  some  whole  families,  one  close  by  me,  in  which 
the  father,  mother,  and  four  children  are  down  with  the  fever.  I  am 
very  pleasantly  situated,  more  so  than  when  I  was  here  before. 
My  health  is  excellent,  never  better.  I  have  written  this  letter  un 
der  the  effect  of  strong  excitement.  Pray  excuse  it ;  I  dare  not 
read  it,  for  I  know  I  should  tear  it  up,  and  you  would  not  hear 
from  me  at  present. 

6.— To  Miss  Sarah  G.  Grimes. 

BURLINGTON,  March  10,  1838. 
Since  I  have  begun  to  recover — 

"My  thoughts  are  in  my  native  land, 
My  heart  is  in  my  native  place," 

and  I  think  of  hardly  anything  but  home.  I  sit  in  a  little  room,  no 
one  with  me,  hardly  able  to  rise  or  turn  my  chair  round,  with  eyes 
so  poor  that  I  cannot  read.  I  suppose  I  never  was  so  near  eternity 
as  during  my  last  sickness.  The  people  were  once  called  in  to  see 
me  die.  My  pulse  had  stopped,  my  extremities  were  cold,  and  my 
eyes  fast  setting  in  my  head  ;  fortunately,  the  doctor  came  in  just 
then.  He  commenced  the  work  of  resuscitation,  and  I  revived.  I 
was  in  this  situation  five  days,  not  expected  to  live  from  hour  to 
hour.  Oh,  if  I  had  died  in  this  far-distant  land,  among  strangers, 
what  would  be  the  feelings  of  our  dear  mother!  I  have  cried 
when  I  thought  of  it.  I  ought  to  congratulate  myself  on  my  re 
covery.  I  owe  a  great  deal  to  the  good  nursing  I  had.  I  have  no 
recollection  of  anything  that  occurred  during  about  three  weeks  of 
my  sickness. 

We  have  hard  times  here,  such  as  were  never  conceived  of  in 
the  East.  There  is  no  money  in  the  country.  I  saw  a  man  to-day, 
who  has  been  keeping  a  shop.  He  was  obliged  to  sell  out  on  credit, 
and  he  had,  besides,  small  notes  due  to  the  amount  of  twenty-five 
hundred  dollars ;  yet  he  could  not  raise  money  enough  to  buy  a 
bushel  of  corn-meal  for  his  family.  I  expect  I  shall  be  one  of  the 
first  to  go  by  the  board,  for  my  sickness  will  cost  me  at  least  one 
hundred  and  twenty-five  dollars,  which  I  shall  be  obliged  to  pay,  as 
board  bills  and  sickness  bills  are  considered  cash  articles.  As  for 
collecting,  it  is  impossible;  for  the  Legislature  passed  a  stay  law 


18  LIFE  OF  JAMES  W.  GEIMES. 

of  twelve  months  ;  that  is,  a  stay  of  execution  on  judgment.  They 
thought  they  would  relieve  the  people ;  but  it  serves  to  oppress 
them.  If  I  could  only  be  at  home,  and  have  your  living,  I  should 
regain  my  strength  in  a  week.  You  who  never  tried  it  cannot 
imagine  the  difference  between  New  England  and  Western  living. 
I  would  give  a  hundred  dollars  for  three  good  meals  at  home ;  they 
would  do  me  so  much  good,  and  I  should  gain  strength  so  fast  from 
them.  But  it  is  of  no  use  to  wish  for  them,  and  I  had  perhaps  bet 
ter,  like  the  fox,  call  the  grapes  sour,  because  I  cannot  get  them. 

is  not  a  minister  who  will  be  popular  a  great  while.     He  is 

not  a  man  of  much  mind,  and  a  very  ordinary  preacher.  He  has  a 
fine  voice,  which  helps  him ;  but,  come  to  digest  what  he  says,  it 
does  not  amount  to  much. 

Mr.  Grimes  was  chosen  one  of  the  Representatives  of  Des 
Monies  County  in  tlie  first  Legislative  Assembly  of  the  Territory 
of  Iowa,  which  convened  at  Burlington,  November  12,  1838 ; 
and  in  the  sixth,  which  convened  at  Iowa  City,  December  4, 
1 843 ;  and  in  the  fourth  General  Assembly  of  the  State,  which 
convened  at  Iowa  City,  December  6,  1852.  Though  generally 
in  a  political  minority  in  the  county,  such  was  his  established 
character  for  ability  and  fairness,  and  so  general  the  confidence 
awarded  him,  that  he  received  the  suffrages  of  many  who  were 
not  of  his  own  party.  Reared  in  the  traditions  of  the  Whig 
party,  he  adhered  to  that  organization  from  preference  and  con 
viction,  but  not  as  an  unscrupulous  partisan.  In  the  halls  of 
legislation  he  bore  an  active  and  leading  part,  and  from  the  first 
took  front  rank  among  the  most  enlightened  and  sagacious  pub 
lic  men  of  Iowa.  He  was  chairman  of  the  Judiciary  Commit 
tee  in  the  House  of  Representatives  of  the  first  Legislative 
Assembly  of  the  Territory  of  Iowa,  and  all  the  laws  for  the  new 
Territory  passed  through  his  hands.  In  this  Assembly  he  intro 
duced  a  memorial  to  Congress,  asking  an  appropriation  of  lands 
for  the  construction  of  a  railroad  from  Burlington  to  Mount 
Pleasant,  and  to  the  Missouri  State  line,  and  secured  its  adop 
tion,  December,  1838. 

A  conflict  of  authority  early  arose  between  the  Assembly  and 
the  Governor  of  the  Territory,  Hon.  Robert  Lucas ;  the  latter 


LIFE  AT  BURLINGTON.  19 

claimed  a  power  of  veto  upon  all  acts  of  the  former,  and  exer 
cised  it  in  a  number  of  matters  regarded  as  important.  A  bitter 
controversy  ensued.  The  House  appointed  a  Standing  Commit 
tee  on  Vetoes,  of  which  Mr.  Grimes  was  made  chairman.  On 
the  7th  of  January,  1839,  the  committee  presented  an  elaborate 
report,  reviewing  the  grounds  upon  which  the  Executive  vetoes 
were  based,  and  concluding  thus : 

We  have  attempted  to  ascertain  where  the  Governor  derives 
the  power  of  unconditionally  vetoing  bills ;  but  in  vain.  We  find 
no  such  authority  delegated  in  the  Organic  Law,  and  we  believe  no 
such  power  can  be  obtained  by  implication.  It  is  a  power  of  too 
much  importance  to  the  people,  and  too  liable  to  abuse,  to  be  exe 
cuted  but  by  positive  grant.  It  is  a  power  now  obsolete  even  in 
the  monarchical  government  of  Great  Britain.  Notwithstanding 
the  peremptory  manner  in  which  it  can  be  exercised  in  that  govern 
ment,  it  has  not  been  used  since  the  reign  of  William  III.,  in  1692 ; 
and  then  that  sovereign  was  obliged  to  sanction  the  same  bill  at  the 
commencement  of  the  next  Parliament  which  he  had  before  disap 
proved  of. 

The  Congress  of  the  United  States  has  a  restraining  and  annul 
ling  power  over  the  acts  of  this  Legislature,  and  it  certainly  could 
not  have  been  intended  that  there  should  be  more  than  one  "  veto 
ing  "  power  suspended  over  our  heads.  As  representatives  of  the 
people,  we  should  be  recreant  to  their  rights  and  interests,  if  we 
should  acquiesce  in  the  "  veto-power,"  as  used  by  the  Executive, 
when  there  was  the  least  doubt  whether  that  despotic  privilege  be 
longed  to  his  office  or  not.  We  believe  the  people  should  be  heard 
through  those  who  represent  them,  and  are  responsible  to  them, 
that  their  wishes  should  be  regarded,  and  not  those  of  the  Federal 
Government,  or  a  Federal  officer.  We  believe  the  principle  claimed 
by  the  Governor  dangerous  and  pernicious,  contrary  to  the  spirit  of 
republican  institutions,  degrading  to  the  Legislative  Assembly,  and 
subversive  of  independent  legislation  ;  and  as  the  representatives 
of  freemen  we  cannot  acquiesce  in  it. 

The  House  concurred  in  the  report  by  a  vote  of  sixteen  to  six, 
and  a  memorial  to  the  President  of  the  United  States  was  adopt 
ed  by  both  Houses,  asking  for  the  removal  of  Governor  Lucas. 


20  LIFE  OF  JAMES  W.   GEIMES. 

Congress  intervened  by  an  act,  providing  that  two-thirds  of  each 
House  could  enact  a  law  over  the  Governor's  objections. 

In  the  sixth  Legislative  Assembly  of  the  Territory  (184:3-'44:) 
Mr.  Grimes  was  a  member  of  the  Judiciary  Committee,  and 
chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Corporations.  To  the  former 
were  referred  ten  petitions  for  divorces,  upon  which  he  presented 
an  elaborate  report.  In  that  report  the  power  of  the  Legisla 
ture  to  grant  divorces  was  fully  discussed,  and  the  conclusion 
reached  that  the  Legislative  Assembly  was  not  invested  with 
it.  A  resolution  to  this  effect  was  adopted  by  the  House,  and 
thus  an  end  put  to  a  reprehensible  practice  of  several  earlier  Ter 
ritorial  Legislatures. 

7.— To  Miss  Sarah  C.  Grimes. 

BURLINGTON,  IOWA,  January  29,  1839. 

Our  Legislature  has  adjourned,  and  our  little  city  is  compara 
tively  deserted.  "We  are  now  drawn  into  two  great  parties  in  this 
Territory :  one  in  favor  of  the  Governor  and  his  course ;  the  other 
opposed.  I  come  in  for  a  tolerably  large  share  of  executive  male 
dictions,  as  I  took  a  somewhat  decided  and  conspicuous  stand 
against  him.  I  was  called  the  leader  of  the  opposition.  We  were 
divided  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  eighteen  in  opposition,  and 
eight  in  favor  of  the  Governor.  I  hardly  know  or  anticipate  the 
result.  Politics  are  very  uncertain,  but  I  believe  the  Legislature 
was  right,  and  will  be  sustained  by  the  people.  The  members  from 
this  county  will  be,  at  all  events. 

I  presume  I  shall  be  very  lonesome,  and  perhaps  homesick, 
the  remaining  part  of  the  winter.  The  excitement  has  been  so 
great  for  the  last  three  months,  that  my  office  will  seem  uncom 
monly  dull,  and  the  hours  very  heavy.  I  wish  I  could  be  instanta 
neously  placed  by  the  family  fireside. 

8._  To  Us  Father,  Hillsborough  Bridge,  N.  H. 

BURLINGTON,  I.  T.,  September  20,  1840. 

I  am  under  infinite  obligations  for  the  books  and  money,  and 
particularly  to  mother  for  the  shirts  and  socks.  I  am  now  almost 
twenty-four  years  old,  and  it  seems  but  a  short  time  since  I  was 
fourteen,  and  entered  college.  There  was  a  very  great  mistake  on 
my  part,  or  on  yours.  I  entered  college  too  young.  I  am  now 


LIFE  AT  BURLINGTON.  21 

old  enough  to  reason  correctly  upon  such  subjects,  and  believe  a 
boy  should  not  enter  until  he  is  at  least  eighteen  or  nineteen  years 
old.  His  habits  will  then  be  formed  somewhat,  and  his  mind  disci 
plined.  Do  not  let  any  of  my  nephews  be  sent  to  college  until  they 
are  at  least  of  that  age.  I  hope  some  of  them  will  be  sent  there, 
or  to  West  Point.  They  ought  to  be  prepared  well. 

My  health  has  generally  been  good  this  summer.  I  have  been 
all  over  the  Territory,  making  political  speeches,  and  shall  make  one 
to-morrow  at  Fort  Madison,  about  twenty  miles  distant.  My  pro 
fessional  business  is  very  good,  but  I  receive  no  money.  I  am  so 
well  established  here  that  I  have  some  credit ;  else  I  should  starve 
to  death  assuredly. 

Our  town  is  improving  rapidly,  between  sixty  and  seventy 
buildings  erected  this  season,  many  of  them  three-story  bricks. 
We  shall  some  day  have  a  very  large  town  here.  I  hope  New- 
Hampshire  will  not  vote  for  General  Harrison.  We  do  not  want 
her.  We  can  elect  him  without,  by  the  largest  majority  by  which 
a  President  was  ever  elected.  Did  you  know  that  I  came  near 
being  nominated  for  Congress  ?  I  could  have  had  a  unanimous 
nomination,  if  I  had  seen  fit  to  accept  it.  Indeed,  it  was  pressed 
upon  me,  and  I  was  obliged  to  come  out  and  tell  them  that  I 
lacked  a  year  of  being  eligible.  I  shall  give  them  a  turn  for  it 
after  a  while. 

9.— To  Miss  Sarah  C.   Grimes. 

BUBLINGTON,  IOWA,  April  27,  1843. 

I  returned  a  day  ago  from  attending  courts  in  distant  counties. 
You  will  have  learned,  from  a  newspaper  I  sent,  that  young  Ross 
has  been  acquitted  for  killing  Bradstreet.  The  trial  lasted  five  full 
days,  and  five  laborious  and  tedious  days  they  were  to  me,  but  I 
was  amply  compensated  for  my  labor  by  the  result.  For  you  must 
know  that  a  lawyer  acquires  a  deep  interest  in  and  solicitude  for 
his  client,  however  guilty  he  may  suppose  him  in  reality  to  be.  In 
this  case  Ross  was  not  so  much  to  blame  as  many  supposed  ;  yet 
he  acted  very  imprudently,  foolishly,  if  not  wickedly.  In  New 
England  he  would  have  been  hung ;  but  here,  under  no  circum 
stances,  could  it  be  made  more  than  manslaughter.  This  is  the 
fourth  person  I  have  defended  for  murder,  and  all  have  been  ac 
quitted.  This  is  a  source  of  self-felicitation,  for  I  hardly  know 
3 


22  LIFE  OF  JAMES  W.  GRIMES. 

what  my  feelings  would  be  if  I  defended  a  man  who  was  con 
demned.  I  should  fear  I  had  made  some  misstep,  had  left  unex- 
erted  some  energy  I  possess,  or  some  influence  I  ought  to  have 
brought  to  bear  on  the  case,  and  that,  through  my  unskillfulness  or 
neglect,  a  fellow- creature  had  been  sent  into  eternity.1 

I  doubt  not  that  the  melancholy  news  of  Chase's  death  caused 
the  hearts  of  his  parents  to  bleed,  and  tore  open  afresh  the  wounds 
created  by  the  death  of  their  other  son.  We  are  so  constituted 
that  we  can  hardly  refrain  from  mourning  the  loss  of  those  we  love, 
and  I  am  one  of  the  few  who  believe  that  there  is  nothing  effemi 
nate  or  unmanly  in  tears.  Yet,  why  should  we  sorrow  ?  Death  is 
the  lot  of  all,  and  what  matters  it,  whether  it  takes  us  in  the  tender 
years  of  infancy,  the  bloom  of  youth,  the  strength  of  manhood,  or 
when  we  are  in  the, sere  and  yellow  leaf?  We  and  our  friends 
must  obey  a  law  universal  in  the  animal,  vegetable,  and  organic 
worlds,  and  we  could  not  expect  nor  even  wish  that  the  law  should 
be  changed  as  to  us.  We  might  as  well  expect  or  desire  the  law 
of  gravitation  to  be  changed  so  far  as  we  are  concerned. 

I  can  hardly  realize  that  it  is  more  than  seven  years  since  I 
left  home  for  the  West.  It  is  indeed  a  large  space  in  a  man's  life, 
and  not  unfrequently  spent  to  but  poor  advantage.  For  and  to 
what  purpose  I  have  lived,  time  alone  will  develop.  May  we  all 
act  upon  the  saying  of  an  ancient  philosopher,  that  it  is  sweet  to 
live  after  one's  death  in  the  remembrance  of  friends ! 

10. — To  Miss  Sarah  0.   Grimes. 

HOUSE  OF  ^REPRESENTATIVES,  IOWA  CITY,  ) 
January  24,  1844.       '  f 

Your  favor  of  December  30th,  announcing  among  other  things 
the  death  of  Elvira  Forsaith,  has  just  been  received.  It  came  at  a 
time  when  it  would  be  well  calculated  to  make  the  deepest  impres 
sion  upon  my  mind.  I  am  myself  unwell,  and  was  to-day  com 
pelled  to  go  to  the  House,  to  give  my  vote  upon  an  exciting  ques 
tion,  and  while  there,  amid  the  noise  and  bustle  of  business  and  of 
conflicting  interests,  your  letter  was  handed  to  me.  It  seemed  as 

1  "  Sometimes,  years  after  a  case  had  been  tried,  he  would  feel  a  pang  of  reproach 
that  he  had  not  urged  some  argument  which  at  that  moment  flashed  across  his 
mind.  He  always  fought  his  lost  causes  over  again,  to  see  if  he  could  find  any  argu 
ment  whereby  he  might  have  gained  them." — "  Life  of  Rufus  Choate,"  by  S.  G-. 
Brown,  p.  30. 


LIFE  AT  BURLINGTON.  23 

though  I  heard  her  funeral  knell,  and  saw  her  coffin-lid  closed. 
When  I  say  that  I  esteemed  her,  I  express  but  half  of  my  affection 
for  her.  I  always  loved  her  almost  like  a  sister.  In  fact,  it  could 
hardly  be  otherwise,  for  I  have  known  her  ever  since  I  have  known 
any  one,  and  have  spent  with  her  many  of  my  youthful  and  happi 
est  days.  I  have  been  taught  by  her  as  an  instructress,  and  associ 
ated  wTith  her  as  a  relative  and  friend.  Many  of  the  scenes  around 
which  my  recollection  most  tenderly  clings  are  connected  with  her. 
But  she  is  gone  where  we  must  all  soon  go.  She  is  probably  but  a 
few  months,  or  years  at  most,  in  advance  of  us ;  and  it  is  not  the 
part  of  wisdom  or  religion  to  mourn  over  the  blest  early  dead.  I 
hope  we  shall  be  prepared  to  meet  her  in  that  world  of  uninter 
rupted  blessedness  where  I  doubt  not  she  now  is. 

11.— To  his  Father. 

BURLINGTON,  September  13,  1845. 

I  reached  this  place  after  a  pleasant  and  prosperous  journey  of 
some  eighteen  days  (from  New  Hampshire). 

It  has  been  and  is  yet  very  sickly.  Throughout  the  entire 
Western  country  it  is  probably  more  sickly  than  in  any  year  since 
1838,  which  was  emphatically  the  sickly  season.  The  weather  is 
still  extremely  warm — warmer  than  it  was  at  Hillsborough  during 
any  part  of  the  past  summer.  The  crops  are  excellent.  So  abun 
dant  are  they,  that  wheat  is  worth  only  forty  cents,  and  spring 
wheat  will  bring  little  or  nothing.  All  other  kinds  of  produce 
bring  correspondingly  low  prices.  I  found  that  our  town  had  in 
creased  astonishingly  during  the  summer.  Several  fine  brick  edi 
fices  have  gone  up,  and  several  others  are  in  progress.  The  value 
of  property  is  slowly  advancing,  though  we  labor  under  some  diffi 
culties  in  that  respect.  We  have  no  currency  except  what  is  fur 
nished  from  other  States.  If  wre  had  banks,  where  our  citizens  could 
obtain  accommodations,  our  business  would  be  greatly  increased, 
and  the  prices  of  property  improved. 

Our  people  have  again  rejected  the  constitution,  and  the  result 
will  probably  be  that  we  shall  remain  a  Territory  for  two  or  three 
years.  It  is  fortunate  for  the  people  that  the  question  has  been 
decided  as  it  has,  for  they  will  now  be  free  from  a  heavy  debt  that 
must  inevitably  be  saddled  upon  them  in  the  event  of  becoming  a 
State. 


24:  LIFE  OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES. 

The  business  of  our  firm  is  steadily  increasing  all  the  time.  In 
truth,  we  have  as  much  as  we  ought  to  do,  if  not  more.  Money, 
however,  although  nominally  made  fast,  yet  comes  in  very  slow. 
In  Albany,  on  my  way  West,  I  made  a  large  purchase  of  land,  over 
eleven  thousand  acres.  I  do  not  know  how  I  shall  come  out,  but 
hope  to  make  money  out  of  it  ;  cannot  believe  I  shall  lose ;  shall 
give  a  good  deal  of  attention  to  sales  for  a  few  months,  so  as  to 
pay  what  I  still  owe  speedily  as  possible. 

12.— To  his  Parents. 

BURLINGTON,  IOWA,  March  12, 1846. 

I  intended  to  have  written  to  you  on  the  5th  of  the  present 
month,  which  you  will  recollect  as  the  anniversary  of  my  first  leav 
ing  home  for  the  West.  It  was  ten  years  ago  the  5th  day  of  March 
that  I  started  from  the  paternal  mansion  with  a  heavy  heart,  but 
with  buoyant  hopes,  to  seek  a  home  in  this  strange  and  far-off  land. 
These  ten  years  have  produced  wonderful  changes  in  us  all.  I  feel 
that  a  great,  an  incomprehensible  change  has  been  wrought  in  me. 
Instead  of  a  boy  of  nineteen,  without  experience,  or  judgment,  or 
business  habits,  I  am  now  in  the  meridian  of  life,  and,  if  either  way, 
past  its  culminating  point.  From  the  sudden  and  premature  deaths 
of  my  companions  and  friends  around  me,  I  am  reminded  that  in  all 
probability  the  better  and  larger  portion  of  my  life  is  past.  But 
such  is  the  fate  of  all.  This  is  a  world  of  change,  and  it  is  foolish 
to  wish  it  otherwise.  My  health  has  been  excellent  since  I  returned, 
though  there  has  been  much  sickness  here,  and  many  deaths.  Our 
Congregational  clergyman  l  was  buried  yesterday.  He  was  a  tal 
ented  and  quite  promising  young  man  from  Massachusetts,  and  has 
left  a  young  widow  to  whom  he  had  been  married  only  twelve 
months.  She  too  came  from  Massachusetts,  and  is  now  left  entirely 
destitute  among  strangers. 

Our  winter  has  been  remarkably  mild  and  pleasant,  We  have 
had  no  sleighing,  and  only  two  snow-storms.  The  snow  at  neither 
time  remained  upon  the  ground  more  than  forty-eight  hours.  The 
weather  is  now  so  mild  that  we  have  for  the  last  week  or  ten  days 
dispensed  with  stoves  and  fires.  Our  town  has  been  very  active 
this  winter,  and  our  merchants  have  done  a  good  business.  I  am 

1  Rev.  Horace  Hutchinson  (Amherst  College,  1839,  Andover  Theological  Semi 
nary,  1843). 


LIFE  AT  BURLINGTON.  25 

told  by  some  of  them  that  there  are  ten  thousand  barrels  of  flour, 
one  hundred  thousand  bushels  of  wheat,  fifteen  thousand  barrels  of 
pork,  and  one  hundred  thousand  bushels  of  corn,  and  other  articles 
of  produce  in  proportion,  ready  to  be  shipped  from  this  place. 
Winter  wheat  is  now  worth  fifty  cents,  spring  wheat  thirty-five 
cents,  corn  ten  cents,  oats  twelve  and  a  half  cents  per  bushel. 

I  know  not  whether  I  told  you  about  a  speculation  that  I  was 
trying  to  make  while  I  was  East,  in  the  purchase  of  lands.  I  do 
not  like  to  talk  about  myself  so  much,  nor  to  brag,  but  I  know  you 
want  to  hear  all  about  me,  and  I  will  therefore  say  that  I  was  for 
tunate  in  the  operation  and  succeeded,  beyond  my  hopes  even,  in 
making  money  by  it.  Our  law  business  is  still  good,  much  the  best 
of  any  lawyers  in  the  Territory. 

Mr.  Grimes  was  married  to  Miss  Elizabeth  Sarah  Nealley  at 
Burlington,  November  9, 1846.  For  a  few  years  he  kept  house 
on  Main  Street,  between  Elm  and  Maple  Streets,  and  in  1850-'51 
built  a  comfortable  residence  upon  a  commanding  elevation  on 
the  South  Hill,  which  he  occupied  the  rest  of  his  life.  At  both 
places  he  gave  personal  attention  to  his  garden,  which  he 
stocked  with  choice  fruits.  He  was  one  of  the  original  mem 
bers  of  the  Southern  Iowa  Horticultural  Society,  organized 
May,  1849,  and  for  several  years  exhibited  at  its  public  meetings 
fruits  and  flowers  from  his  garden.  In  September,  1853,  at  the 
annual  exhibition,  which  was  peculiarly  rich  and  brilliant,  he 
delivered  an  address  replete  with  enlightened  views  upon  the 
utility,  value,  and  methods  of  fruit-culture.  Specimens  of  fruit 
from  his  garden  were  taken  to  Chicago,  and  exhibited  at  a  fruit 
growers'  convention  held  in  that  city.1  One  specimen  was  sent 
to  the  Cincinnati  Horticultural  Society.  In  1853-'54  he  served 
for  a  year  and  a  half  as  one  of  the  editors  of  the  Iowa  Farmer 
and  Horticulturist,  a  monthly  journal,  published  at  Burling 
ton.  His  services  were  rendered  with  no  other  compensation 

1 "  Conspicuous  among  the  notable  collection  of  fruit  shown  here  at  the  Fruit 
Convention  by  Mr.  Avery,  were  some  of  Coe's  golden-drop  plums,  the  largest  we 
ever  saw.  They  were  from  the  garden  of  James  W.  Grimes,  editor  of  the  Iowa 
Farmer.  Some  Northern  Spy  apples,  raised  by  the  same  person,  were  also  of  unu 
sual  size." — Prairie  Farmer -,  Chicago,  November,  1853. 


26  LIFE  OF  JAMES  W.  GRIMES. 

than  results  from  a  conscientious  effort  to  incite  inquiry,  to 
stimulate  manly  and  generous  rivalry,  to  disseminate  correct 
and  important  information,  and  do  good.  He  took  especial  care 
to  select  the  best  essays  and  practical  suggestions  of  the  leading 
agriculturists  of  the  country,  and  made  a  paper  of  permanent 
value,  still  interesting  and  instructive  to  read.  At  one  period 
he  gave  some  attention  to  the  oversight  of  a  farm,  especially  to 
the  raising  of  stock,  and  improving  the  breed  of  horses.  He 
put  himself  among  the  farmers,  in  a  list  of  occupations  of  the 
members  of  the  fourth  General  Assembly. 

He  was  appointed,  January,  1847,  one  of  the  school-in 
spectors  of  Burlington,  with  his  friends,  Hon.  Charles  Mason 
and  Mr.  George  Partridge,  and  was  twice  chosen  to  the  same 
office  by  the  people.  He  presided  at  an  educational  convention, 
held  in  Burlington,  June  7,  1847,  in  which  the  duty  of  the 
State  to  provide  for  the  education  of  all  children  by  equitable 
taxation  was  earnestly  advocated,  and  the  profound  regret  ex 
pressed  that  the  first  General  Assembly  of  Iowa  had  made  no 
provision  for  building  school-houses  by  law,  but  had  left  the 
whole  matter  to  voluntary  subscription.  He  was  one  of  the 
school-directors  of  Burlington  in  1850,  and  president  of  the 
board  in  1851. 

He  cooperated  with  the  temperance  reformation,  under  the 
auspices  of  the  "  Sons  of  Temperance,"  and  gave  an  oration  at 
their  anniversary,  April  13,  1848. 

He  attended  the  Whig  National  Convention,  which  met  at 
Philadelphia,  June,  1848,  as  a  delegate  from  the  State  at  large, 
and  was  appointed  one  of  the  vice-presidents  of  the  conven 
tion.  At  the  first  ballot  he  voted  for  John  McLean  for  Presi 
dent,  subsequently  for  Zachary  Taylor.  He  disapproved  of  the 
course  of  President  Fillmore  on  slavery,  and  was  indignant  at 
the  passage  of  the  fugitive-slave  law. 

He  took  an  active  part  in  awakening  public  attention  to  the 
importance  of  plank-roads  and  railroads,  and  in  efforts  to  build 
them.  Upon  the  completion  of  a  plank-road  from  Burlington 
to  Mount  Pleasant,  at  a  celebration  held  at  the  latter  place,  De 
cember  18,  1851,  he  spoke  of  ardently  looking  for  the  time 


LIFE  AT  BURLINGTON.  27 

when  a  railroad  should  connect  the  Mississippi  with  the  Mis 
souri,  and  be  part  of  one  to  the  Pacific  Ocean  through  Southern 
Iowa,  by  a  nearer  route  than  any  other  then  proposed  or  con 
templated  ;  and  he  advocated  memorializing  Congress  for  a 
grant  of  public  lands  to  aid  in  its  construction.  He  was  one  of 
the  original  directors  of  the  Peoria  &  Oquawka  Railroad,  or 
ganized  in  1851,  of  which  the  western  terminus  was  on  the 
bank  of  the  Mississippi,  opposite  Burlington.  The  same  year 
he  was  chosen  an  alderman  from  the  Fourth  Ward. 

In  the  deliberations  of  the  fourth  General  Assembly  of  the 
State  (1852-' 5 3),  he  was  a  leading  member.  He  was  on  the  Com 
mittee  of  "Ways  and  Means,  and  chairman  of  that  on  charitable 
institutions.  He  introduced  a  memorial  to  Congress,  asking 
for  a  grant  of  land  to  aid  in  building  a  railroad  from  Burling 
ton  to  the  Missouri  River,  and  secured  its  adoption  against  a 
powerful  influence  that  was  interested  to  obtain  legislative  ac 
tion  in  favor  of  a  north  and  south  road.  As  chairman  of  a 
special  committee,  he  reported  a  general  law  granting  the  right 
of  way  to  railroads,  under  which  in  twenty  years,  to  December 
31,  1872,  three  thousand  six  hundred  and  forty-two  miles  of 
railroad  have  been  built.  His  sympathies  were  particularly 
awakened  in  behalf  of  the  insane,  many  of  whom  at  this  period 
were  confined  in  county  poor-houses  and  jails,  and  he  made 
their  condition  and  relief  a  special  study.  He  was  an  earnest 
advocate  for  submitting  the  question  of  amending  the  constitu 
tion  of  the  State  to  a  vote  of  the  people,  but  Governor  Hemp- 
stead  interposed  his  veto  twice  against  any  legislation  for  that 
object. 

1%—To  Miss  Sarah  C.  Grimes. 

BURLINGTON,  November  17,  1846. 

The  news  of  Susan's  death  came  upon  me  unexpectedly,  and 
has  thrown  a  chill  upon  my  heart,  and  a  gloom  around  my  other 
wise  cheerful  fireside.  She  was  to  me  almost  a  mother,  as  well  as  a 
sister.  Her  age  being  so  much  greater  than  mine,  she  had  in  my 
youth  something  of  the  control  of  me,  and  I  can  conscientiously 
and  thankfully  say  that  her  government  was  always  exercised  for 
my  good.  She  first  taught  me  to  lisp  the  prayer  of  our  Saviour? 


28  LIFE  OF  JAMES  W.  GKIMES. 

and  endeavored  to  direct  my  steps  in  the  paths  of  truth  and  virtue, 
and  always  had  a  word  of  sweet  encouragement  to  bestow,  when  I 
had  acted  a  manly  and  praiseworthy  part,  nor  failed  to  discharge 
her  duty  by  proper  remonstrances  when  I  had  done  wrong.  It  was 
her  aim  to  make  us  happy,  amiable,  and  good.  My  only  regret  is, 
that  I  have  not  sought  to  make  myself  more  like  her. 

She  is  gone,  and  why  should  we  repine  ?  She  is  freed  from 
pain  and  suffering,  and  I  entertain  no  fears  for  her  future  condition. 
She  has  exchanged  a  corruptible  for  an  incorruptible  world,  and  we 
should  rather  sigh  and  mourn  for  ourselves  who  are  left  behind, 
than  for  her  who  has  preceded  us  in  that  happy  world,  "  where  the 
wicked  cease  from  troubling,  and  the  weary  are  at  rest."  That 
we  should  mourn  is  natural,  but  it  should  not  be  a  selfish  sorrow 
for  the  loss  we  sustain.  It  should  be,  though  it  seldom  is,  a  heart 
felt  sorrow  for  our  own  errors  and  imperfections. 

You  have  now  a  heavy  responsibility  to  be  a  mother  to  the 
motherless,  and  train  and  guide  our  deceased  sister's  children  in  the 
most  important  period,  and  teach  them  to  act  their  parts  in  life.  I 
know  she  would  prefer  that  charge  should  be  yours,  and  that  you 
will  fulfill  the  office  with  your  best  ability.  But  always  remember 
that,  as  there  is  nothing  so  sweet  as  a  sense  of  duty  discharged,  so 
there  is  nothing  so  bitter  as  a  sense  of  duty  violated. 

14. —  To  his  Father. 

B-TJELINGTON,  May  26, 1850. 

Two  days  ago  I  received  the  melancholy  announcement  of  the 
death  of  my  mother.  I  would  have  written  you  sooner,  but  I  have 
not  felt  in  a  proper  frame  of  mind  to  do  so  until  now.  The  news 
of  her  death  was  wholly  unexpected ;  yet  I  had  no  reason  to  sup 
pose  she  would  live  long.  I  could  see  the  hand  of  disease  upon 
her  when  I  parted  from  her,  and  then  feared  that  I  was  taking  my 
last  look  of  her.  But  now,  when  I  know  that  such  is  the  fact — 
that  she  is  dead — I  can  hardly  realize  it  or  reconcile  myself  with  the 
idea  that  I  am  never  to  meet  her  again.  When  I  was  with  you, 
her  tottering  step  and  emaciated  form  told  me  too  well  that  death 
had  marked  her  for  his  own;  but  her  mind  was  so  unclouded  and 
strong,  and  her  energy  and  determination  so  great,  that  I  thought 
she  might  perhaps  almost  conquer  disease,  and  live  some  years  to 
some.  It  has  been  otherwise  ordained,  and  it  becomes  us  to  bow 


LIFE  AT  BURLINGTON.  29 

with  meek  resignation  to  the  will  of  Him  who  orders  all  things  for 
the  best. 

We  have  all  sustained  a  great  loss,  but  the  loss  of  her  children 
is  as  nothing  compared  with  yours.  You  have  lost  her  who  has 
been  your  bosom  companion  for  more  than  fifty  years,  who  has 
shared  all  your  griefs  and  partaken  of  all  your  joys,  who  has  borne 
and  reared  your  children,  and  sympathized  in  all  your  desires  and 
efforts  for  their  welfare.  That  mysterious  bond  of  union  which 
connects  the  father  with  the  mother  of  his  offspring  has  been  sun 
dered  in  your  old  age,  and  you  must  totter  on  to  the  close  of  life 
without  the  aid  or  comfort  of  her  from  whom  you  hoped  never  to 
part.  I  know  how  solitary  you  must  feel.  I  sympathize  in  your 
afflictions,  and  would  mingle  my  sorrows  with  yours.  And  yet? 
why  should  we  sorrow  ?  Our  mother  has  gone  down  to  the  grave 
full  of  years.  She  has  lived  far  past  the  allotted  age  of  man. 
While  here,  she  acted  well  her  part.  Her  children  have  cause  to 
rise  up  and  call  her  blessed,  for  she  did  everything  in  her  power  to 
make  them  prosperous,  respectable,  and  happy.  She  discharged  all 
her  obligations  to  the  community.  What  more  could  we  expect  or 
desire  ? 

I  have  only  one  regret  in  relation  to  mother.  My  folly  used  to  be 
the  source  of  a  great  deal  of  anxiety  and  pain  to  her,  and  she  may 
have  continued  to  think  that  I  would  make  shipwreck  of  myself. 
But  I  hope  she  did  not  think  so.  It  would  certainly  pain  me  much 
if  I  thought  she  did. 

15. — To  Mrs.  Grimes. 

IOWA  CITY,  December  16, 1850. 

I  wrote  a  few  lines  night  before  last  in  great  haste  and  in  the 
midst  of  a  crowd.  I  have  now  more  leisure,  as  it  is  Sunday  morn 
ing,  when  people  are  quiet  here.  Not  very  quiet  either,  for  there 
is  all  sorts  of  electioneering  going  on  at  all  hours  of  the  day  and 
night.  The  business  I  came  up  to  attend  to  will  be  arranged  pretty 
comfortably,  I  think,  though  I  have  been  compelled  to  manage  tol 
erably  shrewdly.  There  is  some  opposition  in  the  House  of  Repre 
sentatives,  but  I  think  I  shall  succeed  in  quelling  it  before  any  final 
action  is  had.  I  shall  return  as  soon  as  it  will  be  safe  for  me  to  leave. 
I  think  I  am  doing  a  great  deal  of  good  for  Burlington  by  being 
here,  but  others  may  be  of  a  different  opinion.  At  any  rate  I  am 
trying. 


30  LIFE  OF  JAMES  W.  GEIMES. 

IQ.—To  his  Father. 

BUKLINGTON,  February  15,  1851. 

We  have  a  great  railroad  and  plank-road  fever  here  now.  We 
have  nearly  completed  a  plank-road  thirty  miles  west  of  this  place. 
I  am  the  president  of  the  company,  have  had  the  entire  responsi 
bility  and  management  of  the  work,  and  I  think  it  will  pay  well. 
I  have  four  thousand  dollars  of  stock  in  it.  We  are  now  about  to 
build  a  railroad  from  this  place  east  about  one  hundred  miles.  In 
three  years  there  will  be  continuous  lines  of  railroad  from  Burling 
ton  to  Hillsborough  Bridge,  and  the  trip  will  be  made  in  three  or 
not  exceeding  four  days.  This  is  a  great  change  from  what  was 
the  case  when  I  came  to  this  country  fifteen  years  ago. 

I  am  building  a  new  house  for  my  own  occupation.  It  will  be 
a  tolerably  good  one.  You  will  no  doubt  think  I  am  rather  extrav 
agant,  and  perhaps  I  am,  but  I  believe  I  can  afford  it.  I  shall  have 
much  the  finest  place  in  town,  though  by  no  means  the  most  costly 
house.  There  are  houses  here  that  cost  twice  as  much  as  mine,  but 
there  are  no  pleasure-grounds  around  them. 

17.— To  Miss  Sarah  C.  Grimes. 

BURLINGTON,  October  27, 1851. 

The  melancholy  intelligence  of  the  death  of  our  dear  father 
came  upon  me  suddenly  ;  still  I  was  not  wholly  unprepared  for  the 
news.  His  advanced  age  and  full  habit  have  led  me  to  anticipate 
his  dying  in  an  apoplexy  or  something  of  the  kind.  It  should  be 
a  consolation  to  his  children  that  he  has  been  permitted  to  be  with 
them  so  long — that  he  has  placed  before  us  so  good  an  example — 
that  he  has  lived  a  life  so  blameless.  I  do  not  believe  he  ever  in 
tentionally  wronged  any  man.  Without  making  any  pretensions 
to  goodness,  he  was  a  good  man.  He  was  hospitable  and  kind  to 
all,  and  he  loved  his  children.  I  pray  that  we  may  all  imitate  his 
example^  and  that  his  memory  may  ever  be  kept  green  in  our  hearts. 
We  are  now  without  parents.  Let  the  love  we  felt  toward  them 
be  turned  toward  each  other. 

18.— To  Mrs.   Grimes. 

WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  February  15, 1852. 

I  am  at  the  largest  house  in  the  town,  where  most  of  the  mem 
bers  congregate,  and  where  it  is  the  fashion  to  sit  up  all  night,  and 
sleep  nearly  all  day.  Out  of  five  hundred  persons  staying  here, 


LIFE   AT   BURLINGTON".  31 

there  were  but  five  of  us  at  breakfast  this  morning  at  half-past 
seven  o'clock.  This  Washington  is  a  fashionable,  false-hearted,  un 
comfortable  place,  where  all  kinds  of  immorality  and  vice  are  ram 
pant.  I  could  not  be  induced  to  live  here  as  a  home,  upon  any 
consideration  whatever. 

February  2Qth. — I  cannot  endure  the  practice  of  turning  night 
into  day,  eating  dinner  from  four  to  six  o'clock  in  the  afternoon, 
and  going  to  bed  at  three  or  four  in  the  morning  ;  yet  I  am  com 
pelled  to  fall  in,  in  some  degree,  with  this  method  of  living.  As  I 
have  strolled  about  the  city,  you  cannot  imagine  how  often  I  have 
thanked  God  that  I  was  not  cursed  with  a  fashionable  wife.  I  do 
not  believe  I  have  seen  a  woman  since  I  came  here  who  was  not 
painted,  and  the  affectation  and  foreign  airs  of  both  ladies  and  their 
whiskered  attendants  are  exceedingly  disgusting  to  me.  I  have 
often  wondered  whether  it  was  possible  for  such  artificial,  made-up 
persons  to  have  any  hearts,  and  whether  they  were  capable  of  feel 
ing  any  real  love  for  either  their  own  or  the  opposite  sex. 

I  called  upon  Mr.  Webster  two  nights  ago,  and  spent  an  even 
ing  with  him,  and  was  invited  to  breakfast  the  next  morning,  but 
declined.  He  was  exceedingly  affable  and  polite,  and  made  my  call 
quite  agreeable. 

I  have  just  heard  Mr.  Bellows  again,  and  he  delivered  by  far  the 
best  sermon  I  ever  listened  to  in  my  life.  It  would  be  a  great  treat 
indeed,  to  have  him  within  reach,  so  that  we  could  attend  upon  his 
ministrations.  I  would  be  willing  to  pay  liberally  for  such  intel 
lectual  feasts  as  he  would  spread  before  us. 

19.— To  Mrs.  Grimes. 

IOWA  CITY,  December  6,  1852. 

I  reached  this  town  yesterday  after  two  days  and  a  half  of 
tedious  and  hard  driving.  There  is  a  large  crowd  of  people  here  ; 
the  taverns  full,  and  all  the  private  boarding-houses.  Everybody 
is  busy  electioneering,  some  for  one  office,  and  some  for  another, 
but  the  all-engrossing  subject  is  the  election  of  United  States  Sena 
tor.  It  has  already  been  the  subject  of  one  bloody  fight,  and  many 
more  are  anticipated.  Of  course,  being  a  Whig,  I  take  no  part  in 
the  controversy. 

December  IQth. — I  am  kept  as  busy  as  a  bee.     There  is  a  great 
excitement  all  the  time  about   senatorial  elections,  railroads,  etc. 


32  LIFE  OF  JAMES  W.   GEIMES. 

I  am  pretty  well  mixed  up  in  them,  it  being  understood  that  I  have 
more  votes  at  my  back  than  any  five  members  of  the  House  com 
bined.  I  have  succeeded  in  all  my  efforts  thus  far ;  hope  I  shall 
deserve  and  win  success  in  future. 

December  iSth. — I  have  succeeded  in  the  principal  object  for 
which  I  came  here,  viz.,  upon  the  subject  of  railroads,  and,  I  am 
told,  have  elevated  the  character  of  your  husband  as  a  tactician  and 
parliamentary  leader.  We  had  a  fierce  struggle  for  four  days,  but 
won  the  battle  triumphantly.  Our  opponents  now  beg  of  us  for 
quarter,  and  I  am  magnanimous  and  give  it  to  them.  If  I  can  get 
all  my  cherished  projects  out  of  the  way  handsomely,  so  that  they 
cannot  be  interfered  with,  I  may  come  home  before  the  close  of 
the  session.  You  may  be  sure  that  I  wish  I  was  there  now.  I  love 
the  excitement  of  a  legislative  assembly,  but  I  love  the  quiet  of  a 
happy  home  more.  There  are  no  laurels  to  be  gathered  in  the  po 
sition  I  am  in,  but  some  one  must  discharge  the  duty  assigned  to 
me,  and  it  may  perhaps  as  well  be  done  by  me  as  by  others. 

20.— To  Mrs.  Grimes. 
HOUSE  or  KEPBESENTATIVES,  IOWA  CITY,  January  9,  1$53. 

This  is  Sunday.  I  have  just  returned  from  church.  The  House 
may  adjourn  on  the  24th  inst.  As  an  individual,  I  want  to  ad 
journ  ;  but  as  a  legislator,  I  vote  against  it.  It  is  utterly  impos 
sible  for  us  to  mature  and  pass  all  the  laws  we  ought  to  pass  in 
the  short  period  indicated. 

This  week  we  are  to  have  up  the  question  of  whiskey.  I  have 
been  expecting  numerous  petitions  upon  the  subject  from  home, 
but  thus  far  have  received  only  a  little  over  two  hundred,  including 
men,  women,  and  children.  Unless  there  is  a  stronger  demonstra 
tion  than  this  from  a  county  containing  fourteen  thousand,  I  shall 
be  compelled,  under  instructions,  to  let  the  present  law  stand,  so 
far  as  my  vote  will  go  toward  that  result. 

January  \ktli. — We  sit  immediately  after  breakfast,  and,  with  a 
recess  for  dinner  and  supper,  until  nine  or  ten  o'clock  at  night.  I 
have  to  work  hard,  doing  not  only  my  own  business,  but  the  busi 
ness  of  a  great  many  old  fellows,  who  are  not  able  to  write  bills  and 
reports,  and  in  the  evening  I  am  the  presiding  officer. 


CHAPTER  III. 

GOVERNOR     OF     IOWA. 

1854-1858. 

IN  February,  1854,  Mr.  Grimes  was  nominated  by  a  Conven 
tion  of  the  "Whig  party  for  Governor  of  the  State.  It  was  the 
largest  State  Convention  of  that  party  ever  held  in  Iowa,  and  the 
last.  The  following  month,  March  28th,  a  Free-Soil  Convention, 
held  at  Crawfordsville,  of  which  Isaac  Field,  of  Denmark,  was 
president,  recommended  the  Free  Democracy  to  cast  their  votes 
for  him  ;  and  a  candidate  who  had  previously  been  nominated  by 
that  party  withdrew.  The  country  was  violently  agitated  by  a 
proposition  in  Congress  to  declare  inoperative  and  void  the  pro 
hibition  of  slavery  in  those  vast  regions  which  have  since  been 
constituted  into  the  States  of  Kansas  and  Nebraska.  Mr. 
Grimes  perceived  that  the  proposition  involved  a  crisis  in  the 
nation's  history,  and  at  once  threw  himself  against  it  with  de 
termined  resolution  and  energy.  Entering  upon  the  campaign 
with  vigor,  he  rallied  to  his  support  the  great  body  of  the  Whigs, 
the  original  abolitionists  and  Free-Soilers,  as  they  were  variously 
called,  who  had  polled  more  than  a  thousand  votes  in  the  presi 
dential  elections  of  1848  and  1852,  and  not  a  few  Democrats, 
who  were  opposed  to  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  compromise. 
Visiting  nearly  every  portion  of  the  State,  he  addressed  the 
people  in  speeches  that  won  him  high  reputation  for  ability  and 
candor.  He  drove  from  county  to  county  in  his  own  convey 
ance,  and  was  often  weary  with  exposure  and  fatigue.  Meeting 
a  friend  near  the  close  of  his  travels,  he  spoke  of  being  worn 


34  LIFE   OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1854. 

and  tired,  and  remarked,  pointing  to  his  attenuated  and  jaded 
horses : 

"What  shadows  we  are, 
And  what  shadows  we  pursue  ! " 

The  issues  of  the  period  were  clearly  set  forth  in  the  follow 
ing  paper : 

To  THE  PEOPLE  OP  IOWA. 

The  Whig  State  Convention  assembled  at  Iowa  City,  on  the 
22d  day  of  February  last,  did  me  the  honor  to  present  my  name  be 
fore  the  people  of  the  State  as  a  candidate  for  the  office  of  Gov 
ernor.  I  accept  the  nomination. 

As  I  am  compelled  to  be  absent  from  the  State  during  a  portion 
of  the  summer,  and  shall,  in  consequence  of  such  absence,  be  de 
prived  of  the  pleasure  of  addressing  the  people  in  many  places 
where  I  have  desired  to  address  them,  I  take  this  method  of  stat 
ing  my  views  in  relation  to  such  subjects  as  are  likely  to  enter 
into  the  canvass,  and  about  which  the  public  mind  is  now  agitated. 
The  limits  of  this  paper  will  necessarily  compel  me  to  be  brief. 

1.  For  the  constitution  of  our  State  I  do  not  entertain  the  high 
est  reverence.  I  believe  that  the  best  interests  of  the  State  require 
its  speedy  amendment.  In  favor  of  such  amendment  numerous 
substantial  reasons  might  be  assigned,  but  one  or  two  will  be  suffi 
cient  to  be  stated  here. 

The  experience  of  the  past  eight  years  has  demonstrated  that 
the  power  to  elect  judges  is  more  wisely  and  satisfactorily  exercised 
by  the  people  than  by  the  Legislative  Assembly.  The  people 
have  shown  that  they  will  not  be  dragooned  into  voting  for  incom 
petent  and  faithless  partisan  judges.  Everybody  admits  that  the 
character  of  the  inferior  tribunals  of  the  State  is  superior  to  that  of 
the  Supreme  bench.  If,  therefore,  it  is  important  to  elevate  the 
character  of  the  Supreme  Court,  as  I  believe  it  is,  the  Judges  of  that 
Court  should  be  elected  by  the  people,  as  are  now  the  Judges  of 
the  District  Courts.  If  learning,  firmness,  and  impartiality,  are  su 
perior,  as  qualifications  for  judges,  to  party  fealty  and  partisan  ser 
vices,  the  selection  of  those  important  officers  should  be  left  with 
the  people,  instead  of  being  made  the  subject  for  corrupt  legisla 
tive  bargainings. 

That  part  of  the  constitution  which  prohibits  banks  and  bank- 


1854.]  GOVERNOR  OF  IOWA.  35 

ing  institutions  should  be  changed  so  as  to  allow  them  to  be 
established  in  the  State  under  proper  restrictions.  On  this  subject 
I  am  sorry  to  differ,  as  far  as  I  believe  I  do,  from  my  respected  com 
petitor,  Mr.  Bates.  He  was  a  member  of  the  Constitutional  Con 
vention,  and  was  chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Incorporations,  by 
whom  the  prohibitory  article  was  framed  and  reported.  He  at  that 
time  thought  that  it  was  the  highest  reach  of  human  wisdom  on 
that  subject.  I  never  thought  so.  But  it  is  a  question  about 
which  our  respective  political  parties  differ  as  widely  as  their  can 
didates.  The  Whig  State  Convention,  on  the  22  d  of  February, 
unanimously  adopted  a  resolution  in  favor  of  amending  the  consti 
tution  so  as  to  allow  the  introduction  of  banks.  The  Democratic 
Convention,  on  the  8th  of  January  last,  refused  to  adopt  such  a 
resolution.  On  this  question,  therefore,  the  two  parties  are  at 
issue  in  this  State — the  Whigs  believing  that  banking  should  be 
permitted,  and  a  domestic  currency  furnished  to  the  people  of  the 
State,  and  the  Democrats  negativing  these  propositions. 

When  the  constitution  was  adopted  eight  years  ago,  its  advo 
cates  predicted  that,  long  before  this  time,  Iowa  would  be  blessed 
with  an  exclusive  metallic  currency.  They  will  hardly  pretend 
that  their  prediction  has  been  verified.  So  far  from  it,  the  entire 
business  of  the  State  during  these  eight  years  has  been  conducted 
upon  the  issues  of  foreign  banks,  and  the  profits  derived  therefrom 
have  gone  into  the  pockets  of  foreign  stockholders,  instead  of  en 
riching  our  own  citizens.  In  place  of  having  a  domestic  cur 
rency,  the  value  of  which  might  be  known  to  every  one,  the 
country  has  been  furnished  with  the  worst  conceivable  currency 
from  every  State  in  the  Union,  and  of  the  value  of  which  nothing 
could  be  known.  It  has  been  estimated  that  from  a  quarter  to 
half  a  million  dollars  has  been  annually  realized  by  foreign  banks 
upon  this  kind  of  circulation  furnished  to  Iowa,  all  of  which  might 
be  saved  to  the  State,  but  for  the  constitutional  prohibition. 

If  every  other  State  in  the  Union  would  abolish  banks,  and  the 
value  of  the  supply  and  products  of  the  whole  country  were  re 
duced  to  a  specie  standard,  there  would  be  but  few  advocates  for 
the  creation  of  banks  here.  But  so  long  as  they  are  allowed  and 
encouraged  elsewhere,  their  circulation  cannot  be  driven  from  the 
State,  except  by  a  currency  of  our  own,  without  greatly  depre 
ciating  the  value  of  our  agricultural,  mechanical,  and  mineral 


36  LIFE  OF  JAMES  W.   GEIMES.  [1854. 

products,  and  producing  a  general  derangement  and  paralysis  in 
the  business  of  the  community.  Other  States  have  tried  the 
experiment.  I  need  not  refer  to  the  recent  experience  of  the 
neighboring  States  of  Illinois,  Indiana,  Michigan,  and  Wisconsin. 
Why  shall  not  Iowa  profit  by  their  experience  ?  Why  shall  she 
not  secure  to  her  citizens  the  same  facilities  for  transacting  busi 
ness  as  are  enjoyed  by  the  citizens  of  other  States  ?  Are  not  our 
people  as  competent  to  manage  the  affairs  of  banking  institutions 
discreetly  and  safely  as  those  of  any  other  State  ?  Is  there  not 
the  same  necessity  for  banks  here  as  elsewhere  ? 

The  argument  urged  by  some  that  banks  are  not  in  accordance 
with  the  principles  of  the  Democratic  party,  is  unworthy  of  consid 
eration.  How  can  it  be  democratic  to  charter  banks  in  New  Hamp 
shire,  Virginia,  South  Carolina,  Illinois,  Pennsylvania,  and  Indiana, 
and  be  imdemocratic  to  do  the  same  thing  in  Iowa  ?  There  is  not 
a  State  east  of  the  Mississippi  River  in  which  there  are  not  banks 
incorporated  by  Democratic  Legislatures,  and  yet,  in  the  view  of 
some  wise  men,  it  is  a  gross  violation  of  democratic  principles  to 
create  them  west  of  that  river. 

I  do  not  propose  to  discuss  the  mode  of  banking  that  should 
be  adopted  in  this  State,  nor  have  I  space  to  point  out  the  benefits 
that  would  result  to  the  community  by  the  establishment  of  banks 
in  furnishing  facilities  for  business — in  diminishing  the  rate  of  in 
terest,  etc.  The  people  are  capable  of  determining  the  system  that 
should  be  adopted  satisfactorily  to  themselves,  through  their  dele 
gates  to  a  constitutional  convention,  or  by  their  representatives  in 
the  General  Assembly.  All  I  contend  for  is  that  they  shall  have 
the  privilege  of  doing  so. 

A  submission  to  the  people  of  the  question  of  amending  the 
constitution  of  the  State  can  be  attended  with  no  expense,  and 
there  is  not  a  valid  argument  to  be  urged  against  it.  If  the  prin 
ciple  of  a  government  by  a  majority  is  correct — if  the  people  are 
really  capable  of  self-government,  why  should  they  not  be  per 
mitted  to  decide  for  themselves  a  question  of  so  vital  importance  ? 
Why  should  Legislative  quibbling  and  Executive  vetoes  be  inter 
posed  to  prevent  an  expression  of  the  popular  will  on  this  subject  ? 

A  majority  of  the  members  of  the  last  General  Assembly  were 
professedly  in  favor  of  a  change  in  the  constitution.  They  had 
been  elected  by  constituencies  who  required  them  to  commit  them- 


1854.]  GOVERNOR  OF  IOWA.  37 

selves  in  favor  of  the  proposition  before  their  election.  But  many 
of  them  were  at  heart  opposed  to  any  change,  and,  after  interpos 
ing  frivolous  objections,  amendments,  and  delays,  finally  refused  to 
pass  a  bill  submitting  the  question  to  the  people,  over  the  Executive 
veto.  Thus,  by  the  exercise  of  two  vetoes,  and  the  timidity  and 
faithlessness  of  some  representatives,  the  principle  of  self-govern 
ment  was  virtually  denied,  and  the  people  refused  the  privilege  of 
determining  for  themselves  whether  or  not  their  constitution  should 
be  amended. 

Let  the  voters  of  Iowa  understand  that,  if  they  desire  a  change 
in  their  constitution,  they  must  elect  public  servants  who  are  in 
favor  of  that  change  from  principle  and  .honest  conviction.  Let 
them  remember  that  the  best  criterion  of  a  man's  future  conduct  are 
his  past  opinions  and  conduct.  Let  them  elect  men  who  will  not 
be  driven  from  their  positions  by  the  frowns  of  party  leaders,  nor 
be  seduced  from  them  by  Executive  fawning  or  the  bestowment  of 
Federal  offices.  Then,  and  not  till  then,  will  the  desired  and  much- 
needed  change  be  effected. 

2.  It  is  no  doubt  expected  that  I  shall  state  my  views  of  the 
temperance  question. 

I  have  been  repeatedly  inquired  of,  by  letters  and  otherwise, 
whether  I  would  (if  elected)  veto  a  prohibitory  liquor  law. 

It  is  a  cardinal  principle  of  the  Whig  party  that  all  questions 
of  expediency  belong  legitimately  to  the  people,  and  should  be  set 
tled  by  the  legislative  department  of  the  government.  The  veto 
should  be  exercised  only  for  the  gravest  constitutional  reasons. 
Should,  therefore,  an  act  be  passed  either  prohibiting  the  sale  of 
intoxicating  liquors,  or  licensing  their  sale,  I  would  (if  elected)  ap 
prove  the  law,  unless,  in  my  judgment,  palpably  unconstitutional. 
It  would  be  a  violation  of  my  own  principles,  as  well  as  of  the 
party  to  which  I  belong,  to  endeavor  to  thwart  in  any  degree  the 
wishes  of  the  people  of  the  State  as  expressed  through  their  repre 
sentatives.  The  friends  of  both  the  prohibitory  and  the  license 
systems  must  bear  in  mind  that  the  Executive  of  the  State  has 
nothing  whatever  to  do  with  the  preparation  of  the  laws.  To  the 
members  to  be  elected  to  the  General  Assembly,  therefore,  they 
must  look  for  the  consummation  of  their  wishes  in  this  behalf. 

3,  It  has  ever  been  the  Whig  doctrine  that  to  the  General  Gov 
ernment  belong  the  power  and  duty  of  increasing  and  protecting 

4 


38  LIFE  OF  JAMES  W.   GEIMES. 

the  commerce  of  the  country  by  works  of  internal  improvement 
that  are  general  and  national  in  their  character.  Hundreds  of  mill 
ions  of  dollars  have  been  expended  by  the  General  Government  in 
the  improvement  of  the  rivers  and  harbors  on  the  Atlantic  seaboard, 
and  now,  when  they  are  completed,  and  the  commerce  of  the  West 
ern  rivers  and  lakes  has  increased  to  $560,000,000  annually,  we 
are  told  that  the  system  of  internal  improvements  is  improper  and 
unconstitutional,  and  that,  if  we  wish  to  improve  our  rivers,  we 
must  assent  to  tonnage  duties  on  our  own  commerce.  After  drain 
ing  the  West  to  perfect  the  improvement  of  Eastern  harbors,  and 
while  voting  annually  millions  of  dollars  to  build  lighthouses 
and  breakwaters,  and*  to  support  a  navy,  all  for  the  protection  of 
Eastern  commerce,  the  West  is  told  that  her  commerce  must  lan 
guish  unless  she  commits  a  felo-de-se  by  voluntary  taxation. 

Mr.  Douglas  has  introduced  a  bill  into  the  United  States  Senate, 
by  which  the  nine  States  bordering  on  the  Mississippi  River  are 
authorized  to  bind  themselves  into  a  confederated  commercial  com 
munity,  for  the  purpose  of  levying  these  duties  and  making  the 
necessary  improvements.  How  he  disposes  of  the  first  clause  of 
Article  I.,  Section  10,  of  the  Constitution,  which  declares  that  "  no 
State  shall  enter  into  any  treaty,  alliance,  or  confederation,"  is  not 
known ;  or,  how  the  section  of  the  celebrated  Ordinance  of  1787, 
which  declares  that  "  the  navigable  waters  leading  into  the  Missis 
sippi  and  St.  Lawrence,  and  the  carrying-places  between  the  same, 
shall  be  common  highways,  and  forever  free :,  as  well  to  the  inhabi 
tants  of  the  said  Territory  as  to  the  citizens  of  the  United  States, 
and  those  of  any  other  States  that  may  be  admitted  into  the 
Confederacy,  without  any  tax,  impost,  or  duty  therefor"  is  to  be 
evaded,  I  have  not  learned. 

But,  in  whatever  way  these  and  many  other  very  serious  objec 
tions  are  overcome,  it  is  enough  for  us  to  know  that  the  proposed 
plan  is  both  impracticable  and  unjust.  It  is  a  system  that  is  calcu 
lated  to  injure  the  West  by  depreciating  the  value  of  her  agricultural 
productions  and  mineral  wealth  to  the  extent  of  the  tax  imposed. 
It  is  hardly  possible  to  suppose  that  any  one  believes  that  the  sys 
tem  is  at  all  practicable.  Who  believes  that  these  nine  States  can 
act  in  harmony  on  a  single  question  ?  How  is  their  business  to  be 
conducted  ?  Is  there  to  be  a  Constitution  to  bind  them  together, 
and  a  new  Congress  to  legislate  for  them  ?  Is  there  to  be  a  new 


1854.]  GOVERNOR  OF  IOWA.  39 

Supreme  Court  to  decide  disputes  arising  between  them,  and  a  new 
army  raised  and  supported  to  enforce  its  decrees  ?  It  seems  to 
me  that  a  more  absurd  and  preposterous  project  was  never  pre 
sented  to  Congress,  and  a  more  suicidal  policy  could  not  be  adopted 
by  the  West. 

4.  I  regard  the  homestead  bill  as  beneficent  in  its  character,  and 
as  calculated  to  greatly  advance  the  material  interests  of  Iowa. 
But  I  cannot  give  my  assent  to  all  the  provisions  of  the  bill  recent 
ly  passed  by  the  House  of  Representatives,  and  now  pending  in  the 
Senate.     I  cannot  assent  to  the  principle  of  discriminating  against 
foreigners  who  come  to  the  country  with  a  bona-fide  intention  to 
become  citizens.     I  do  not  concur  in  the  recent  promulgations  of 
Southern  politicians,  that  our  institutions  are  in  danger  from  foreign 
immigration,   and  I  abhor  the  sentiment  announced  by  Senator  But 
ler,1  that  Iowa  would  be  more  prosperous  with  the  institution  of 
slavery  than  with  her  industrious  and  patriotic  German   popula 
tion. 

I  believe  that  the  homestead  bill,  now  under  consideration  in 
the  Senate,  should  be  so  amended  as  to  allow  foreigners  coming  to 
our  shores  with  the  intention  to  remain,  and  who  declare  their  in 
tention  to  become  citizens,  to  enjoy  the  same  advantages  under  the 
law  as  though  they  were  born  on  American  soil. 

5.  But  the  most  important  of  all  the  questions  now  engrossing 
the  public  attention  is  the  attempt  to  introduce  slavery  into  the 
Territories  of  Nebraska  and  Kansas,  by  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri 
Compromise  act. 

Let  us  briefly  review  the  history  of  the  Missouri  Compromise, 
and  the  reasons  given  for  its  violation. 

When  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  was  adopted,  ac 
quisitions  of  new  territory  were  never  contemplated.  Slave-labor 
was  then  unprofitable,  and  it  was  thought  to  be  alike  the  interest 
and  the  duty  of  the  slave  States  to  gradually  abolish  slavery,  but  in 
such  way  and  at  such  time  as  might  be  most  convenient  to  them 
selves.  Upon  the  supposition  that  successful  efforts  would  be  made 
to  accomplish  this  result,  the  North  consented  to  the  slave  represen 
tation  in  Congress,  as  provided  in  that  instrument. 

By  the  treaty  with  France,  in  1803,  the  United  States  acquired 
a  vast  domain,  then  known  as  Louisiana,  embracing  the  whole  coun- 
1  In  the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  February  24. 


40  LIFE   OF  JAMES  W.   GEIMES.  [1854. 

try  between  the  Mississippi  River  and  the  Rocky  Mountains,  and 
bounded  on  the  north  by  the  British  possessions,  and  on  the  south 
by  the  Gulf  of  Mexico.  That  the  Constitution  never  contemplated 
such  a  purchase  is  sufficiently  shown  by  its  contemporaneous  history 
and  exposition,  and  by  the  solicitude  of  President  Jefferson  that  it 
should  be  amended  solely  to  confirm  this  acquisition.  The  commer 
cial  advantages  derived  from  the  purchase,  however,  were  so  great 
that  the  people  of  the  country  at  once  confirmed  it,  and  the  Consti 
tution  was  never  amended.  From  this  Territory  of  Louisiana,  which 
was  bought  with  the  common  treasure  of  the  country,  the  slave 
States  of  Louisiana,  Arkansas,  and  Missouri,  have  been  created,  and 
the  free  State  of  Iowa. 

When  Missouri  applied  for  admission  into  the  Union,  in  1820, 
her  application  was  resisted  by  the  North  on  the  ground  that  the 
expectation  of  the  gradual  abolition  of  slavery,  entertained  by  the 
whole  country  at  the  time  of  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution,  had 
not  been  realized — that  slavery  was  about  to  swallow  up  the  entire 
country  acquired  from  France,  and  thus,  by  virtue  of  the  slave  repre 
sentation  allowed  by  the  Constitution,  an  undue  preponderance 
would  be  obtained  in  Congress  and  in  the  electoral  colleges  by  the 
slave-owners  of  the  South  over  the  freemen  of  the  North.  She  was 
finally,  however,  admitted  into  the  sisterhood  of  States,  but  not 
until  after  the  adoption  of  the  Missouri  Compromise  act,  the  eighth 
section  of  which  declares  : 

"  That  in  all  that  territory  ceded  by  France  to  the  United  States, 
under  the  name  of  Louisiana  which  lies  north  of  thirty-six  degrees 
and  thirty  minutes  of  north  latitude,  not  included  within  the  limits 
of  the  State  contemplated  by  this  act,  slavery  and  involuntary  ser 
vitude,  otherwise  than  as  the  punishment  of  crimes,  shall  be  and  is 
hereby  FOREVER  PROHIBITED." 

This  act  was  passed  thirty -four  years  ago,  at  the  instance  of  the 
South,  and  almost  exclusively  by  Southern  votes.  By  that  act  the 
admission  into  the  Union  of  the  slave  State  of  Missouri  was  secured, 
and  all  of  the  country  purchased  from  France  north  of  36°  30'  was 
FOREVER  dedicated  to  freedom.  The  question  of  the  constitu 
tionality  of  the  eighth  section  was  submitted  by  President  Monroe 
to  his  cabinet,  then  composed  of  John  Quincy  Adams,  John  C.  Cal- 
houn,  William  H.  Crawford,  Smith  Thompson,  and  William  Wirt, 
each  of  whom  gave  a  written  opinion  in  its  favor,  and,  from  that 


1854.]  GOVERNOR  OF  IOWA.  41 

time  until  the  present,  it  has  been  regarded  as  inviolable  as  the 
Constitution  itself. 

It  is  now  pretended  that  this  prohibition  of  slavery  north  of 
the  line  indicated  is  unconstitutional  and  void.  That  Mr.  Douglas 
and  his  friends  did  not  so  consider  it  in  1845  is  shown  by  the  amend 
ment  he  proposed  to  the  joint  resolution  admitting  Texas  into  the 
Union,  which  reads,  "  and  in  such  States  as  shall  be  formed  out  of 
said  territory,  north  of  said  Missouri  Compromise  line,  slavery  or 
involuntary  servitude,  except  for  crime,  shall  be  prohibited."  That 
he  did  not  regard  it  as  unconstitutional  in  1848  is  shown  by  his 
attempt  to  extend  the  Missouri  Compromise  line  to  the  Pacific 
Ocean,  and  apply  it  to  the  country  acquired  from  Mexico  by  the 
Treaty  of  Guadalupe  Hidalgo.  On  the  10th  of  August,  1848,  he 
offered  in  the  Senate  the  following  proposition  : 

"That  the  line  of  36°  30'  of  north  latitude,  known  as  the  Mis 
souri  Compromise  line,  as  denned  by  the  eighth  section  of  an  act 
entitled  '  An  act  to  authorize  the  people  of  the  Missouri  Territory 
to  form  a  constitution  and  State  government,  and  for  the  admission 
of  such  State  into  the  Union  on  an  equal  footing  with  the  original 
States,  and  to  prohibit  slavery  in  certain  Territories,'  approved  March 
6,  1820,  be  and  the  same  is  hereby  declared  to  extend  to  the 
Pacific  Ocean ;  and  the  said  eighth  section,  together  with  the  com 
promise  therein  effected,  is  hereby  revived  and  declared  to  be  in  full 
force  and  binding  for  the  future  organization  of  the  Territories  of 
the  United  States,  in  the  same  sense  and  with  the  same  understand 
ing  with  which  it  was  originally  adopted." 

In  favor  of  this  proposition  voted  every  Southern  Senator  who 
voted  for  the  repeal  of  the  compromise,  now  in  Congress.  How 
could  the  principle  contained  in  the  eighth  section  of  the  Missouri 
Compromise  be  constitutional  in  1845  and  in  1848,  and  be  uncon 
stitutional  now  ?  And  if  it  has  no  constitutional  validity,  where 
fore  the  necessity  or  propriety  of  repealing  it  ? — Why  not  suffer 
the  courts  to  decide  the  question  without  any  legislative  interfer 
ence  on  construction  ? 

The  unconstitutionally  of  this  prohibition  is  a  new  discovery. 
The  committee  of  the  Senate,  that  reported  the  Nebraska  bill  on  the 
4th  of  January  last,  did  not  think  of  basing  the  repealing  attempt 
upon  any  such  argument.  It  is  an  after-thought,  designed  to  cover 
up  a  discomfiture  on  other  arguments.  Until  the  present  time, 


42  LIFE   OF  JAMES  W.   GEIMES.  [1854. 

the  acts  of  Territorial  Legislatures  have  been  subject  to  revision 
by  Congress,  and  nobody  ever  doubted  the  power  or  the  propriety 
of  that  revision.  Congress  no  power  to  prohibit  slavery  in  the 
Territories  !  The  Constitution  expressly  declares  that  "  Congress 
SHALL  have  power  to  dispose  of  and  make  all  needful  rules  and  reg 
ulations  respecting  the  territory  of  the  United  States."  The  great 
expounder  of  the  Constitution,  Mr.  Webster,  whose  opinions  were 
regarded  by  his  enemies  even  as  of  more  than  ordinary  value, 
says: 

"  The  power,  then,  of  Congress  over  its  own  territories,  by  the 
very  terms  of  the  Constitution,  is  unlimited.  It  may  make  all 
*  needful  rules  and  regulations,'  which  of  course  include  all  such 
regulations  as  its  own  views  of  policy  or  expediency,  shall  from 
time  to  time  dictate.  If,  therefore,  in  its  judgment  it  be  needful 
for  the  benefit  of  a  Territory  to  enact  a  prohibition  of  slavery,  it 
would  seem  to  be  as  much  within  its  power  of  legislation  as  any 
other  act  of  local  policy.  Its  sovereignty  being  complete  and 
universal  as  to  the  Territory,  it  may  exercise  over  it  the  most  ample 
jurisdiction  in  every  respect.  It  possesses  in  this  view  all  the  au 
thority  which  any  State  Legislature  possesses  over  its  own  terri 
tory  ;  and  if  any  State  Legislature  may,  in  its  discretion,  abolish  or 
prohibit  slavery  within  its  own  limits,  in  virtue  of  its  general  legis 
lative  authority,  for  the  same  reason  Congress  also  may  exercise 
the  like  authority  over  its  own  Territories.  And  that  a  State  Leg 
islature,  unless  restrained  by  some  constitutional  provision,  may  do 
so,  is  unquestionable,  and  has  been  established  by  general  practice." 

Such  has  been  the  uniform  opinion  of  the  statesmen  and  jurists 
of  the  country,  until  it  was  discovered  that  the  interests  of  certain 
presidential  aspirants  required  the  introduction  of  slavery  into  Ne 
braska  and  Kansas.  Such,  too,  has  been  the  legislation  of  the 
country. 

It  is  also  said  that  the  Compromise  acts  of  1850  were  inconsist 
ent  with,  and  hence  repealed,  the  Compromise  of  1820.  If  so,  the 
question  is  again  pertinent,  Why  then  attempt  to  repeal  it  a 
second  time  ?  Why  not  allow  the  question  to  rest  until  an  oppor 
tunity  is  afforded  the  proper  tribunals  to  settle  it  conclusively  ? 

If  the  Compromise  of  1820  was  repealed  by  that  of  1850,  then 
it  was  a  fraud.  It  was  not  so  understood  by  the  people  of  the 
country,  nor  by  Congress.  It  is  well  known  that  not  a  man  voted 


1854.]  GOVERNOR  OF  IOWA.  43 

for  the  measures  of  1850,  who  entertained  the  most  remote  idea 
that  those  measures  interfered  with  or  affected  in  any  degree  the 
Compromise  of  1820.  In  no  one  of  the  thousand  speeches  made  on 
the  Compromise  of  1850,  in  Congress  and  out  of  Congress — in  none 
of  the  comments  of  the  press — was  such  an  idea  expressed  or  even 
remotely  insinuated.  On  the  contrary,  until  the  introduction  of 
the  Nebraska  bill  into  the  Senate,  on  the  4th  of  January  last,  the 
Missouri  Compromise  was  everywhere,  and  by  everybody,  regarded 
as  irrepealable  and  inviolable  as  the  Constitution.  Mr.  Webster, 
in  his  celebrated  compromise  speech  on  the  7th  of  March,  1850,  de 
clared  : 

"  I  now  say,  sir,  as  the  proposition  on  which  I  stand  this  day, 
and  upon  the  truth  and  firmness  of  which  I  intend  to  act  until  it  is 
overthrown,  that  there  is  not  at  this  moment  in  the  United  States, 
or  any  Territory  of  the  United  States,  one  single  foot  of  land,  the 
character  of  which,  in  regard  to  its  being  free  Territory  or  slave 
Territory,  is  not  fixed  by  some  law,  and  some  irrepealable  law  be 
yond  the  power  of  the  action  of  this  Government." 

The  irrepealable  law  that  settled  the  character  of  Nebraska  as  a 
free  Territory,  was  the  Missouri  Compromise  act.  To  the  mainte 
nance  of  that  law  the  public  faith  was  pledged,  and  that  great  man 
little  thought  that  so  soon  after  his  death  an  open  and  wanton  at 
tempt  would  be  made  to  violate  it. 

An  attempt  has  also  been  made  to  raise  a  popular  clamor  against 
any  restraints  upon  what  is  called  squatter  sovereignty.  It  is  said 
that  if  Congress  has  the  power  to  legislate  on  the  subject  of  sla 
very  in  the  Territories,  yet  in  justice  to  the  people  of  the  Territories 
it  should  not  be  exercised.  It  is  somewhat  singular  that  the  same 
men  who  used  this  argument  were  all  found  voting  against  a  propo 
sition  to  allow  the  people  of  the  Territories  to  elect  their  own  offi 
cers.  According  to  the  doctrine  of  Mr.  Douglas  and  his  obedient 
followers,  the  people  of  the  Territories  are  fully  competent  to  do 
their  own  legislation,  but  are  wholly  incompetent  to  elect  their 
Governor,  judges,  and  other  public  servants.  The  President  has  the 
power  to  appoint  Governors  for  the  Territories,  who  by  virtue  of  the 
veto  power  can  control  the  legislation  of  the  people.  He  has  the 
power  to  appoint  judges,  who  are  in  no  degree  responsible  to  the 
people,  and  who  may  be  required  to  obey  the  Federal  authorities  at 
the  risk  of  being  evicted  from  office.  All  the  officers  of  the  Terri- 


44  LIFE   OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  .  [1854. 

tories  are  to  be  foreign  officers — appointed  by  a  foreign  authority — 
in  no  way  amenable  to  the  people,  and  have  the  power  to  set  at 
defiance  the  popular  will  of  the  Territories,  and  will  be  required  to 
do  it,  when  it  comes  in  conflict  with  the  slavery  propagandists  at 
Washington.  What  a  commentary  is  here  presented  of  the  doc 
trine  of  "  squatter  sovereignty  ! " 

On  the  3d  of  March  last,  an  amendment  was  offered  in  the  Sen 
ate  to  the  Nebraska  and  Kansas  bill,  adding  a  distinct  declaration 
of  the  right  of  the  people  to  exclude  slavery  if  they  chose,  and  it  was 
rejected  by  a  vote  of  thirty-six  to  ten.  Against  this  proposition 
were  arrayed  the  following  believers  in  "  squatter  sovereignty  :  " 

Messrs.  Adams,  Atchison,  Badger,  Bell,  Benjamin,  Brodhead, 
Brown,  Butler,  Clay,  Clayton,  Dawson,  Dixon,  Dodge  of  Iowa, 
Douglas,  Evans,  Fitzpatrick,  Gwin,  Houston,  Hunter,  Johnson, 
Jones  of  Iowa,  Jones  of  Tennessee,  Mason,  Morton,  Morris,  Pettit, 
Rusk,  Sebastian,  Slidell,  Shields,  Yancey,  Walker,  and  Williams. 

All  the  peculiar  friends  of  non-intervention  were  found  voting 
against  the  amendment.  How  sincere  were  their  professions  of 
non-intervention,  the  country  can  decide.  They  have  certainly  fur 
nished  some  beautiful  illustrations  of  their  belief  in  "  squatter 
sovereignty."  It  must  be  a  singular  sovereignty  over  the  subject 
of  slavery  which  cannot  be  declared  capable  of  excluding  it ! 

One  would  suppose  that  the  new  principles  of  "  squatter  sov 
ereignty  "  would  be  comprehensive  enough  to  allow  aliens  the  same 
rights  of  citizenship  that  they  enjoy  in  other  Territories.  But  the 
man  who  imagines  so  would  be  egregiously  mistaken.  The  bill 
that  passed  the  Senate,  and  for  which  Mr.  Douglas  and  all  his  will 
ing  followers  voted,  denies  to  the  "  squatters  "  who  happen  to 
have  been  born  on  the  banks  of  the  Rhine  or  the  Shannon,  and 
who  reside  in  these  Territories,  the  privilege  of  voting  for  or  against 
the  constitution  of  the  new  States,  even  after  making  declarations 
of  their  intention  to  become  citizens.  And  this,  too,  when  the  uni 
form  practice  has  been  to  grant  the  elective  franchise  to  foreigners 
under  such  circumstances.  Five  hundred  slaveholders  from  Vir 
ginia  or  South  Carolina  may  carry  slaves  into  the  Territory  and 
legislate  for  the  protection  of  slave  property,  while  five  thousand 
German  settlers — free  laborers — who  become  landholders  in  the 
Territory,  and  have  made  oath  of  their  intention  to  become  citi 
zens,  shall  have  no  control  in  its  government  and  no  opportunity  to 


1854.]  ,        GOVERNOR  OF  IOWA.  45 

protect  themselves  against  the  degrading  competition  with  slave- 
labor.  Another  evidence  of  the  meaning  of  this  doctrine  of  "  squat 
ter  sovereignty ! " 

And  to  what  does  this  doctrine  of  "  squatter  sovereignty " 
tend  if  carried  to  its  legitimate  conclusions  ?  What  is  to  prevent 
the  Legislature  of  Utah  from  declaring  that  no  man  shall  enjoy  the 
rights  of  citizenship  in  that  Territory  unless  he  becomes  a  member 
of,  and  pays  tithes  to,  the  Mormon  Church  ?  What  is  to  hinder  the 
Catholics  from  taking  possession  of  New  Mexico,  the  Methodists  of 
Nebraska,  and  the  Presbyterians  of  Kansas  ?  Why  cannot  the 
first  thousand  settlers  create  a  state  religion  in  each  Territory,  and 
exclude  people  of  all  other  creeds  from  the  rights  of  citizenship  ? 
Where  will  be  the  remedy  against  such  religious  and  political  tyr- 
ranny  ?  Not  in  Congress ;  for,  according  to  the  theory  of  "  squatter 
sovereignty,"  it  has  no  legislative  jurisdiction  over  the  Territories. 
Not  at  the  ballot-box;  for  none  but  the  state  religionists  will  be 
entitled  to  the  elective  franchise.  Revolution,  revolution  by  the 
sword,  will  be  the  only  remedy. 

It  has  been  asserted  by  some  of  the  advocates  of  this  infamous 
attempt  to  nationalize  slavery,  that  the  first  violation  of  the  Mis 
souri  Compromise  was  by  the  North,  and  that  that  violation  now 
justifies  the  South  in  entirely  repudiating  it.  How,  when,  and 
\vhere  was  it  violated  by  the  North  ?  Why,  forsooth,  because  North 
ern  Senators  and  Representatives  refused  to  extend  the  compromise 
line  of  36°  and  30'  through  to  the  Pacific  Ocean  !  Is  there  a  man 
in  the  State  who  does  not  know  that  the  Missouri  Compromise 
line  only  applied  to  the  country  purchased  from  France  ?  Does 
it  not  by  its  very  terms  apply  only  to  the  Territory  of  Louisi 
ana  ?  What  right,  then,  had  the  South  to  demand  or  expect  that 
it  should  be  extended  and  applied  to  country  afterward  acquired  ? 
Upon  this  slender  foundation  is  built  this  whole  argument  against 
the  compromise,  and  in  favor  of  its  violation  by  the  South. 

It  is  urged  by  some  that  if  the  Missouri  Compromise  is  repealed, 
slavery  will  not  become  a  permanent  institution  in  Nebraska  and 
Kansas.  So  it  was  said  of  Missouri  thirty-four  years  ago.  It  was 
then  confidently  predicted,  in  Congress  and  elsewhere,  that  slaves 
would  be  excluded  from  that  State  by  the  action  of  the  State  gov 
ernment.  Instead  of  this  being  the  case,  they  have  increased  from 
that  time  to  the  present,  at  the  rate  of  three  thousand  a  year,  and 


46  LIFE  OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1854. 

Missouri  now  contains  more  than  one  hundred  thousand  slaves  ! 
Those  who  are  most  familiar  with  the  institution,  and  with  the  Ter 
ritories  of  Nebraska  and  Kansas,  entertain  no  doubt  but  that  they 
will  become  slave  States.  Senator  Atchison,  who  lives  near  the 
line  of  Nebraska,  and  is  a  large  slaveholder,  expressed  the  opinion 
a  year  ago,  that  but  for  the  Missouri  Compromise  they  would  be 
come  extensive  slaveholding  States.  He  is  said  to  have  expressed 
the  same  opinion  at  the  time  of  the  passage  of  the  bill  by  the  Sen 
ate,  provided  his  amendment  disfranchising  the  Germans  and  Irish 
should  be  adopted,  and  it  was  adopted  accordingly.  And  why 
would  they  not  become  slave  States  ?  They  embrace  a  rich  agri 
cultural  country.  The  soil  and  climate  are  well  adapted  to  the  pro 
duction  of  corn,  hemp,  tobacco,  and  all  the  cereals.  They  are  in 
close  proximity  to  the  slave  States  of  Arkansas  and  Missouri.  Thev 
are  in  the  same  parallel  of  latitude  with  Missouri,  Kentucky,  Mary 
land,  and  Virginia. 

What  does  the  history  of  the  West  teach  us  of  the  insidious 
and  aggressive  character  of  slavery  ?  The  sixth  article  of  the 
Northwestern  Ordinance,  the  provisions  of  which,  until  the  past 
winter,  have  been  regarded  as  imperative  as  the  Constitution,  de 
clares  that — 

"  There  shall  be  neither  slavery  nor  involuntary  servitude  in 
said  Territory  otherwise  than  in  the  punishment  of  crimes,  whereof 
the  party  shall  have  been  duly  convicted." 

When  the  first  Constitutional  Convention  of  Ohio  assembled  in 
1802,  a  committee  of  nine  members  was  appointed  to  prepare  and 
report  a  bill  of  rights.  A  proposition  was  made  to  incorporate  a 
clause  that  "  no  person  shall  be  held  in  slavery,  if  a  male,  after  he 
is  thirty-five  years  of  age,  and  if  a  female,  after  twenty-five  years 
of  age,"  and  was  voted  down  by  a  vote  of  five  to  four.  This  in  a 
Territory  where  slavery  had  been  for  fifteen  years  excluded.  In 
the  same  year  the  Legislature  of  Indiana  Territory  petitioned  Con 
gress  to  suspend  the  operation  of  the  sixth  article  of  the  same  Or 
dinance  for  the  space  of  ten  years.  The  petition  was  refused. 
These  propositions  were  evidently  designed  to  prepare  the  way  for 
the  permanent  establishment  of  slavery  in  Ohio  and  Indiana,  and, 
had  the  authority  been  vested  in  the  Legislature  of  Indiana,  that 
State  would  now  be  a  slave  State. 

Every  one  familiar  with  the  early  history  of  this  State  knows 


1854.]  GOVERNOR  OF  IOWA.  47 

that,  but  for  the  prohibitions  of  the  Missouri  Compromise  act,  and 
of  the  Northwestern  Ordinance,  the  provisions  of  which  were  ex 
tended  over  Iowa  by  the  organic  law  of  the  Territory,  this  would 
to-day  be  a  slave  State.  Prior  to  1838,  when  the  Territory  of  Iowa 
was  organized,  numerous  slaves  had  been  introduced  in  all  the 
principal  towns  and  villages.  They  had  been  purchased  and  brought 
here  for  the  alleged  reason  that  servants  were  scarce,  or  could  not 
be  procured  at  all.  The  very  first  decision  made  by  the  Supreme 
Court  of  the  Territory  was  in  the  case  of  the  negro  Ralph,  who 
had  been  retained  by  his  master  in  slavery,  in  the  County  of  Du- 
buque.  Other  suits  of  the  same  character  followed,  and  the  slaves 
were  either  run  by  their  owners  from  the  State,  or.  allowed  their 
freedom  here.  Had  the  question  remained  open,  or  had  the  Supreme 
Court  decided  that  it  was  a  matter  for  determination  by  the  Terri 
torial  Legislature,  there  would  have  been  found  men  enough  about 
the  villages  and  towns  to  mould  the  legislation  of  the  Territory  in 
favor  of  slavery.  And  if  there  is  no  expectation  that  slavery  will 
take  possession  of  Nebraska,  why  the  strenuous  effort  to  repeal  the 
Missouri  Compromise  ? 

If  there  is  one  State  in  the  Union  more  interested  than  another, 
in  the  maintenance  of  the  Missouri  Compromise,  it  is  the  State  ot 
Iowa.  With  a  free,  enterprising  population  on  the  west,  our  State 
will  be  vastly  benefited  by  an  early  organization  of  Nebraska. 
With  a  slave  State  on  our  western  border,  I  see  nothing  but  trouble 
and  darkness  in  the  future.  Bounded  on  two  sides  by  slave  States, 
we  shall  be  intersected  with  underground  railroads,  and  continually 
distracted  by  slave-hunts.  Instead  of  having  a  population  at  the 
west  who  will  sympathize  with  us,  we  shall  find  their  sympathies 
and  interests  constantly  antagonistic  to  ours.  The  energies  of  our 
people  will  be  paralyzed,  our  works  of  internal  improvement  will 
languish,  and  the  bright  anticipations  of  the  future  greatness  of 
Iowa  forever  blasted.  In  the  boastfulness  of  anticipated  triumph, 
the  citizens  of  Iowa  have  been  told  by  a  Southern  Senator1  how 
much  better  would  be  the  condition  of  our  State  with  negro  slaves 
than  with  our  foreign  population.  A  distinguished  Representative 
from  Georgia2  has  announced  that  in  fifteen  years  Iowa  will  be  a 
slave  State.  I  sincerely  believe  that,  should  the  Missouri  Compro- 

1  Hon.  A.  P.  Butler,  of  South  Carolina. 

2  Hon.  Alexander  H.  Stephens. 


48  LIFE   OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1854. 

mise  be  repealed,  there  will  soon  be  a  contest  for  the  mastery  be 
tween  freedom  and  slavery  on  the  soil  of  Iowa.  The  principle  of 
non-intervention  so  strenuously  contended  for  by  the  South  will 
soon  be  extended  to  the  free  States  of  the  Northwest.  It  is  already 
contended  in  some  quarters  that  slaves  are  mere  appendages  and 
attachments  to  the  person,  and  that  the  owner  has  the  same  right 
to  remove  them  to  a  free  State  that  he  has  to  remove  his  cattle  and 
horses.  Let  the  Missouri  Compromise  act  be  repealed,  and  this 
will  be  the  next  question  to  be  met.  Citizens  of  Iowa,  are  you 
ready  to  meet  this  issue  ?  Are  you  prepared  for  the  conflict  that 
must  assuredly  come  ?  Whatever  may  be  your  opinions  of  the  ab 
stract  question  of  slavery,  or  whatever  might  be  your  opinions  of 
the  Missouri  Compromise,  were  it  a  new  question,  are  you  ready  and 
willing  to  disturb  it  ?  Do  you  believe  it  right  to  open  this  ques 
tion  which  was  settled  thirty-four  years  ago  by  Southern  votes,  and 
as  the  South  desired  ?  Are  you  willing  to  sanction  a  palpable  vio 
lation  of  the  public  faith,  merely  for  the  sake  of  nationalizing  sla 
very,  and  having  another  slave  State  adjoining  our  own  ?  Shall 
populous,  thriving  villages  and  cities  spring  up  all  over  the  face  of 
Nebraska,  or  shall  unthrift  and  sparseness,  stand-still  and  decay, 
ever  characterize  that  State  ?  Shall  unpaid,  unwilling  toil,  inspired 
by  no  hope  and  impelled  by  no  affection,  drag  its  weary,  indolent 
limbs  over  that  State,  hurrying  the  soil  to  barrenness  and  leaving 
the  wilderness  a  wilderness  still,  or  shall  it  be  thrown  open  to  the 
hardy  and  adventurous  freemen  of  our  own  country,  and  to  the  con 
stantly-increasing  tide  of  foreign  exiles  ? 

So  far  as  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  is  concerned,  this 
fraud  has  been  consummated.  The  Nebraska  and  Kansas  bill,  with 
its  attendant  wrongs,  has  passed  that  body  by  a  large  majority.  It 
is  now  pending  before  the  House  of  Representatives.  Its  advocates 
predict  that  it  will  be  triumphantly  passed  into  a  law.  They  claim 
that  the  people  desire  and  will  sanction  its  enactment.  To  obtain 
an  evidence  of  the  approbation  of  the  people,  they  have  attempted 
to  rally  the  Democratic  party  to  its  support.  The  Burlington 
Gazette,  the  recognized  organ  of  the  Iowa  Senators,  has  sounded 
the  tocsin  of  party.  In  its  issue  of  the  30th  of  March  last,  in  speak 
ing  of  this  measure,  it  declares  : 

"  It  is  in  vain  to  say  the  bill  is  not  a  party  question  ;  the  na 
tional  Democrats  of  the  North  are  for  it,  almost  to  a  man ;  and  these 


1854]  GOVERNOR   OF  IOWA.  49 

constitute  nine-tenths,  or  more,  of  the  Democratic  party  there ;  the 
Whigs  and  Free-Soilers  alone  are  opposed  to  it.  It  is  true  that  in 
the  South  both  parties  are  united  on  the  subject.  .  .  . 

"  It  is  an  eminently  popular  measure,  and  must  ultimately  pre 
vail.  It  is  founded  on  truth  and  justice,  and  the  longer  it  is  before 
the  people,  the  more  popular  it  must  become.  The  sober,  second 
thought  will  rally  all  reflecting,  honest  men  to  its  side,  and  it  is 
bound  to  be  triumphantly  sustained.  On  this  we  are  willing  to 
stake  our  existence." 

A  majority  of  the  Democratic  press  in  the  State  have  followed 
the  example  of  the  Gazette. 

Fellow-citizens,  shall  this  attempt  to  induce  you  to  support  this 
measure  by  the  force  of  party  ties  and  affinities  succeed  ?  Is  there 
no  moral  and  high  political  responsibility  resting  upon  you  in  this 
matter?  Are  you  not  bound  by  the  highest  considerations  of  duty 
to  assist  in  building  up  the  institutions  of  the  empire  on  our  west 
ern  border  on  a  substantial  and  free  basis  ?  The  Constitution  has 
given  you  the  power  through  your  Senators  and  Representatives  to 
"  make  all  needful  rules  and  regulations  "  respecting  the  Territories 
of  the  United  States,  and  will  you  shrink  from  the  discharge  of  that 
duty  ?  Are  you  willing  to  jeopardize  the  interests  of  Iowa  by 
surrounding  her  by  slave  States?  "Will  you  exclude  your  own 
children,  and  the  free  laborers  of  Iowa,  from  those  fertile  Territories, 
or  force  them  to  compete  with  slave-labor?  What  object  can  be 
gained  for  Iowa  by  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise  ?  On 
the  other  hand,  what  interest  of  the  State  will  not  be  jeopardized 
or  destroyed  ? 

I  am  aware  that,  for  entertaining  these  opinions  of  the  Nebraska 
question,  and  for  fearlessly  expressing  them,  I  am  denounced  in 
some  quarters  as  an  abolitionist.  I  heed  not  the  senseless  charge. 
It  is  too  late  in  the  day  for  any  man  to  be  deterred  from  express 
ing  his  opinions  by  the  mad-dog  cry  of  abolitionism.  No  impu 
tations  or  false  charges  shall  force  me  to  be  false  to  my  convic 
tions  of  duty  and  right.  I  will  not  surrender  the  right  of  private 
judgment  on  this  or  any  other  subject,  to  avoid  a  false  clamor,  or  a 
willful  perversion  of  my  sentiments.  I  do  not  attempt  or  desire  to 
interfere  with  slavery  in  the  slaveholding  States.  I  do  not  seek  to 
violate  any  of  the  compromises  of  the  Constitution.  I  am  content 
that  the  slaveholders  of  the  South  may  possess  their  slaves,  and  be 


50  LIFE  OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1854. 

responsible  for  their  control  over  them  to  their  own  laws  and  to 
their  consciences.  I  will  not  even  presume  to  judge  them.  But, 
with  the  blessing  of  God,  I  will  war  and  war  continually  against 
the  abandonment  to  slavery  of  a  single  foot  of  soil  now  consecrated 
to  freedom.  "Whether  elected  or  defeated — whether  in  office  or  out 
of  office — the  Nebraska  outrage  shall  receive  no  "  aid  or  comfort  " 
from  me.  And  I  here  declare  that,  while  I  am  as  anxious  as  any 
man  for  the  speedy  organization  of  the  new  Territories,  yet  I 
will  not  only  everywhere  and  at  all  times  oppose  their  organization 
under  a  bill  allowing  the  introduction  of  slavery,  but,  should  the 
present  bill  pass,  I  will  advocate  its  repeal  and  oppose  the 
admission  of  Nebraska  and  Kansas  into  the  Union  as  slave 
States. 

I  have  thus  briefly  and  frankly  given  my  views  of  the  issues 
presented  by  the  Whig  Convention  on  the  22d  of  February  last, 
and  that  are  involved  in  the  approaching  canvass.  They  have  not 
been  hastily  adopted.  They  will  not  be  hastily  abandoned.  Know 
ing  them,  the  electors  of  the  State  can  determine  whether  they  are 
such  as  they  will  be  willing  to  sanction  at  the  ballot-box.  The  re 
sult  is  with  them. 

JAMES   W.    GRIMES. 
BTJELINGTON,  April  8,  1854. 

21. — To  Rev.  Henry  Clay  Dean,   West  Point,  Lee  County. 

BUKLIKGTON,  March  2,  1854. 

I  have  received  your  letter  of  the  28th  of  February,  in  which  you 
addressed  to  me  the  following  question  :  "  Should  you  be  elected, 
will  you  veto,  or  approve,  such  a  law,  consistent  with  the  constitu 
tion  of  the  State,  as  may  be  enacted  by  the  State  Legislature,  for 
the  prohibition  of  the  sale  of  ardent  spirits  as  a  beverage  ?  "  And 
I  hasten  to  reply,  most  unequivocally,  that  I  should  certainly  approve 
such  an  act. 

It  has  ever  been  a  principle  of  the  Whig  party  that  the  Execu 
tive  veto  should  be  exercised  only  for  the  greatest  constitutional 
reasons.  All  reasons  of  expediency  should  be  determined  by  the 
legislative  department  of  the  Government.  And  should  I  be  so 
fortunate  as  to  be  elected,  I  should  endeavor  to  avoid  encroach 
ment  in  the  remotest  degree  upon  the  prerogative  of  that  depart 
ment. 


1854.]  GOVERNOR  OF  IOWA.  51 

22.—  To  Mrs.  Grimes. 

OSKALOOSA,  June  4,  1854. 

I  have  now  been  absent  one  week,  have  made  six  speeches,  none 
less  than  one  hour  and  a  half  long,  and,  what  is  singular,  I  am  en 
tirely  well,  except  that  my  throat  is  a  little  out  of  order.  I  have 
had  very  good  audiences  in  point  of  numbers  and  respectability,  and 
at  three  of  my  meetings  have  had  the  ladies  to  hear  me.  Yesterday 
I  was  honored  with  the  presence  of  Mrs.  Frances  D.  Gage,  and  took 
tea  with  her  at  Mr.  Dart's.  I  found  her  more  agreeable  in  conver 
sation,  and  less  manly  in  her  intercourse,  than  I  had  expected.  She 
is  evidently  a  well-informed,  talented  woman,  and  I  presume  is 
doing  much  good.  I  have  heard  her  lecture  twice,  last  evening  on 
temperance ;  both  lectures  were  good. 

I  think  the  prospects  for  me  in  this  region  are  very  good,  but 
there  is  no  knowing  how  men's  minds  may  change  between  this 
and  the  day  of  election.  I  shall  start  on  in  a  few  minutes,  and 
speak  at  Pella  to-morrow.  It  is  monstrous  hard  work  that  I  have 
undertaken,  and  I  am  fearful  that  I  shall  not  be  able  to  perform  all 
that  is  allotted  me  to  do. 

23.— 7b  . 

COUNCIL  BLUFFS,  June  16,  1854. 

Your  favor  in  regard  to  traveling  on  Sunday  is  received.  I 
started  from  Burlington  between  six  and  seven  o'clock  on  Sunday 
evening,  because  I  knew  I  would  be  too  exhausted  to  speak  at 
Mount  Pleasant,  if  I  rode  all  the  way  there  on  Monday  morning.  I 
therefore  rode  to  New  London  Sunday  night,  mostly  after  dark. 
Since  then,  I  rode  from  seven  to  ten  o'clock  one  Sunday  evening. 
The  other  .Sundays  I  have  laid  up,  and  have  pressed  through  on 
week-days,  much  to  my  inconvenience  and  fatigue.  I  endeavor  to 
respect  the  opinions,  prejudices,  and  inclinations  of  both  my  friends 
and  enemies.  I  think  I  have  done  nothing  wrong,  arid  that  there 
is  no  good  occasion  for  fault-finding.  There  would  not  be,  if  I 
traveled  all  the  day.  I  am  proclaiming  the  great  gospel  of  liberty 
wherever  I  go.  I  natter  myself  that  I  have  already  done  more 
good  to  the  cause  of  humanity  and  liberal  ideas  than  has  ever  been 
done  by  all  the  speeches  made  in  the  State,  and  by  many  sermons. 
I  have  had  large  audiences,  and  very  attentive  ones.  I  have  no 
fears  of  the  result. 


52  LIFE  OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1854. 

24.—  To  Mrs.  Grimes. 

COUNCIL  BLUFFS,  June  IQth. 

I  am  well,  though  fatigued  and  worn  down  by  traveling  and 
speaking.  I  have  undertaken  too  much  hard  labor,  but  am  re 
solved  to  persevere  unto  the  end.  I  speak  here  this  afternoon.  I 
have  poorer  prospects  before  me  here  than  at  any  point  I  have 
been.  The  majority  of  the  people  here  are  Nebraskaites  and 
whiskey-men.  I  write  in  the  midst  of  a  crowd,  and  am  in  trouble 
to  find  time  to  do  anything. 

GLENWOOD,  MILLS  COUNTY,  June  \§tJi. 

I  had  just  time,  night  before  last,  to  merely  acknowledge  your 
letter.  I  have  since  read  it  two  or  three  times,  and  each  time  with 
additional  pleasure.  It  affords  me  words  of  encouragement  and 
hope,  from  one  by  whom  I  desire  to  be  encouraged  more  than  by 
all  others  in  the  world — one  whose  approbation  I  seek  more  than 
the  approval  of  all  my  other  kind  friends.  The  sentiments  you 
utter  make  me  strong.  They  have  caused  me  to  renew  my  resolu 
tion  to  continue  to  proclaim  the  gospel  of  liberty  until  the  day  of 
the  election. 

When  I  came  here  I  found  that  the  population  is  entirely  South 
ern.  My  friends  were  tender-footed,  and  did  not  wish  me  to  de 
nounce  the  Nebraska  infamy.  I  did  not  tell  them  what  I  would 
do,  but  when  we  met  in  the  court-house  I  told  them  that  the  prin 
ciples  I  maintained  on  the  Mississippi  River  I  should  maintain  and 
express  just  as  boldly  on  the  Missouri  River.  I  then  discussed  the 
subject  an  hour,  and  pleased  both  my  friends  and  enemies.  They 
all  saw  that  my  principles  did  not  change  with  a  change  of  latitude, 
and  they  applauded  me  to  the  skies.  Although  this  is  a  Democratic 
county,  my  friends  assure  me  that  I  will  receive  fifty  majority  in 
the  county.1 

I  am  much  better  now  than  a  week  ago.  I  think  I  shall  be  able 
to  stand  the  canvass  until  the  election.  It  is  a  comfort  to  know 
that  before  three  weeks  elapse  I  shall  be  at  home.  But  I  shall  be 
compelled  to  absent  myself  again  for  three  weeks.  Then,  thank 
Heaven,  the  election  takes  place,  and  this  business  will  be  over. 

At  the  election  (August  3d),  of  43,594  votes,  Mr.  Grimes 
received  a  majority  of  2,486.  His  energetic  canvass  of  the 

1  The  vote  of  Mills  County  was  177  for  Grimes,  155  for  Bates. 


1854.]  GOVERNOR  OF  IOWA.  53 

State,  and  the  result,  were  regarded  with  great  interest  through 
out  the  country.     Said  the  Galena  Gazette : 

The  freemen  of  the  North  are  indebted  to  Mr.  Grimes,  in  a  great 
measure,  for  one  of  the  most  brilliant  victories  ever  achieved  in  the 
annals  of  politics.  His  recent  contest,  and  its  results,  have  given* 
him  a  national  reputation  which  he  has  nobly  earned. 

In  his  native  State  his  election  was  welcomed  as  a  fitting 
rebuke  to  another  son  of  New  Hampshire,  who  had  said  in  his 
first  message  to  Congress  (December,  1853),  in  relation  to  the 
peaceful  condition  of  the  country,  at  that  time,  upon  the  ques 
tion  of  slavery : 

This  repose  is  to  suffer  no   shock  during  my  official  term,  if  I 
have  power  to  avert  it. 

Mr.  Grimes  and  President  Pierce  were  natives  of  adjoining 
towns.  Hon.  S.  P.  Chase  wrote  (Cincinnati,  September  24th) : 

Allow  me  to  congratulate  you  on  the  result  in  Iowa.  It  sur 
passes  my  hopes,  and  is  due  in  great  measure  to  your  indefatigable 
exertions.  We  all  owe  you  a  debt  of  gratitude.  But  now  as  much 
of  wisdom  will  be  needed  to  secure  the  fruits  of  victory  and  perma 
nent  ascendency,  as  there  was  of  courage,  energy,  and  tact,  to  gain 
it.  Your  message  will  be  looked  for  with  great  interest. 

Two  years  later,  Mr.  Chase  wrote  (August  23,  1856) : 
Your  election  was  the  morning  star.     The  sun  has  risen  now. 

Soon  after  his  election,  it  was  proposed  in  some  quarters  that 
he  should  be  sent  to  the  Senate  of  the  United  States.  He  at 
once  gave  it  to  be  understood  that  he  should  fill  the  term  of 
office  for  which  he  had  been  chosen  by  the  people.  The  Hawk- 
eye,  October  12th,  said : 

The  papers  need  not  trouble  themselves  about  having  Mr.  Grimes 
presented  to  the  Legislature  for  election  to  the  United  States  Sen 
ate.  He  was  elected  to  be  simply  Governor  of  the  State,  which 
position  he  is  satisfied  to  occupy,  at  least  for  the  term  of  his  elec 
tion  ;  after  that,  we  cannot  speak  for  him.  He  will  then  be  in  the 
hands  of  his  friends,  for  Governor,  or  the  Senate,  or  something  else ; 
maybe  for  President,  for  aught  we  know. 
5 


54  LIFE  OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1854. 

25.— To  Eon.  S.  P.  Chase,  Cincinnati. 

BURLINGTON,  October  3,  1854. 

I  regret  that  I  am  unable  to  meet  you  at  Galena.  Other  en 
gagements,  ana  my  ill  health,  will  prevent.  I  wish  much  to  have 
a  few  minutes'  conversation  with  you.  I  shall  take  about  the 
ground  you  suggest,  in  my  message.  I  have  not  prepared  it,  but  I 
have  thought  I  would  occupy  about  the  positions  taken  by  the  re 
cent  Whig  State  Convention  in  Massachusetts. 

I  am  astonished  at  my  own  success  in  this  State.  I  fought  the 
battle  nearly  alone.  My  colleagues  on  the  congressional  ticket 
were  dead  weights ;  one  of  my  colleagues  on  the  State  ticket  de 
clined,  because  I  was  too  much  of  a  Free-Soiler ;  and  I  had  the  Bur 
lington  Hawkey  e,  a  professedly  Whig  paper,  and  the  whole  silver- 
gray  interest,  openly  against  me.  Thank  Heaven  !  I  triumphed  over 
the  combined  powers  of  darkness,  and  carried  a  handsome  majority 
(ten)  of  the  Legislature  with  me.  We  lost  two  members  by  draw 
ing  lots,  where  there  was  a  tie. 

The  southern  half  of  our  State  is  strongly  pro-slavery,  but  I 
think  we  will  be  able  to  carry  a  majority  with  us  for  free  princi 
ples,  and  for  a  disconnection  writh  slavery.  The  Whigs  are  just  now 
learning  that  it  does  not  hurt  them  to  be  called  "  abolitionists, 
woolly-heads,"  etc.,  and,  when  the  great  contest  of  1856  comes  on, 
they  will  be  prepared  for  and  callous  to  all  such  epithets.  The 
north  third  of  our  State  will  be  to  Iowa,  politically,  what  the  West 
ern  Reserve  is  to  the  State  of  Ohio.  No  man  can  obtain  the  elec 
toral  vote  of  Iowa,  in  1856,  who  was  in  favor  of  the  passage  of  the 
Nebraska  bill,  and  who  will  not  favor  the  repeal  of  the  "  Fugitive- 
Slave  law."  Such,  at  any  rate,  is  my  opinion  at  this  time. 

I  would  be  much  pleased  to  hear  from  you,  and  to  receive  any 
suggestions  at  any  time  when  you  have  the  leisure  or  inclination. 

Mr.  Chase  wrote  in  reply  (Cincinnati,  October  31st) : 

The  people  are  in  advance  of  the  politicians  on  the  slavery  ques 
tion.  Now  is  the  time  for  that  other  wisdom,  whose  name  is  cour 
age.  Hence  my  solicitude  for  your  message.  You  have  the  credit 
of  fighting,  under  the  most  auspicious  circumstances,  the  best  battle 
for  freedom  yet  fought.  From  your  State,  the  extreme  West,  will 
most  appropriately  come  the  suggestions  which  shall  shape  this 


1854.]  GOVERNOR  OF  IOWA.  55 

new  movement.  I  feel  thoroughly  persuaded  that  if  your  message 
shall  grapple  directly  and  boldly  with  the  question,  and  take  the 
high  but  safe  ground  of  consistent  principle,  you  will  do  yourself 
the  greatest  honor,  and  your  country  the  greatest  good.  Such  a 
message  cannot  fail  to  have  a  most  important  and  beneficial  effect 
on  the  events  of  1856,  including  the  presidential  election  itself. 
He  who  speaks  clearest  will  be  best  understood  and  most  honored. 

Mr.  Chase  wrote  again  (November  13th) : 

If  I  may  judge  of  your  forthcoming  inaugural  by  the  part  you 
have  sent  me,  it  will  be  an  excellent  one.  It  does  me  good  to 
think  that  a  New  Hampshire  boy,  and  a  Governor  of  a  Western 
State,  will  have  the  honor  of  being  the  first  to  lay  down  the  great 
principle  on  which  the  slavery  question  must  be  finally  settled,  if 
peacefully  settled  at  all.  As  a  New  Hampshire  boy,  and  Western 
man,  I  am  proud  of  it. 

The  salary  of  the  Governor  was  twelve  hundred  and  fifty 
dollars  a  year.  The  terra  of  office  under  the  constitution  was 
four  years.  Mr.  Grimes  was  inducted  into  office  on  the  9th  of 
December,  1854,  the  oath  of  office  being  administered  by  Hon. 
Maturin  L.  Fisher,  president  of  the  Joint  Convention  of  both 
Houses,  and  delivered  on  the  occasion  the  following 

ADDRESS. 

Gentlemen  of  the  Senate  and  Souse  of  Representatives  : 

Having  now,  in  your  presence,  assumed  the  duties  of  the  office 
to  which  I  have  been  elevated  by  the  suffrages  of  my  fellow-citizens, 
it  becomes  my  duty,  under  the  constitution,  to  call  your  attention 
to  such  subjects  as  I  believe  demand  your  consideration. 

No  one,  however  connected  with  legislation,  can  too  highly  esti 
mate  the  responsibilities  of  his  position.  He  cannot  feel  too  deeply 
the  delicacy  of  his  labors,  and  his  ignorance  of  the  complicated 
structure  and  conflicting  interests  of  society  over  which  he  is  called 
to  exercise  control.  To  legislate  is  the  noblest  employment  in 
which  he  can  be  engaged,  and  the  most  difficult  of  satisfactory  exe 
cution. 

It  is  so  everywhere,  but  it  is  peculiarly  so  in  a  new  and  growing 
State,  where  the  population  is  drawn  from  all  parts  of  the  civilized 


56  LIFE   OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1854. 

globe,  where  the  public  policy  and  public  institutions  are  just  being 
established,  and  where  different  portions  of  the  State  are  in  differ 
ent  conditions  of  progress  and  development.  It  is  a  difficult  task 
to  protect  and  advance  the  pioneer  interests  of  our  western  settle 
ments,  and  also  encourage,  and  establish  on  a  substantial  basis,  the 
commercial  and  manufacturing  interests  of  the  old  counties,  by  gen 
eral  laws  that  shall  operate  equally  and  beneficently  upon  all.  It 
is  not  an  easy  matter  to  lay  strong  and  deep  the  foundations  of  the 
educational  institutions  of  a  new  State,  and  to  rear  thereon  super 
structures  that  shall  honor  the  State  and  bless  mankind.  The  duty 
of  restoring  reason  to  those  who  are  bereft  of  it,  of  giving  sight  to 
the  blind  and  hearing  to  the  deaf,  by  the  establishment  and  proper 
endowment  of  charitable  institutions ;  of  repressing  evil,  of  punish 
ing  crime,  of  stimulating  industry,  of  protecting  public  virtue,  arid 
of  maintaining  the  integrity  of  the  State  sovereignty,  cannot  be 
exercised  without  incurring  grave  responsibilities. 

Government  is  established  for  the  protection  of  the  governed. 
But  that  protection  does  not  consist  merely  in  the  enforcement  of 
laws  against  injury  to  the  person  and  property.  Men  do  not  make 
a  voluntary  abnegation  of  their  natural  rights,  simply  that  those 
rights  may  be  protected  by  the  body  politic.  It  reaches  more  vital 
interests  than  those  of  property.  Its  greatest  object  is  to  elevate 
and  ennoble  the  citizen.  It  would  fall  far  short  of  its  design  if  it 
did  not  disseminate  intelligence,  and  build  up  the  moral  energies 
of  the  people.  It  is  organized  "  to  establish  justice,  promote  the 
public  welfare,  and  secure  the  blessings  of  liberty."  It  is  designed 
to  foster  the  instincts  of  truth,  justice,  and  philanthropy,  that  are 
implanted  in  our  very  natures,  and  from  which  constitutions  and  laws 
derive  their  validity  and  value.  It  should  afford  moral  as  well  as 
physical  protection,  by  educating  the  rising  generation,  by  encour 
aging  industry  and  sobriety,  by  steadfastly  adhering  to  the  right, 
and  by  being  ever  true  to  the  instincts  of  freedom  and  humanity. 

To  accomplish  these  high  aims  of  government,  the  first  requisite 
is  ample  provision  for  the  education  of  the  youth  of  the  State.  The 
common-school  fund  of  the  State  should  be  scrupulously  preserved, 
and  a  more  efficient  system  of  common  schools  than  we  now  have 
should  be  adopted.  The  State  should  see  to  it  that  the  elements 
of  education,  like  the  elements  of  universal  Nature,  are  above,  around, 
and  beneath  all. 


1854.]  GOVERNOR   OF  IOWA.  57 

It  is  agreed  that  the  safety  and  perpetuity  of  our  republican 
institutions  depend  upon  the  diffusion  of  intelligence  among  the 
masses  of  the  people.  The  statistics  of  the  penitentiaries  and  alms- 
houses  throughout  the  country,  abundantly  show  that  education  is 
the  best  preventive  of  pauperism  and  crime.  They  show,  also,  that 
the  prevention  of  those  evils  is  much  less  expensive  than  the  pun 
ishment  of  the  one,  and  the  relief  of  the  other.  Education,  too,  is 
the  great  equalizer  of  human  conditions.  It  places  the  poor  on  an 
equality  with  the  rich.  It  subjects  the  appetites  and  passions  of 
the  rich  to  the  restraints  of  reason  and  conscience,  and  thus  pre 
pares  each  for  a  career  of  usefulness  and  honor.  Every  consider 
ation,  therefore,  of  duty  and  policy  impels  us  to  sustain  the  common 
schools  of  the  State  in  the  highest  possible  efficiency. 

I  am  convinced  that  the  public  schools  should  be  supported  by 
taxation  of  property,  and  that  the  present  rate  system  should  be 
abolished.  Under  the  present  system  of  a  per  capita  tax  upon  the 
scholars,  the  children  of  the  poor  are  in  a  measure  excluded  from 
the  benefit  of  the  schools,  while  the  children  of  the  opulent  are 
withdrawn  from  them  to  be  educated  in  private  institutions.  Prop 
erty  is  the  only  legitimate  subject  of  taxation.  It  has  its  duties, 
as  well  as  its  rights.  It  needs  the  conservative  influences  of  edu 
cation,  and  should  be  made  to  pay  for  its  own  protection. 

I  suggest  the  propriety  of  establishing  in  each  school  district  in 
the  State  a  district-school  library.  I  believe  that  an  act  appropri 
ating  to  each  district  a  small  sum  of  money  for  this  purpose,  pro 
vided  the  district  would  appropriate  an  equal  amount,  would  be 
received  by  the  people  with  the  highest  satisfaction.  It  would 
establish  in  each  district  complying  with  the  provisions  of  the  act  a 
nucleus,  around  which  in  a  few  years  would  be  gathered  respecta 
ble  libraries  that  would  be  accessible  to  all.  These  libraries  would 
be  great  aids  in  the  diffusion  of  general  intelligence. 

I  am  not  informed  of  the  amount  or  condition  of  the  university 
fund  of  the  State.  It  is  known,  however,  that  a  munificent  grant 
of  land  was  made  by  Congress  for  the  establishment  of  a  seminary 
of  learning ;  that  a  large  part  of  those  lands  has  been  sold,  and 
that  the  proceeds  have  never  been  applied  to  any  specific  use,  ex 
cept  the  sum  of  five  thousand  dollars  heretofore  granted  to  the 
Medical  School  at  Keokuk.  I  think  the  time  has  come  when  steps 
should  be  taken  to  carry  out  the  design  of  Congress  in  making  the 


58  LIFE   OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1854. 

grant.  If  the  State  can  ever  establish  an  institution  of  learning,  it 
can  be  done  under  as  favorable  auspices  now  as  at  any  future  time. 
I  do  not  believe  it  to  be  sound  policy  to  establish  a  literary  insti 
tution  that  shall  come  into  rivalry  with  the  various  denominational 
colleges  now  struggling  into  existence.  Those  institutions  should 
be  encouraged,  and  not  depressed.  They  can  and  will  educate  the 
young  men  who  wish  to  enter  the  professions  of  law,  physic,  and  di 
vinity.  But  the  State  has  a  greater  want  than  of  lawyers  and  doc 
tors.  She  wants  educated  farmers  and  mechanics,  engineers,  archi 
tects,  chemists,  metallurgists,  and  geologists.  She  needs  men  en 
gaged  in  the  practical  duties  of  life,  who  have  conquered  their  pro 
fessions,  and  who  are  able  to  impart  their  knowledge  to  others.  She 
wants  farmers  who  shall  be  familiar  with  the  principles  of  chemistry, 
as  applied  to  agriculture  ;  architects  and  mechanics,  who  will  adorn 
her  with  edifices  worthy  of  so  fair  a  land  ;  and  engineers  and  geolo 
gists  who  will  develop  her  resources,  and  thus  augment  the  wealth 
and  happiness  of  her  citizens.  This  want  'can  only  be  supplied  by 
the  establishment  of  a  school  of  applied  sciences.  I  have  no  hesi 
tation,  therefore,  in  recommending  that  the  university  fund  be  ap 
propriated  to  establish  a  practical  scientific  or  polytechnic  school. 

The  State  and  county  agricultural  societies  are  doing  much  to 
improve  agriculture  and  the  industrial  arts,  and  deserve  encourage 
ment  from  the  government. 

The  General  Assembly  cannot  be  too  urgently  called  on  to  take 
immediate  steps  to  establish  State  charitable  institutions.  Accord 
ing  to  the  most  reliable  information,  there  are  now  more  than  one 
hundred  pauper  insane  persons  in  the  State.  One-half  of  these  are 
confined  in  the  common  jails,  and  are  thus  placed  beyond  even  a 
reasonable  expectation  of  recovery ;  the  other  moiety  are  roaming 
at  large,  a  terror  to  their  friends  and  neighbors,  and  by  exposure  to 
exciting  causes  rendering  their  disease  hopelessly  incurable.  Ev 
ery  dictate  of  humanity — every  principle  of  sound  public  policy — 
demands  that  the  State  should  make  immediate  provision  for  the 
care  and  treatment  of  this  unfortunate  class  of  our  fellow-citizens. 

There  can  be  no  question  of  a  desire  on  the  part  of  the  people 
of  the  State  that  their  constitution  should  be  amended.  It  is  need 
less  at  this  time  to  allude  to  the  arguments  that  may  be  urged  in 
favor  of  a  change  in  that  instrument.  The  amendments  can  only 
be  made  by  a  constitutional  convention.  The  only  question  now 


1854.]  GOVERNOR   OF  IOWA.  59 

presented  is,  Shall  the  people  have  the  privilege  of  determining  for 
themselves,  at  the  ballot-box,  whether  they  want  revision  and  amend 
ment  at  all  ?  Not  a  single  valid  argument  can  be  urged  against 
this  proposition.  A  submission  of  the  question  of  revision  to  the 
people  can  be  attended  with  no  expense,  for,  according  to  the  con 
stitution,  it  must  be  done  at  a  general  election.  If  the  decision, 
therefore,  is  against  revision,  the  State  will  sustain  no  injury;  if  in 
favor  of  it,  the  genuine  doctrine  of  popular  sovereignty  will  be  vin 
dicated. 

There  is  a  strong  public  sentiment  in  favor  of  a  radical  change 
of  the  present  laws  regulating  the  manufacture  and  sale  of  intoxicat 
ing  liquors.  Every  friend  of  humanity  earnestly  desires  that  some 
thing  may  be  done  to  dry  up  the  streams  of  bitterness  that  this 
traffic  now  pours  over  the  land.  I  have  no  doubt  that  a  prohibitory 
law  may  be  enacted  that  will  avoid  all  constitutional  objections, 
and  meet  the  approval  of  a  vast  majority  of  the  people  of  the  State. 

The  public  mind  has  been,  and  is  now,  greatly  excited  on  the 
subject  of  slavery  in  the  Territories  of  the  United  States.  At  the 
last  session  of  Congress,  that  solemn  compact,  known  as  the  Mis 
souri  Compromise,  which  had  existed  more  than  thirty  years  with 
out  any  attempt  to  disturb  it — which  was  passed  at  the  instance 
of  the  South — and  which  the  people  of  the  whole  country  have 
been  taught  by  the  great  expounders  of  the  Constitution  to  regard 
as  inviolable  as  the  most  sacred  provisions  of  that  instrument  itself 
— was  repealed.  By  that  compromise,  all  that  portion  of  the  origi 
nal  Territory  of  Louisiana  that  lay  north  of  the  parallel  of  36°  30' 
was  forever  dedicated  to  freedom.  By  its  repeal  it  is  attempted  to 
subject  that  vast  domain  to  the  withering  influences  of  African 
slavery. 

This  only  compromise  that  favored  freedom  was  ruthlessly  vio 
lated  by  the  very  men  who  were  most  clamorous  for  the  mainte 
nance  of  every  compromise  that  favored  slavery.  It  was  done  in 
defiance  of  the  remonstrances  of  the  people,  and  by  a  palpable  vio 
lation  of  parliamentary  rules.  The  motive  with  which  it  was  done 
is  apparent.  While  its  few  supporters  in  the  North  attempt  to 
justify  the  act,  and  shield  the  perpetrators  from  reproach,  by  appeal 
ing  to  the  doctrine  of  popular  sovereignty,  its  principal  supporters 
in  the  South  utterly  repudiate  that  doctrine,  and  openly  avow  that 
they  will  never  submit  to  it.  The  primary  motive  was  to  extend 


60  LIFE  OF  JAMES  W.   GEIMES.  [1854. 

the  area  of  slave  territory,  and  thus  give  a  political  supremacy  to 
the  slaveholding  States,  by  virtue  of  representation  of  slave  prop 
erty. 

The  Federal  Government  was  established  "  to  secure  the  bless 
ings  of  liberty,"  and  not  to  perpetuate  and  extend  human  bondage. 
Its  founders  intended  to  confine  slavery  to  its  then  existing  limits. 
It  was  with  this  settled  conviction  of  the  policy  of  the  government, 
and  with  the  universal  opinion,  moreover,  that  new  territory  could 
not  be  acquired  by  purchase,  that  the  several  States  consented  to 
that  provision  of  the  Constitution  which  allows  three-fifths  of  the 
slave  population  of  the  country  to  be  enumerated  as  the  basis  of 
representation  in  the  electoral  colleges,  and  in  the  House  of  Repre 
sentatives.  But,  without  any  change  of  the  Constitution,  the  whole 
policy  of  the  Government  seems  to  be  changed  on  this  subject.  Vast 
territories  have  been  acquired.  Five  new  slave  States  have  been 
admitted  into  the  Union  from  territory  purchased  with  the  common 
treasure  of  the  country.  The  number  of  slaves  has  increased  from 
697,897  in  1790  to  3,204,313  in  1850,  now  represented  by  twenty- 
one  votes  in  the  electoral  colleges  and  in  Congress. 

I  trust  that  there  is  no  citizen  of  Iowa  who  desires  the  General 
Government  to  interfere  with  slavery  in  the  States  of  this  Union. 
It  is  a  local  institution,  and  to  the  States  that  maintain  it  belong 
its  responsibilities  and  its  perils.  But  while  the  people  of  the 
North  should  scrupulously  regard  the  rights  of  others,  they  should 
manfully  maintain  their  own.  They  are  recreant  to  their  own  inter 
ests;  they  betray  the  rights  of  their  posterity;  they  give  a  fatal 
blow  to  the  principles  of  free  and  equal  government,  when  they 
consent  to  the  creation  of  new  slave  States  and  a  consequent  fur 
ther  representation  of  slave  property. 

The  removal  of  that  great  landmark  of  freedom — the  Missouri 
Compromise  line — when  it  had  been  sacredly  observed  until  slavery 
had  acquired  every  inch  of  soil  south  of  it,  has  presented  the  ag 
gressive  character  of  that  system  broadly  before  the  country.  It 
has  shown  that  all  compromises  with  slavery,  that  are  designed  to 
favor  freedom,  are  mere  ropes  of  sand,  to  be  broken  by  the  first 
wave  of  passion  or  interest  that  may  roll  from  the  South.  It  has 
forced  upon  the  country  an  issue  between  free  labor,  political  equal 
ity,  and  manhood  on  the  one  hand ;  and  on  the  other,  slave-labor, 
political  degradation  and  wrong.  It  becomes  the  people  of  the  free 


1854.]  GOVERNOR   OF  IOWA.  61 

States  to  meet  that  issue  resolutely,  calmly,  and  with  a  sense  of  the 
momentous  consequences  that  will  flow  from  its  decision.  To  every 
elector,  in  view  of  that  issue,  might  appropriately  be  applied  the 
injunction  anciently  addressed  to  the  Jewish  king,  "  Be  strong, 
and  show  thyself  a  man." 

It  is  both  the  interest  and  duty  of  the  free  States  to  prevent 
the  increase  and  extension  of  the  slave  element  of  powder,  by  every 
constitutional  means.  To  do  so  successfully,  they  must  adhere  to 
the  principles  of  the  founders  of  the  republic.  In  the  view  of 
those  principles,  slavery  is  a  local  institution,  depending  wholly  on 
State  laws  for  its  existence  and  continuance.  Freedom  being  the 
natural  condition  of  all  men,  and  no  authority  being  delegated  to 
the  General  Government  to  establish  or  protect  slavery,  Congress 
can  pass  no  law  establishing  or  protecting  it  in  the  Territories.  If 
Congress  can  pass  no  such  law,  much  less  can  it  delegate  such  au 
thority  to  the  Territorial  Legislatures,  over  whose  acts  it  has  ever 
exercised  a  supervisory  and  restraining  power.  By  a  wide  depart 
ure  from  constitutional  principles,  slavery  has  been  tolerated  in 
some  of  the  Territories.  Let  such  toleration  forever  cease.  Let 
the  Government  be  brought  back  to  its  original  purity.  Let  the 
principle  be  authoritatively  announced  and  persistently  adhered  to, 
that  there  can  be  no  slavery  outside  of  State  sovereignties.  Let 
the  Government,  in  all  its  relations,  be  divorced  from  the  system, 
and  the  agitation  of  this  subject  will  cease,  the  conscience  of  the 
North  will  be  quieted,  and  the  rights  of  the  people  of  the  South 
fully  sustained.  It  is  only  by  an  entire  disconnection  of  the  General 
Government  from  the  institution  of  slavery,  that  the  people  of  the 
free  States  can  find  safety  and  honor.  In  no  other  way  can  thev 
maintain  their  political  equality,  and  stand  acquitted  before  the  bar 
of  an  enlightened  public  sentiment. 

It  becomes  the  State  of  Iowa — the  only  free  child  of  the  Mis 
souri  Compromise — to  let  the  world  know  that  she  values  the  bless 
ings  that  compromise  has  secured  to  her,  and  that  she  will  never 
consent  to  become  a  party  to  the  nationalization  of  slavery. 

I  desire  to  cooperate  with  the  General  Assembly  in  every  meas 
ure  that  may  tend  to  promote  the  prosperity  of  the  State. 

I  trust  that  our  mutual  counsels  will  be  characterized  by  calm 
ness  and  prudence  ;  and  I  devoutly  pray  that,  in  our  respective 
spheres,  we  may  be  guided  by  "  that  wisdom  which  is  from  above." 


62  LIFE  OF  JAMES  W.    GRIMES.  [1854. 

26. — To  Mrs.  Grimes. 

IOWA  CITY,  December  23, 1854. 

I  find  my  time  entirely  occupied  with  duties  that  properly  per 
tain  to  my  office,  and  others  that  are  assigned  me  by  the  Legisla 
ture.  They  pretend  that  they  have  more  confidence  in  my  judg 
ment  than  they  had  in  my  predecessors,  and  hence  intrust  to  me 
various  duties  that  have  never  been  assigned  to  the  Governors  of 
the  State.  The  Senate  called  on  me  a  few  days  ago  for  a  report 
and  suggestions  in  relation  to  the  insane,  etc.  I  sent  in  a  mes 
sage  yesterday  in  reply.  They  ordered  twro  thousand  copies  to 
be  published.  It  was  prepared  in  a  hurry,  and  does  not  amount  to 
much.1 

There  has,  as  yet,  been  no  senator  elected.  I  understand  that 
Warren  went  away  with  the  impression  that  I  was  opposed  to  his 
election,  and  in  favor  of  Harlan.  He  was  never  more  mistaken.  I 
preferred  him  to  any  one  named,  but  I  did  not  choose  to  mingle  in 
the  strife  that  was  going  on  for  the  office.  I  did  not  believe  that 
it  became  the  position  I  occupy,  and  I  still  think  so.  I  trust  the 
result  may  be  in  favor  of  progress  and  freedom. 

We  have  had  a  grand  ball.  There  was  a  large  crowd.  I  did 
not  attend.  I  find  that  I  shall  have  a  great  deal  more  to  do  than  I 

1 1  am  an  advocate  for  economy.  But  I  conceive  that  it  would  be  the  poorest 
possible  economy  to  erect  any  other  than  the  most  substantial  buildings.  Unlike 
the  deaf,  dumb,  and  blind,  insane  persons  cannot  be  kept  in  ordinary  buildings. 
Structures  must  be  erected  for  their  special  use  and  treatment. 

I  think  it  would  be  wise  to  appoint  commissioners  of  intelligence  and  character, 
with  authority  to  visit  asylums  for  the  insane  in  other  States,  to  obtain  plans  for 
proper  buildings,  and  to  lay  these  plans  before  the  superintendents  of  those  asy 
lums  for  such  suggestions  as  their  experience  may  dictate.  Improvements  are 
being  constantly  made  in  the  construction,  ventilation,  and  heating,  of  such  struct 
ures,  and  the  State  should  avail  herself  of  all  such  improvements. 

It  should  be  borne  in  mind  that  it  will  be  but  a  few  years  before  a  second  asy 
lum  for  the  insane  will  be  required.  This  unfortunate  class  will  increase  with  the 
population  of  the  State.  Massachusetts,  with  a  population  of  994,514,  has  1,661 
insane,  or  one  in  604  of  her  population.  She  has  three  asylums  filled  to  overflow 
ing. 

Vermont,  with  314,120  souls,  not  as  many  as  there  are  now  in  the  State  of 
Iowa,  has  560  insane,  or  one  in  569  of  her  population.  Ohio  is  now  erecting  two 
new  asylums,  one  in  the  northern  and  another  in  the  southern  part  of  the  State. 
Our  State  asylum,  therefore,  should  be  located  with  a  view  to  the  future  increase 
of  the  number. — Extract  from  the  Message. 


1855.]  GOVERNOR   OF  IOWA.  63 

had  expected,  and  that  it  will  probably  be  necessary  for  me  to  visit 
Iowa  City  frequently.  I  shall  endeavor  to  preserve  my  honesty ,  as 
you  desire.  The  abuse  of  the  Gazette  does  not  disturb  me  in  the 
smallest  degree.  Inclosed  you  will  find  a  private  letter  from  Mr. 
Giddings.1  Do  not  show  it  to  any  one. 

27.— To  . 

IOWA  CITY,  January  4,  1855. 

I  have  been  attempting  to  bring  Davis  forward,  but  ineffectually. 
There  is  no  man  in  the  State  I  prefer  to  him.  To-day  I  had  a  talk, 
for  the  first  time  since  last  spring,  with  Browning,  and  endeavored 
to  induce  him  to  support  Davis.  He  could  not  conscientiously  do 
so,  he  replied,  on  account  of  Davis's  Free-Soil  proclivities.  Mr. 
Harlan's  friends  think  his  chances  are  improving.  I  had  my  first 
conversation  with  him  to-day,  and  talked  to  him  frankly  and  freely. 
He  avowed  himself  a  Republican.  Russell  and  the  Washington 
and  Henry  County  Free-Soilers  nominated  him.  There  are  but  ten 
Whigs  in  the  Legislature.  The  other  forty-five  are  known  as  anti- 
Nebraska  men,  Republicans,  and  Woolly-Heads.  Harlan  is  too 
Free-Soil  for  the  Whigs,  and  is  regarded  by  the  Free-Soilers  as 
sufficiently  antislavery  for  them.  Father  Turner  says  they  will 
hold  a  meeting  at  Denmark,  and  wipe  their  hands  of  Whiggery.  I 
say  amen  to  that,  if  he  means  to  get  clear  of  such  Whiggery  as  we 
have  here. 

There  will  be  but  very  little  done  this  winter  by  the  Legisla- 

1  HALL  OF  KEPRESENTATIVES,  December  18, 1854. 

MY  DEAR  GRIMES  :  Thanks  for  your  message,  for  its  doctrines.  They  are  well 
and  fearlessly  expressed.  One  thing  more,  and  Iowa  will  lead  the  great  Republi 
can  party.  Let  your  Legislature  back  up  the  Governor  by  resolutions,  on  your 
grounds,  and  your  State,  our  youngest  sister,  will  stand  in  a  most  admirable  posi 
tion.  The  point  you  make  is  the  true  issue,  and  I  wonder  that  our  State  Legisla 
tures  have  not  taken  it  long  since.  It  is  now  admitted  by  all  that  our  issue  must 
soon  be  fixed  on  the  principle  expressed  in  your  message  of  a  total  separation  of 
the  Federal  Government  from  all  participation  in  the  support  of  slavery,  leaving 
the  institution  entirely  with  the  States  in  which  it  exists,  while  we  of  the  free 
States  will  stand  lustrated  from  its  contagion.  This  issue  cannot  be  withstood  in 
any  free  State  ;  it  will  overwhelm  all  opponents  in  every  free  State. 

"  God  bless  and  prosper  you  ! "  is  the  prayer  of 

Your  obedient  servant, 

J.  R.  GIDDINOS. 
His  Excellency  J.  W.  GRIMES. 


64  LIFE   OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1855. 

ture.     The  Democrats  have  the  Senate  under  their  control,  and 
seem  to  have  adopted  the  do-nothing  policy. 

I  find  my  office  no  sinecure.     I  have  a  hundred-fold  more  to  do 
than  I  expected  when  I  came  here. 

28.— To  . 

IOWA  CITY,  January  7, 1855. 

The  great  national  party  of  Iowa  has  exploded !  The  Demo 
crats  resolved  in  caucus  to  go  for  Browning.  There  were  but  two 
who  stood  out.  He  hoped  to  be  elected  on  the  first  ballot,  Friday 
morning,  but,  before  the  convention  assembled,  it  was  discovered 
that  the  Cook  men  would  not  vote  for  him.  The  Democrats  did 
not,  therefore,  all  rally  on  him,  as  had  been  agreed,  because  it  was 
found  that  there  would  be  no  use  in  doing  so.  He  received  thirty- 
five  Democratic  votes,  but  not  a  Whig  or  anti-Nebraska  man  could 
be  brought  up  to  vote  for  him.  After  balloting  a  few  times,  our 
folks  made  a  motion  to  reverse  the  order  of  things,  and  elect  Judges 
of  the  Supreme  Court  first.  This  took  our  opponents  by  surprise, 
but  we  carried  it.  Wright  and  Woodward  were  elected  judges. 
Isbell  could  only  get  forty-seven  votes.  He  needed  fifty.  The  con 
vention  adjourned  to  ten  o'clock  yesterday  morning.  The  objec 
tion  with  four  or  five  men  was  that  Isbell  was  a  Free-Soil  elector  in 
1848  and  in  1852.  For  the  first  time  this  winter  I  turned  out  to 
electioneer,  and  the  Democrats  discovered,  in  the  morning,  that 
Isbell  would  be  elected  on  the  first  ballot.  The  Senate  met  at  nine 
o'clock,  and  immediately  adjourned  to  Monday  morning.  At  ten 
o'clock,  our-side  Senators  went  into  the  House  of  Representatives, 
and  a  joint  convention  was  declared.  The  recusant  Senators  filled 
the  lobbies,  and  attempted  to  kick  up  a  row,  but  were  overawed 
by  General  Brown,  the  House  Sergeant-at-Arms.  After  making 
speeches  and  wrangling  two  or  three  hours,  all  the  Democratic  rep 
resentatives  but  three  withdrew,  and  the  convention  proceeded  to 
elect  Isbell  and  Harlan,  the  Cook  men  voting  for  each  of  them. 
They  received  fifty-two  and  fifty-three  votes  respectively ;  fifty  is  a 
majority  of  a  full  convention.  The  proper  officers  have  certified 
their  election  to  me,  and  I  will  issue  their  commissions  to-morrow. 

There  was  not  the  least  apology  for  this  revolutionary  proceed 
ing.  The  parties  engaged  in  it  only  attempt  to  excuse  themselves 
on  the  ground  that  time  enough  had  been  expended  in  attempt- 


1855.]  GOVERNOR   OF  IOWA.  65 

ing  to  elect  a  Senator,  and  that  they  wanted  to  go  on  with  the 
regular  business  of  the  session.  Yet  they  adjourned  over  to 
Monday  the  moment  that  Parson  Shearer  got  through  his  prayers. 
An  unsophisticated  man  would  imagine  that  they  might  as  well 
spend  the  day  in  joint  convention  as  in  the  drinking-houses  about 
the  city. 

The  Locofocos  do  not  intend  that  anything  shall  be  done  this 
session,  and  imagine  that  they  will  hold  the  Whigs  and  anti- 
Nebraska  men  responsible  for  a  failure  to  do  the  necessary  legisla 
tion.  We  shall  see.  Harlan  would  not  have  been  elected,  if  the 
Locos  had  not  revolutionized.  We  would  have  elected  Isbell.  Let 
them  hear  from  their  acts  in  the  papers. 

29.—  To  Mrs.  Grimes. 

IOWA  CITY,  January  24,  1855. 

I  shall  start  home  the  last  of  this  week.  The  Legislature  has 
done  an  immense  amount  of  business,  more  than  has  been  done  by 
any  two  Legislatures  before.  The  Constitution  bill ;  Maine  law ; 
Insane  Asylum  ;  Blind  Asylum  ;  Deaf  and  Dumb  Asylum ;  Sunday 
law — that  will  prevent  the  dancing  on  the  Sabbath  that  so  much 
annoys  us  and  our  neighbors  in  the  summer — Geological  Survey 
bill — all  have  passed  and  become  laws. 

Very  cold  here ;  ball  last  night ;  thermometer  21°  below  zero ; 
some  of  the  members  got  drunk,  and  are  ashamed  of  themselves  to 
day  ;  capital  of  the  State  to  be  located  at  Fort  Des  Moines. 

By  an  act  of  the  General  Assembly,  approved  January  24, 
1855,  the  Governor,  and  Hon.  Edward  Johnstone,  and  Charles 
S.  Clarke,  M.  D.,  were  appointed  commissioners  to  locate  and 
superintend  the  erection  of  an  asylum  for  the  insane,  at  or  near 
Mount  Pleasant,  in  Henry  County.  In  discharge  of  this  duty, 
they  purchased  an  ,  eligible  farm  of  one  hundred  and  seventy- 
three  acres,  for  twenty-five  dollars  per  acre,  one  mile  distant 
from  Henry  County  Court-House ;  and  visited  the  best  institu 
tions,  and  those  recently  erected,  or  in  process  of  erection,  in 
the  Eastern  States.  After  an  examination  of  nine  asylums,  and 
consultation  with  architects,  superintendents,  and  persons  inter 
ested  in  institutions  of  the  kind,  they  became  satisfied  that  the 
General  Assembly,  in  limiting  the  cost  of  the  asylum  to  fifty 


66  LIFE   OF  JAMES  W.   GEIMES.  [1855. 

thousand  dollars,  could  liave  known  as  little  what  was  required 
as  the  commissioners  did  before  they  began  their  investigations. 
They  therefore  determined  to  adopt  such  plans  as  they  believed 
the  wants  and  interests  of  the  State  demanded.  Massachusetts 
was  then  commencing  the  erection  of  a  third  asylum,  at  North 
ampton,  with  all  modern  and  desirable  improvements.  The 
commissioners  procured  transcripts  of  the  plan,  with  a  view  to 
lay  it  before  the  General  Assembly  for  approval.  In  the  mean 
time,  they  proceeded  with  the  excavation  for  the  foundation, 
quarried  rock,  and  made  brick,  but  did  nothing  by  which  the 
State  would  be  injured  a  thousand  dollars,  if  the  Legislature 
should  disapprove  their  action.  The  General  Assembly  met  in 
extra  session,  July,  1856,  before  the  foundations  of  the  building 
were  laid,  when  the  plans  and  specifications  were  submitted  to 
committees  of  the  Legislature,  and  after  a  thorough  canvass  of 
the  whole  matter  an  additional  appropriation  of  fifty  thousand 
dollars  was  made,  not  that  the  money  would  be  needed  before 
the  next  regular  session,  but  as  an  indorsement  of  the  recom 
mendations  of  the  commissioners. 

The  following  is  from  Governor  Grimes's  message  of  Janu 
ary,  1858  : 

I  am  pleased  to  be  able  to  say  that  the  Hospital  for  the  Insane 
at  Mount  Pleasant  has  advanced  rapidly  toward  completion.  The 
whole  work  is  of  the  most  substantial  character ;  the  plan  of  the 
structure  meets  the  approbation  of  all  who  are  familiar  with 
the  treatment  of  insane  persons,  and  I  think  I  hazard  nothing  in 
saying  that  when  completed  the  hospital  will  be  creditable  to  the 
State. 

It  may  be  thought  by  some  that  the  size  of  this  building  is 
greater  than  the  necessities  of  the  State  require,  and  more  expen 
sive  than  the  finances  of  the  State  will  justify. 

In  response  to  such  suggestions,  I  beg  leave  to  say  that  there 
are  now  insane  people  enough  in  the  State  to  fill  it  to  its  utmost 
capacity,  and  that,  while  it  has  thus  far  been  most  substantially 
built,  no  money  has  been  spent,  nor  does  the  plan  contemplate  the 
expenditure  of  any,  for  useless  finish  or  adornment.  When  it  is 
remembered  that  each  patient  requires  a  separate  dormitory,  in- 


1855.]  GOVERNOR   OF  IOWA.  67 

closed  by  brick  walls,  thus  requiring  three  hundred  rooms  for  the 
inmates  alone;  that  there  are  day-rooms  and  associated  dormito 
ries;  dining-rooms,  wash-rooms,  bathing-rooms,  and  water-closets, 
in  each  of  the  sixteen  wards ;  and  that  there  must  necessarily  be 
large  accommodations  for  baking,  cooking,  washing,  ironing,  etc., 
etc.,  for  a  household  of  nearly  four  hundred  persons,  the  magnitude 
of  the  building  and  its  cost  will  not  be  surprising. 

No  one  who  examines  the  census  returns  of  this  State  for  1856, 
and  informs  himself  of  the  proportion  of  insane  cases  that  become 
chronic  and  incurable  when  treated  as  they  now  are  in  this  State,  to 
the  proportion  that  are  cured  when  sent  immediately  to  an  asylum, 
will  hesitate  to  believe  that  humanity,  economy,  and  safety  require 
that  this  institution  should  be  immediately  completed,  and  hereafter 
liberally  supported, 

In  August,  1859,  he  made  the  following  statement  with  ref 
erence  to  attacks  of  unscrupulous  partisans  upon  the  Republican 
party,  and  upon  himself,  in  a  foolish  attempt  to  mingle  politics 
with  the  asylum : 

It  was  established,  the  commissioners  appointed,  and  the  plans 
for  the  building  approved  by  a  Legislature,  of  which  one  branch  was 
Democratic,  and  the  other  anti-Democratic,  and  all  appropriations  for 
the  work  were  voted  for  by  members  of  all  parties,  without  the 
slightest  regard  to  their  political  predilections.  No  one  of  the  com 
missioners  was  ever  influenced  in  the  slightest  degree  in  his  con 
duct  as  commissioner  by  political  considerations.  I  am  well  satis 
fied  that  Judge  Johnstone  was  not,  and,  as  an  evidence  that  the 
other  commissioners  were  not,  I  will  state  that  the  man  who  was 
selected  to  supervise  the  whole  work,  Henry  Winslow,  Esq.,  ever 
was  and  is  now  an  uncompromising  Democrat,  who  never  voted  any 
other  than  the  Democratic  ticket,  and  was  discharged  from  a  similar 
position  in  the  State  of  Maine,  on  account  of  his  advocacy  of  Demo 
cratic  principles,  and  his  hostility  to  Know-Nothingism.  He  was 
employed  by  the  commissioners  on  account  of  what  were  believed 
to  be  his  merits,  and  they  are  happy  to  know  that  his  conduct  has 
justified  the  selection.  He  has  employed,  discharged,  and  paid 
every  man  employed  about  the  work,  purchased  all  the  material,  and 
superintended  the  construction  of  the  entire  building.  Almost  all 
the  chiefs  of  the  carpenter,  brick-making,  brick-laying,  stone-cutting, 


68  LIFE  OF  JAMES  W.   GEIMES.  [1855. 

stone-laying,  etc.,  departments  have  been  Democrats.  I  will  say, 
however,  that  I  have  only  learned  this  latter  fact  recently,  for  no 
one  of  the  commissioners  ever  thought  to  inquire  to  what  political 
party  any  employe"  belonged. 

As  a  citizen,  I  protest  against  the  precedent,  now  sought  to  be 
established,  of  making  the  humane  institutions  of  the  State  shuttle 
cocks,  to  be  knocked  back  and  forth  between  the  two  political  par 
ties.  I  have  made  this  statement  that  the  people  may  know  the 
exact  facts  with  regard  to  the  asylum,  and  not  by  way  of  apology. 
I  am  proud  of  my  connection  with  that  institution,  and  the  time  is 
not  remote  when  the  Democratic  party  will  be  proud  that  their 
representatives  stand  so  unanimously  recorded  in  its  favor.  I  read 
last  year,  in  the  speech  of  a  candidate  for  a  State  office,  that  the 
asylum  was  established  by  the  commissioners  at  Mount  Pleasant 
especially  for  my  benefit,  as  a  large  owner  of  real  estate  in  that 
city  and  its  vicinity.  The  laws  of  the  State  show  that  the  location 
was  made  by  the  General  Assembly,  and  the  records  of  Henry 
County  will  show  that  I  never  owned  but  one  lot  in  Mount  Pleasant, 
which  I  sold  long  before  the  insane  asylum  was  established  there ; 
and  that  I  do  not,  and  never  did,  own  any  property  in  the  vicinity 
of  that  place.  It  must  have  required  a  very  fertile  imagination  to 
conceive  the  idea  that  the  proximity  of  a  lunatic  asylum  would 
enhance  the  value  of  real  estate  ! 

Governor  Grimes  took  a  lively  interest  in  providing  for  a 
geological  survey  of  the  State,  and  in  securing  the  highest  scien 
tific  ability  for  the  work.  Mr.  James  Hall,  the  State  geologist,, 
having  named  a  new  species  of  fossil  shell,  of  large  size,  found 
in  the  Burlington  limestone,  Spirifer  Grimesii,  it  afforded  no 
small  amusement  to  the  Governor  to  find  this  represented  by 
some  jealous  opponents  as  his  act — done  for  the  glorification  of 

his  name ! 

30. — To  Hon.  Salmon  P.   Chase. 

BURLINGTON,  April  8, 1855. 

What  is  going  to  be  done  in  1856  ?  How  are  we  to  bring  the 
antislavery  forces  into  the  field,  and  under  whose  standard?  I 
believe  a  very  large  part  of  the  friends  of  freedom  in  Iowa  would 
be  glad  to  see  you  a  candidate  for  the  presidency.  I  am  one  of  the 
number.  How  do  you  feel  on  the  subject,  and  are  your  aspirations 
that  way  inclined  at  present  ? 


1855.1  GOVERNOR  OF  IOWA.  09 

I  think  there  is  too  much  asperity  of  feeling  throughout  the 
country  to  justify  us  in  placing  Mr.  Seward  forward  as  the  Repub 
lican  candidate,  and,  to  confess  the  truth,  I  must  say  that  I  have 
horror  of  New  York  politicians. 

It  seems  to  me  that  it  is  time  to  thoroughly  organize  the  Re 
publican  party.  The  Know-Nothings  have  pretty  well  broken 
down  the  two  old  parties,  and  a  new  one,  now  organized,  would 
draw  largely  from  the  foreign  element  that  goes  to  make  up  those 
parties,  while  it  will  draw  away  one-half  of  the  Know-Nothings,  at 
least. 

31.— To  Mrs.  Grimes. 

BUFFALO,  N.  Y.,  April  15,  1855. 

I  have  heard  Mr.  Hosmer  preach  twice  to-day.  In  the  forenoon 
his  theme  was  the  necessity  and  duty  of  obeying  all  the  physical 
laws,  as  well  as  those  that  relate  to  the  moral  nature.  He  claimed 
that  it  was  a  sin  to  disobey  the  one  as  much  as  the  other,  inasmuch 
as  we  are  taught  the  principles  of  the  laws  of  Nature,  by  our 
instincts,  experience,  and  observation,  as  conclusively  as  we  are 
taught  to  believe  any  of  the  principles  of  the  divine  law.  His 
afternoon  discourse  was  on  the  duty  of  good  citizens  to  sustain  the 
prohibitory  law,  and  was  mostly  a  history  of  the  rise  and  progress 
of  the  temperance  movement  during  the  last  forty  years.  The 
Unitarian  Society  here  is  large  and  popular.  Among  its  members 
are  Mr.  Fillmore,  Judge  Hall,  of  the  United  States  Court,  and,  I 
presume,  many  other  quite  as  good  if  not  better  men,  though  not 
so  noted. 

I  have  been  through  one  or  two  insane  asylums.  There  is  one 
near  Cleveland,  Ohio,  which  I  think  we  shall  mostly  copy.  It  is 
just  completed,  and  is  rather  a  model  institution.  When  I  went 
through  the  building,  and  saw  how  nearly  the  poor  creatures  are 
provided  with  every  comfort,  how  tidy  everything  was,  how  the 
poor  insane  women  had  tastefully  decorated  their  rooms  with  ever 
greens  and  flowers,  and  appeared  for  the  most  part  happy,  I  re 
joiced  that  I  had  so  urgently  called  the  attention  of  the  Legislature 
to  the  necessity  of  providing  an  institution  for  our  State,  and  that 
it  will,  in  some  measure,  be  built  through  my  instrumentality. 

I  shall  leave  here  for  Utica,  to  examine  the  State  asylum  in  that 
place. 

6 


70  LIFE  OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1855. 

NEW  YORK  CITY,  April  21, 1855. 

I  spent  one  day  in  Utica,  two  in  Albany.  At  Albany  I  saw 
Prof.  Hall,  and  secured  his  services  at  the  head  of  our  geological 
survey.  The  State  authorities  of  New  York  are  unwilling  to  sur 
render  his  services  entirely,  and  we  cannot  therefore  have  his  entire 
time ;  but  he  will  have  the  general  direction  and  entire  responsi 
bility  of  the  survey.  He  is  one  of  the  most  modest,  unobtrusive 
men  I  ever  met,  and  all  the  various  scientific  cliques  speak  well  of 
him.  Prof.  Whitney  .is  to  meet  me  here  to-day,  with  Prof.  Hall, 
when  I  expect  to  engage  him,  also,  as  State  chemist.  He  seems  to 
have  a  high  reputation,  also,  in  scientific  circles,  and  I  doubt  not 
will  prove  to  be  an  accession  to  our  State. 

32.— To  Hon.  S.  P.   Chase. 

BURLINGTON,  May  12,  1855. 

I  found  yours  of  April  13th  on  my  return  from  the  East  a  couple 
of  days  ago. 

I  have  more  hope  than  you  have.  I  am  sanguine  that  we  shall 
organize  a  party  that  will  carry  the  elections  in  most  of  the  North 
ern  States  in  1856,  and  in  all  of  them  in  1860.  I  abhor  the  principles 
of  the  Know-Nothings,  so  far  as  I  understand  them,  yet  I  think  they 
are  accomplishing  a  great  work  in  breaking  down  the  old  parties. 
When  new  parties  are  constructed,  as  they  shortly  will  be,  ours  will 
be  uppermost,  in  my  opinion.  I  find  encouragement  in  every  move 
ment  that  is  made  by  our  enemies.  I  think  that  they  are  resolved 
to  ruin  themselves,  and  that  there  is  every  prospect  of  success. 

Names  are  of  no  consequence  to  me.  There  are  objections  in 
the  minds  of  some  to  any  name  that  can  be  used.  I  would  be  con 
tent  with  any  designation,  for  I  do  not  believe  that  a  party  name  is 
of  much  consequence  after  all.  People  in  New  York  seem  to  be 
as  well  satisfied  with  the  titles  of  Hunker,  Barnburner,  Silver-Grays, 
and  Woolly-Heads,  as  with  the  old  distinctions  of  Whig  and  Demo 
crat. 

When  in  New  York  I  saw  Governor  Medill.  He  told  me  that 
you  would  be  the  candidate  against  him,  and  that  you  would  beat 
him.  He  seemed  to  think  so  in  truth,  and  I  hope  he  will  not  be  dis 
appointed. 

During  my  trip  I  was  attending  .to  business  of  the  State,  and 
was  not  brought  into  connection  with  politicians,  so  that  I  could 


1855.]  GOVERNOR  OF  IOWA.  71 

not  learn  what  was  going  on.  I  was  in  New  Hampshire  forty-eight 
hours.  It  was  conceded  that  Hale  would  be  returned  to  the  Senate. 
I  learn  that  you  are  to  deliver  an  oration  in  July,  at  Dartmouth.  I 
hope  you  will  arouse  that  pre- Adamite  institution  from  its  slumbers. 
It  is  from  fifty  to  a  hundred  years  behind  the  age,  and  the  Presi 
dent  is  a  real  antediluvian.  He  is  the  strongest  pro-slavery  man  in 
the  North. 

You  see  by  the  returns  of  our  April  election  that  Iowa  "  takes 
no  step  backward." 

33.— To  Mrs.  Grimes. 

BURLINGTON,  June  17,  1855. 

The  Burlington  people  went  on  Wednesday  on  an  excursion  to 
Chicago.1  They  had  a  magnificent  reception.  I  chose  to  remain 
at  home.  It  is  no  pleasure  to  me  to  travel,  or  to  make  speeches, 
as  I  would  have  been  compelled  to  do,  had  T  been  one  of  the 
company. 

You  ask  why  I  did  not  attend  the  supper  at  Burlington,  and 
speak,  as  desired.  In  the  first  place,  I  did  not  think  it  became  me, 
occupying  the  position  I  do,  as  a  temperance  man,  and  a  Governor, 
who  recommended  and  approved  a  prohibitory  liquor  law,  to  at 
tend  a  supper  where  it  was  known  that  champagne  was  to  be  drunk, 
and  when  I  had  reason  to  believe  from  past  observation  that  some 
of  the  guests  and  hosts  would  be  drunk.  In  the  second  place,  no 
one  of  the  company  at  my  house  wished  to  attend,  and  I  thought  it 
more  becoming  to  remain  with  and  entertain  them,  than  to  leave 
them  to  themselves;  and  in  the  third  place,  I  abhor  public  dinners, 
and  suppers,  and  especially  do  I  detest  dinner  speeches.  Another 
reason  was  this:  unfortunately,  some  people  think  that  I  am  a 
passable  public  speaker,  and  they  try  to  dragoon  me  into  speaking 
on  all  occasions.  I  wished  them  to  know  that  if  I  have  any  gifts 
that  way,  they  are  not  to  be  prostituted  to  their  use  at  all  times 
and  everywhere.  Do  you  need  any  more  reasons  assigned  to  con 
vince  you  that  I  did  right  ? 

I  have  been  rejoicing  for  two  days  over  the  result  of  the  Know- 
Nothing  National  Convention  at  Philadelphia.  I  have  been  afraid 
of  that  organization.  I  knew  it  would  break  down  in  a  year  or  two, 
but  I  was  fearful  that  before  dissolution  it  would  give  a  pro-slavery 

1  To  celebrate  the  opening  of  a  railroad. 


Y2  LIFE   OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1855. 

tinge  to  the  sentiment  of  many  of  its  members.  It  has  gone  over 
board  sooner  than  I  expected,  and  I  can  see  nothing  now  to  obstruct 
a  perfect  anti-Nebraska  and  antislavery  triumph.  God  speed  the 
day  !  The  right  sentiment  becomes  firmer  and  more  intense  every 
day  in  this  State.  Strong  ground  was  taken  on  the  subject  of  sla 
very  at  the  Congregational  Association  here.  I  am  almost  every 
day  receiving  letters,  some  from  those  who  opposed  my  election  a 
year  ago,  saying  that,  if  I  were  now  a  candidate,  it  would  not  be 
necessary  to  canvass  the  State,  and  speak  in  every  county,  as  I 
then  did.  And  I  do  not  believe  it  would  be  necessary.  The  out 
rages  in  Kansas  have  opened  the  eyes  of  the  people  to  the  intent 
with  which  the  Missouri  Compromise  was  repealed. 

34.— To  Mrs.   Grimes. 

BURLINGTON,  June  20, 1855. 

I  would  go  East  to  you  in  July,  were  it  not  for  the  Insane 
Asylum.  One  hundred  and  fifty  poor  people  in  the  jails  and  alms- 
houses  of  the  State  are  calling  upon  me  to  relieve  them,  as  far  as 
may  be  in  my  power,  from  their  present  wretched  condition,  and  I 
would  not  be  justified  in  turning  a  deaf  ear  to  their  petition.  We 
may  perhaps  get  it  started  during  the  month,  so  that  I  can  be  absent 
in  August.  Then,  again,  it  is  made  my  duty,  in  conjunction  with 
the  Secretary  of  State,  to  locate  the  Blind  and  Deaf  and  Dumb  In 
stitutions,  and  that  ought  to  be  done  this  summer,  though  there  is 
no  pressing  necessity  for  it. 

June  %4itk. — Exciting  times  here.  Yesterday  morning  Dr.  James  l 
was  captured  on  the  Illinois  side  of  the  river,  with  a  fugitive  slave 
in  his  carriage.  Bowie  knives  and  revolvers  were  drawn  on  him  by 
the  Missourians  in  pursuit,  and  he  and  the  negro  were  forced  back 
to  town.  A  process  was  afterward  obtained,  the  negro  thrown 
into  jail,  where  he  is  to  remain  to  await  his  trial  on  Tuesday.  There 
was  great  excitement  in  town  yesterday  and  to-day,  and  several  per 
sonal  collisions  have  grown  out  of  it.  How  it  will  end  no  one 
knows.  I  shall  certainly  furnish  no  aid  to  the  man-stealers,  and  it 
has  been  determined  that  the  negro  shall  have  able  counsel,  and  a 
resort  to  all  legal  means  for  release,  before  any  other  is  resorted  to. 
I  am  sorry  I  am  Governor  of  the  State,  for,  although  I  can  and  shall 

1  Edwin  James,  M.  D.,  botanist  and  historian  of  Long's  Expedition  to  the  Rocky 
Mountains,  in  1820.  Died  October  28,  1861. 


1855.]  GOVERNOR  OF  IOWA.  73 

prevent  the  State  authorities  and  officers  from  interfering  in  aid  of 
the  marshal,  yet,  if  not  in  office,  I  am  inclined  to  think  I  should  be 
a  law-breaker.  It  is  a  very  nice  question  with  me,  whether  I  should 
act,  being  Governor,  just  as  I  would  if  I  were  a  private  individual. 
I  intend  to  stand  at  my  post,  at  all  events,  and  act  just  as  I  shall 
think  duty  may  require  under  the  circumstances. 

June  27th. — The  negro  is  free,  and  is  on  his  way  to  Canada.  A 
great  crowd  yesterday  in  town.  I  sent  on  Monday  to  David's,  via 
Yellow  Spring  and  Huron,  and  told  my  friends  and  the  friends  of 
the  slave  to  be  present  at  the  trial.  They  were  here  en  masse. 
Marion  Hall  was  filled,  and  guards  were  stationed  at  the  door,  to 
prevent  any  more  people  entering,  and  around  the  house.  Rorer 
and  Crocker  appeared  for  the  negro.  When  the  decision  was  made, 
such  a  shout  went  up  as  was  never  heard  in  that  hall  before,  and 
then  it  was  caught  up  by  the  people  outside  the  building,  and  the 
whole  town  reverberated.  A  thousand  men  followed  Dr.  James 
and  the  negro  to  the  river,  and  rent  the  air  with  their  cheers,  as 
the  boat  was  unlashed  frbm  her  moorings,  and  started  with  the  poor 
fellow  on  his  road  to  freedom.  Judge  Lowe  was  brought  from 
Keokuk  Monday  in  the  night,  and  a  writ  of  habeas  corpus  was 
ready  to  be  served,  if  the  decision  had  been  adverse  to  us.  Writs 
were  sued  out  against  the  negro-stealers  for  kidnapping,  assault,  etc., 
but,  unfortunately,  they  escaped,  before  service  could  be  made  upon 
them.  I  am  satisfied  that  the  negro  would  never  have  been  taken 
into  slavery  from  Burlington. 

Our  friends,  Colonel  Warren  and  Rev.  W.  F.  Cowles,  showed 
that  there  was  some  marrow  in  their  spinal  columns. 

Thus  has  ended  the  first  case  under  the  fugitive-slave  law  in 
Iowa.  The  State,  the  town,  and  the  people,  thank  God,  are  saved 

from  disgrace.  How  opinions  change  !  Four  years  ago,  Mr. 

and  myself,  and  not  to  exceed  three  others  in  town,  were  the  only 
men  who  dared  express  an  opinion  in  opposition  to  the  fugitive- 
slave  law,  and,  because  we  did  express  such  opinions,  we  were  de 
nounced  like  pickpockets.  Now  I  am  Governor  of  the  State  ;  three- 
fourths  of  the  reading  and  reflecting  people  of  the  county  agree 
with  me  in  my  sentiments  on  the  law,  and  a  slave  could  not  be 
returned  from  Des  Moines  County  into  slavery.  It  is  a  blessed 
thing  that  there  is  no  ebb  to  the  principles  and  progress  of  free 
dom  :  it  is  always  a  flood-tide. 


74:  LIFE   OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1855. 

He  attended  a  celebration  of  the  Fourth  of  July,  at  Den 
mark.  Among  the  sentiments  of  the  day  were  the  following : 

The  State  of  Iowa :  Fortunate  in  geographical  position  on  the 
Father  of  Waters,  and  midway  between  the  two  oceans,  fortunate 
in  natural  resources,  fortunate  in  an  enterprising  and  rapidly-in 
creasing  population,  and  fortunate  in  the  possession  of  a  chief 
magistrate  who  knows  how  to  employ  all  these  advantages  to  make 
a  model  State. 

Governor  Grimes :  As  he  has  been  fortunate  enough  to  sign  a 
Maine  law  in  Iowa,  may  he  remain  Governor  long  enough  to  sign  a 
personal-liberty  law  ! 

35.  — To  Mrs.  Grimes. 

BURLINGTON,  July  5,  1855. 

I  received  your  letter  from  Bath.  I  am  glad  to  learn  that  we 
have  friends  in  the  Fatherland,  who  feel  an  interest  in  us. 

Yesterday,  Mary  and  I  spent  the  day:at  Denmark.  There  was 
a  very  agreeable  celebration  of  the  Fourth.  The  orator  of  the  day 
was  Mr.  Dixon,  of  Keokuk.  At  the  dinner-table  Colonel  Warren, 
Rev.  E.  Adams,  and  myself,  made  speeches.  Everything  passed 

off  harmoniously,  and  very  pleasantly.     M enjoyed  herself  well 

with  Vifcnie  and  the  other  little  girls.  Vinnie  has  been  attending 
singing-school,  arid  sung  with  the  other  children  in  the  church. 
Her  term  will  be  out  next  week,  when  I  shall  go  after  her.  We 
are  getting  along  very  quietly  and  comfortably,  though  I  must  con 
fess  that  we  are  a  little  lonely  at  times. 

There  is  no  news  in  town  or  country,  except  that  everybody 
is  coming  to  Iowa,  and  that  has  ceased  to  be  news.  There  seems 
to  be  no  check  to  the  immigration.  We  shall  before  long  be  a 
model  State,  if  we  act  right,  and  I  hope  we  shall.  As  one  of  the 
signs  of  advancement,  a  lady  has  just  become  associated  with  her 
brother  in  the  editorial  management  of  a  newspaper  in  Cedar 
County.  I  have,  of  course,  become  a  subscriber. 

Mr.  Sumner,  of  Massachusetts,  was  at  Davenport  last  Monday. 
I  do  not  agree  with  the  estimate  of  your  friends  of  his  intellectual 
calibre,  as  compared  with  Webster.  They  are  not  to  be  mentioned 
in  the  same  day.  They  are  as  unlike  as  a  beautiful  silver  brooklet 
meandering  through  a  rich  meadow,  amid  flowers  and  fragrance,  is 


1855.]  GOVERNOR  OF  IOWA.  75 

unlike  the  Niagara  River,  with  the  Falls  thrown  in  for  great  occa 
sions.  1  won't  pretend  to  say  that  the  brooklet,  within  its  sphere, 
is  not  more  useful  than  the  river,  and  it  is  certainly  more  ornamental. 
Mr.  Sumner  is  a  fine  scholar,  a  finished  gentleman,  and,  what  is 
wonderful  in  a  politician,  has  a  heart  j  but  he  has  not  half  the  in 
tellectual  stamina  that  Mr.  Chase,  of  Ohio,  has.  Mr.  C is  gen 
erally  right  on  small  as  well  as  great  questions,  and  on  these  small 

matters  Mr.  S is  frequently  wrong.     Mr.  C has  invariably 

voted  against  all  the  stealing  bills  that  have  been  before  Congress, 

and  Mr.  S has  sometimes  voted  for  them.     By-the-way,  I  had 

a  letter  day  before  yesterday  from  Mr.  C ,  in  which  he  says  that 

he  shall  be  nominated  and  elected  Governor  of  Ohio.  He  says  he 
does  not  wish  the  office,  but  thinks  it  his  duty  to  consent  to  take  it. 
I  cannot  yet  say  when  I  can  go  East,  if  at  all.  Our  plans  for 
the  asylum  Dr.  Bell  cannot  forward  to  us  before  the  15th  of  this 
month.  It  will  require  thirty  days  to  advertise  before  the  contracts 
can  be  let,  which  will  be  August  15th.  From  the  20th  August  to 
September  1st,  Profs.  Hall  and  Whitney  will  be  here,  to  commence 
the  geological  survey,  and  I  ought  to  be  here  to  receive  them,  and 
concert  measures  to  carry  the  work  forward. 

36.— To  Hon.  S.  P.   Chase. 

BURLINGTON,  July  16,  1855. 

I  duly  received  yours  of  the  27th  of  June,  and  have  delayed  an 
swering  it  until  I  could  hear  from  your  Republican  Convention  of 
the  13th  inst.  I  have  just  seen  a  telegraphic  dispatch  that  you 
have  been  nominated,  but  I  have  not  heard  who  are  associated  with 
you  on  the  ticket,  nor  do  I  know  the  character  of  the  platform  upon 
which  you  go  into  the  canvass.  It  is  to  be  presumed,  however, 
that  the  men  who  would  nominate  you  would  be  sure  that  the  reso 
lutions  should  be  orthodox  upon  the  slavery  question,  and  that  is 
the  only  subject  connected  with  •  politics  about  which  I  care  a 
farthing. 

I  congratulate  you  upon  your  nomination,  and,  above  all,  I  con 
gratulate  every  lover  of  freedom  and  correct  principles  upon  an 
event  that  shows  such  progress  in  the  public  sentiment  of  Ohio. 
The  entire  Northwest  is  guided  in  a  great  degree  by  the  opinion 
and  action  of  your  State,  and  no  one  who  is  not  in  the  habit  of 
watching  political  occurrences  pretty  closely  can  appreciate  the 


76  LIFE   OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1855. 

influence  which  your  election  by  a  large  majority  would  have  upon 
all  the  States  west  of  you.  You  may  be  assured  that  the  contest  in 
Ohio  will  be  watched  with  a  great  deal  of  anxiety  by  the  friends 
of  freedom  everywhere,  but  nowhere  more  anxiously  or  more  hope 
fully  than  by  your  friends  in  Iowa,  Be  sure  that  your  majority 
shall  not  be  less  than  fifty  thousand.  Cannot  you  in  some  way 
secure  the  German  vote  ?  We  must  in  some  way  secure  the  Ger 
man  vote  in  the  free  States,  and  that  class  of  citizens  elsewhere  will 
in  a  great  measure  follow  the  example  of  those  in  Ohio. 

I  am  beginning  to  despair  of  carrying  the  presidential  election 
next  year.  It  appears  to  me  that  there  is  very  little  prospect  of 
consolidating  a  party  by  1856  that  can  accomplish  much,  as  against 
the  old-line  Democracy.  But  you  are  a  much  better  judge  of  this 
than  I  am.  ...  I  pray  you,  give  me  a  good  report  of  Ohio  in 
October. 

Mr.  Seward  (Auburn,  September  8th)  wrote  to  Mr.  Grimes : 

"  I  rejoice  to  see  that  you  are  preparing  to  meet  the  exactions 
of  the  slaveholders  with  firmness  on  the  constitutional  ground  of 
State  rights  and  State  authority." 

To  a  recently-arrived  foreigner  employed  in  his  service,  who 
asked  the  meaning  of  our  day  of  Thanksgiving,  he  replied  that 
it  was  in  honor  of  Saint  Jonathan  ;  who,  though  a  stranger  in 
the  calendar  of  Europe,  was  the  patron  saint  of  this  free  coun 
try,  and  worthy  of  respect  by  every  one  who  wanted  to  be  an 
American  citizen.  He  issued  the  following 

PROCLAMATION. 

It  is  a  venerated  custom,  in  the  older  States  of  this  Union,  to 
dedicate  one  day  toward  the  close  of  each  year  to  public  thanks 
giving  and  praise  to  God  for  his  continued  blessings  and  protection. 
Such  public  recognitions  of  the  government  of  a  Divine  ruler,  and 
such  manifestations  of  gratitude  for  benefits  received  at  his  hand, 
are  worthy  of  imitation  everywhere,  and  eminently  become  the 
people  of  Iowa.  The  past  year  has  been  crowded  with  blessing's  to 
our  State.  We  have  been  exempt  from  pestilence.  Abundant 
harvests  have  rewarded  the  toil  of  the  husbandman.  We  have 
been  preserved  from  intestine  commotions  and  bloodshed.  No  dis- 


1855.]  GOVERNOR   OF  IOWA.  77 

tracting  evils  have  occurred  to  impede  our  prosperity.  Our  popu 
lation,  wealth,  and  productive  resources  of  every  character,  have  in 
creased  in  a  wonderful  degree.  The  facilities  for  educating  the 
youth  of  the  State  have  been  greatly  multiplied.  Steps  have  been 
taken  to  establish  charitable  institutions  corresponding  to  the  prog 
ress  and  spirit  of  the  age,  and  the  demands  of  humanity.  There 
are  evidences  all  around  that  the  State  has  made  unexampled  prog 
ress  in  everything  that  tends  to  promote  her  best  physical  and 
moral  interests. 

As  citizens,  we  have  enjoyed  liberty  without  licentiousness. 
Civil  and  religious  freedom,  without  distinction  of  party,  sect  or 
nationality,  has  been  enjoyed  by  all. 

Our  nation  has  been  prosperous.  Peace  has  been  preserved. 
While  other  nations  have  been  plunged  into  bloody  and  desolating 
wars,  we  have  been  preserved  from  that  great  calamity. 

For  these,  and  for  numberless  other  blessings,  it  has  been 
deemed  proper  that  a  day  should  be  set  apart  by  the  Executive  of 
the  State  for  praise  and  thanksgiving. 

Therefore  I,  James  W.  Grimes,  Governor  of  the  State  of  Iowa, 
do  designate  Thursday,  the  22d  day  of  November  next,  as  a  day  of 
public  thanksgiving  and  praise  to  Almighty  God  for  the  innumer 
able  blessings  which,  as  a  people  and  individuals,  we  have  en 
joyed. 

I  recommend  that  the  people  of  the  State  assemble  on  that  day 
in  their  respective  houses  of  public  worship,  and  devoutly  raise 
their  hearts  and  voices  in  gratitude  to  our  heavenly  Father  for  his 
past  protection,  and  beseech  its  continuance.  Let  us  give  thanks 
that  he  reigns ;  that  we  are  the  product  of  his  hand,  and  not  of  a 
blind,  unreasoning  chance.  Let  our  hearts  swell  with  gratitude  for 
the  blessings  of  civil  and  religious  liberty ;  and  pray  for  their  ex 
tension  to  every  human  being.  Let  us  be  thankful  that  war,  with 
its  devastation,  its  slaughter,  and  its  agonies,  does  not  desolate  our 
land  ;  and  pray  that  peace  may  be  established  among  all  mankind. 
Let  us  be  thankful  for  the  Government  we  have  inherited  from  our 
fathers  ;  and  pray  that  it  may  ever  be  preserved  worthy  of  the 
confidence  and  support  of  their  descendants.  Let  us  be  thankful 
for  comfort  and  plenty,  for  peace  and  order,  for  the  means  of  educa 
tion,  for  health,  and  for  all  other  national  and  personal  blessings. 
Let  us  ask  to  be  preserved  "  alike  from  poverty  and  riches,"  from 


•78  LIFE  OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1855. 

bigotry  and  intolerance,  from  pride  and  hatred,  from  anarchy  and 
civil  strife,  from  immorality  and  crime  of  every  grade. 

But  above  all,  let  us  be  thankful  for  the  Christian  religion, 
which  has  raised  man  from  a  state  of  barbarism,  given  him  the 
means  of  intelligent  happiness  in  this  life,  and  the  hope  of  glory  in 
that  which  is  to  come. 

In  testimony  whereof,  I  have  hereunto  set  my  hand  and  caused 
to  be  affixed  the  Great  Seal  of  the  State  of  Iowa. 

Done  at  Iowa  City,  this  20th  day  of  September,  in  the  year  of 
our  Lord  1855,  of  the   Independence  of  the  United  States    the 
eightieth,  and  the  State  of  Iowa  the  ninth. 
By  the  Governor : 

JAMES  W.  GEIMES. 

GEORGE  W.  Me  OLE  ART,  Secretary  of  State. 

VI.— To  Hon.  S.  P.  Chase,  Cincinnati,  Ohio. 

BURLINGTON,  October  14, 1855. 

Allow  me  to  congratulate  you  upon  your  glorious  triumph.  I 
had  been  all  along  fearful  of  the  result  of  your  election  in  Ohio, 
and  the  first  returns  received  at  Chicago  (where  I  was,  for  the  pur 
pose  principally  of  learning  the  result)  indicated  your  defeat.  But, 
happily,  Know-No  thing  and  Nebraska  news  seems  to  travel  very 
much  as  Whig  election  news  used  to,  somewhat  in  advance  of  the 
mails  and  telegraphs.  But  Friday  morning  satisfied  us  how  strong 
was  the  principle  of  free  soil  in  the  hearts  of  the  people  of  Ohio. 
For  surely  that  must  be  a  strong  and  active  principle  that  could 
cause  such  a  glorious  majority  of  the  people  of  your  State  to  forget 
all  their  past  political  proclivities  and  prejudices,  and  rally  them 
around  you.  Your  election  has  given  to  good  men  throughout  the 
country  new  hope,  and  will  inspire  them  to  renewed  and  still  more 
vigorous  effort. 

38.— To  Hon.  S.  P.   Chase. 

BURLINGTON,  November  2, 1855. 

I  am  sorry  triat  I  am  so  poorly  qualified  to  respond  to  your  in 
quiries  as  to  our  future  course  and  prospects.  I  am  not  properly  in 
formed  of  the  condition  of  things  in  the  States  east  of  us,  and  can 
not  say  what  the  prospects  for  the  Republican  organization  may  be  ; 
but  I  feel  justified  in  saying  that  Iowa  will  be  erect  in  any  conflict 
that  may  come.  I  think  that  there  can  be  no  difficulty  in  combin- 


1856.]  GOVERNOR  OF  IOWA.  79 

ing  all  the  opposition  to  the  Nebraska  swindle  in  this  State,  and 
arraying  it  under  the  Republican  banner.  I  fear  that  this  cannot  be 
done  in  Illinois.  I  am  satisfied  that  there  is  a  large  majority  of  the 
people  of  that  State  opposed  to  the  Administration,  and  to  Doug 
las,  but  there  will  be  very  great  difficulty,  if  not  an  entire  impos 
sibility,  to  unite  them  so  as  to  insure  their  defeat.  From  what  I 
hear,  such  is  the  case,  too,  in  Pennsylvania  and  Indiana.  With  these 
three  States  secured  to  us,  the  Republican  cause  would,  I  conceive, 
be  certain  of  a  triumph  next  year  in  the  presidential  canvass.  Can 
they  be  secured  ? 

I  have  heard  (I  have  seen  nothing  of  it)  that  one  of  the  Cleve 
land  papers  has  placed  my  name  in  its  columns  as  a  candidate  for 
Vice-President,  with  yours  for  President.  I  am*  convinced  that  I 
can  add  nothing  to  your  strength,  nor  to  the  strength  of  any  man 
who  may  be  a  candidate — that  I  am  not  qualified  for  the  position 
even  if  elected — that  a  political  life  is  uncongenial  with  my  habits 
of  life  and  modes  of  thought ;  in  a  word,  that  the  office  is  unfit  for 
me,  and  I  am  unfit  for  the  office.  I  am  a  Governor  by  accident. 
Nothing  could  have  induced  me  to  accept  a  nomination  but  a  desire 
to  expose  to  the  people  of  the  State  the  infamous  exactions  and  en 
croachments  of  the  slave-power.  Being  elected,  I  endeavored  to 
play  the  Governor  as  well  as  possible ;  but  I  do  not  want  another 
office,  nor  do  I  wish  to  be  put  in  the  attitude  of  a  seeker  for  one. 
I  beg  you,  therefore,  if  an  opportunity  presents,  to  dissuade  our 
friend  at  Cleveland  and  all  others,  if  there  are  any  so  foolish,  or  so 
blindly  partial  to  me,  from  mentioning  my  name  in  connection  with 
any  office.  I  assure  you  that  I  would  esteem  it  the  highest  honor 
of  my  life  to  have  my  name  connected  with  yours  in  any  way,  but 
I  conceive  that  the  use  of  my  name  in  connection  with  yours  would 
only  injure  you  in  this  instance.  That  I  wish  to  avoid. 

39.— To  Hon.  8.  P.  Chase. 

BURLINGTON,  March  28, 1856. 

The  difficulty  with  the  Germans,  if  it  can  be  called  a  difficulty, 
arose  from  the  fact  that  the  Republican  Convention  of  the  22d  Feb 
ruary  declined  to  say  that  they  abided  by  the  present  naturalization 
laws.  I  was  at  Iowa  City  at  the  time,  and  favored  the  insertion  of 
the  clause,  but  the  Know-Nothings  opposed  it,  and  then  there  were 
some,  not  of  the  order,  who  were  opposed  to  saying  anything  on 


80  LIFE  OF  JAMES  W.   GEIMES.  [1856. 

any  subject  save  that  of  slavery.  The  latter  policy  prevailed,  and 
our  State  platform  looks  to  no  other  question. 

I  have  neyer  had  any  conversation  with  any  of  the  delegates  to 
the  National  Convention,  except  Mr.  Seward's  "  administrator  "  in 
this  State,  and  his  preferences  are  for  him.  In  a  conversation  a  few 
days  ago,  I  told  him  that  I  had  not  the  remotest  idea  that  Mr. 
Seward  could  be  elected,  that  there  were  too  many  old  chronic  preju 
dices  to  be  overcome  to  allow  him  to  make  a  respectable  poll ;  arid 
he  seemed  to  coincide  in  that  opinion. 

It  is  impossible  to  say  how  the  Germans  in  this  State  will  vote 
in  November.  They  will  be  greatly  influenced  by  Remelin,  and  the 
Germans  in  Cincinnati  and  New  York.  They  will  act  with  many 
of  the  Republican  county  parties,  where  the  platforms  and  candi 
dates  suit  them. 

The  Fillmore  nomination  will  damage  us  considerably  in  this 
State,  and  I  fear  will  render  the  result  doubtful.  I  think  it  will 
affect  us  as  much  here  as  in  any  State  in  the  Union,  especially  in 
the  Southern  part,  where  the  people  are  mostly  Southern  by  birth. 

Mr.  Grimes  presided  over  a  public  meeting  in  Burlington, 
May  31st,  called  to  consider  the  assault  ^upon  Senator  Sunnier  in 
the  Capitol,  May  22d,  and  the  outrages  in  Kansas.  Upon  taking 
the  chair  lie  remarked  that  "  we  had  assembled  together,  as  was 
our  privilege,  to  express  our  feelings  and  opinions  in  reference 
to  recent  and  most  important  occurrences.  We  had  indeed  fallen 
upon  perilous  times,  when  our  legislators,  for  words  spoken  in 
debate,  were  attacked  with  murderous  weapons  in  the  Senate 
of  the  United  States.  It  was  not  Senator  Sumner  and  the  State 
of  Massachusetts  alone  that  suffered  by  this  violation  of  the  Con 
stitution.  We  were  all  interested.  The  State  of  Iowa  might 
next  be  stricken  down  in  the  persons  of  her  Senators  or  Repre 
sentatives.  It  was  a  blow  at  the  foundation  of  our  liberties, 
the  freedom  of  our  legislators.  Mr.  Sumner  was  a  ripe  scholar, 
a  statesman,  and  an  orator — a  credit  to  Massachusetts  and  to 
the  deliberative  body  of  which  he  was  a  member.  What  had 
lie  said  to  justify  the  cowardly  and  murderous  assault  that  had 
been  made  upon  him  ?  His  speech  fell  short  in  invective  of  the 
philippics  of  Randolph,  Calhoun,  McDuffie,  Hayne,  Prentiss, 


1856.]  GOVERNOR   OF  IOWA.  81 

and  Henry  A.  "Wise.  It  was  diluted  when  compared  to  Daniel 
Webster's  onslaught  upon  Charles  J.  Ingersoll.  But  what  Mr. 
Sumner  may  have  said  in  debate  was  of  no  consequence — was 
no  palliation  or  excuse  for  the  outrage  that  had  been  committed." 
Governor  Grimes  spoke  also  of  affairs  in  Kansas,  of  the  le 
galized  robberies,  burnings,  and  murders,  in  that  unfortunate 
Territory ;  of  its  conquest  by  citizens  of  the  adjoining  State  of 
Missouri  and  of  distant  States,  with  the  complicity  of  the  Presi 
dent  of  the  United  States,  and  said  that  any  man  or  set  of  men 
who  would  palliate,  excuse,  or  justify  the  assault  upon  Mr.  Sum- 
iier,  or  the  state  of  affairs  in  Kansas,  were  fit  for  slaves,  and 
deserved  to  be  enslaved. 

More  than  seventeen  years  after  Mr.  Grimes  had  introduced 
a  memorial  to  Congress,  in  the  first  Legislative  Assembly  of  the 
Territory,  asking  an  appropriation  of  lands  for  the  construction 
of  a  railroad  in  Iowa,  a  grant  of  lands  was  made  to  the  State,  by 
act  of  Congress,  approved  May  15,  1856,  for  the  purpose  of  aid 
ing  in  the  construction  of  four  different  lines  of  railroads,  viz., 
from  Burlington,  from  Davenport,  from  Lyons,  and  from  Du- 
buque,  across  the  State  to  the  Missouri  River.  The  grant  was 
hailed  with  high  satisfaction  and  hope  by  the  people  of  Iowa. 
The  Governor,  deeming  immediate  legislative  action  demanded, 
issued  his  proclamation,  June  3d,  for  a  special  session  of  the 
General  Assembly,  which  met  at  Iowa  City  on  the  2d  of  July. 
The  following  extracts  are  from  his  message  to  the  Assembly : 

THE    RAILKOAD    GRANT. 

I  have  convened  you,  gentlemen,  in  special  session,  that  you 
may  determine — 

1.  Whether  or  not  the  State  shall  accept  the  grant  made  under 
the  act  of  the  15th  of  May  last ;  and,  if  so — 

2.  Whether  the  lands  granted  shall  be  transferred  to  any  spe 
cific  railroad  companies ;  and,  if  so,  to  .what  companies  they  shall 
be  transferred ;  and — 

3.  Upon  what  terms  shall  the  transfer  be  made. 

My  experience  in  .matters  of  this  kind  has  been  so  limited,  that 
I  am  not  prepared  to  submit  to  you  any  plan  for  the  proper  disposal 
of  these  lands.  Your,  wisdom  will  doubtless  mature  a  system  which, 


82  LIFE   OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1856. 

while  it  promotes  the  present  material  interests  of  the  State  by 
developing  its  resources  and  advancing  its  settlement  by  the  con 
struction  of  lines  of  intercommunication,  will  protect  the  people 
against  the  sometimes  oppressive  monopolizing  tendencies  of  pow 
erful  corporations. 

THE    EIGHTS,    DUTIES,    AND    LIABILITIES,    OF    RAILWAY    COMPANIES. 

The  introduction  of  railroads  within  the  State  has  rendered 
necessary  an  act  more  clearly  defining  the  rights,  duties,  and 
liabilities,  of  railway  companies.  The  law  should  declare  that, 
where  death  is  caused  through  negligence  or  misconduct  of  the 
agents  or  servants  of  such  companies,  the  same  remedies  shall  be 
open  in  a  suit  at  law,  as  for  like  injuries  to  the  person  resulting  in 
disability  and  not  in  death.  Among  other  things,  the  speed  of 
trains  passing  through  cities,  and  villages,  and  across  highways, 
should  be  regulated  by  law ;  and  the  disasters  that  have  occurred 
in  a  neighboring  State  have  admonished  us  of  the  necessity  for  a 
law  prohibiting  a  company  from  carrying  passengers  over  a  new 
road  until  it  has  first  been  examined  and  pronounced  safe  by  a 
competent  arid  disinterested  Board  of  Engineers.  It  is  evidently 
as  much  the  duty  of  the  State  to  protect  the  lives  and  safety  of  the 
citizens  from  accidents,  resulting  from  carelessness,  misconduct,  or 
cupidity,  as  from  open  and  premeditated  violence. 

THE   PARDONING   POWER. 

The  constitution  confers  upon  the  Governor  of  the  State  "  the 
power  to  grant  reprieves  and  pardons  and  commute  punishments 
after  convictions,"  for  offenses  against  the  laws.  In  a  large  pro 
portion  of  cases,  the  friends  of  the  persons  convicted  endeavor  to 
procure  the  exercise  of  this  power ;  and  as  few,  if  any,  of  the 
judges  preserve  minutes  of  the  testimony  taken  on  the  trial  of 
criminal  causes,  these  efforts  are,  for  the  most  part,  based  upon 
ex-parte  statements,  made  without  the  sanction  of  an  oath,  and 
obtained  without  notice  to  the  prosecuting  attorney,  or  other  per 
son  representing  the  government.  It  is  frequently  alleged  that 
there  was  error  in  the  trial;  that  the  judge  mistook  the  law;  that 
there  was  a  mistake  of  fact  by  the  jury ;  that  there  is  newly-dis 
covered  evidence,  showing  the  sentence  to  be  unjust ;  or  that  the 
case,  although  within  the  letter  of  the  law,  was  not  within  the 
spirit  of  it. 


1856.]  GOVERNOB,  OF  IOWA.  83 

The  interests  of  society  require  that  this  great  power  should  be 
exercised  with  humanity,  but,  at  the  same  time,  with  the  greatest 
discrimination  and  caution.  Justice  to  the  officer  who  is  compelled 
to  investigate  each  case  presented  to  him,  as  well  as  to  the  par 
ties  more  immediately  interested,  requires  that  every  fact  proved 
upon  the  trial  should  be  accessible  to  him,  to  the  condemned,  and 
to  the  prosecutors.  I  therefore  recommend  that  the  judges  of  the 
several  district  courts  be  required  to  reduce  the  evidence  given  in 
all  criminal  cases  to  writing,  to  be  preserved  as  a  permanent  record 
in  the  county  where  the  trial  was  held ;  and  that,  before  any  appli 
cation  shall  be  made  to  the  Governor  for  pardon,  a  notice  of  the 
time  and  place,  when  and  where  the  application  will  be  presented, 
shall  be  served  upon  the  prosecuting  attorney  of  the  county  where 
the  offense  was  committed. 

THE   AFFAIRS    OF   KANSAS. 

Concurring  in  the  general  desire  that  your  session  may  be 
short,  and  that  your  time  may  be  occupied  solely  by  matters 
relating  to  the  State,  I  do  not  deem  it  proper  at  present  to  call 
your  attention  at  length  to  the  deplorable  condition  of  affairs  in 
Kansas  and  at  our  national  capital.  It  would  be  an  error  to  sup 
pose  that  my  failure  to  do  so  is  attributable  to  any  want  of  sym 
pathy  with  the  patriotic  and  devoted  men  who  are  struggling  to 
uphold  the  rights  of  free  speech,  free  labor,  free  soil,  and  a  free 
press  in  that  Territory,  and  in  the  councils  of  the  nation. 

Having  extended  an  invitation  to  Hon.  Abraham  Lincoln  to 
address  a  public  meeting  in  Iowa  upon  political  questions,  prior 
to  the  State  election  in  August,  Mr.  Grimes  received  the  fol 
lowing  reply : 

SPRINGFIELD,  ILLINOIS,  July  12,  1856. 

Yours  of  the  29th  of  June  was  duly  received.  I  did  not  answer 
it  because  it  plagued  me.  This  morning  I  received  another  from 
Judd  and  Peck,  written  by  consultation  with  you.  Now  let  me  tell 
you  why  I  am  plagued : 

1.  I  can  hardly  spare  the  time. 

2.  I  am  superstitious.     I  have  scarcely  known  a  party  preceding 
an  election  to  call  in  help  from  the  neighboring  States,  but  they 
lost  the  State.     Last  fall,  our  friends  had  Wade,  of  Ohio,  and  others, 


84:  LIFE  OF  JAMES  W.   GEIMES.  [1856. 

in  Maine ;  and  they  lost  the  State.  Last  spring  our  adversaries 
had  New  Hampshire  full  of  South  Carolinians,  and  they  lost  the 
State.  And  so,  generally,  it  seems  to  stir  up  more  enemies  than 
friends. 

Have  the  enemy  called  in  any  foreign  help  ?  If  they  have  a 
foreign  champion  there,  I  should  have  no  objection  to  drive  a  nail 
in  his  track.  I  shall  reach  Chicago  on  the  night  of  the  15th,  to  at 
tend  to  a  little  business  in  court.  Consider  the  things  I  have  sug 
gested,  and  write  me  at  Chicago.  Especially  write  me  whether 
Browning  consents  to  visit  you. 

Your  obedient  servant, 

A.  LINCOLN. 

40. — To  His  Excellency  Franklin  Pierce,  President  of  the  United  States. 

EXECUTIVE  OFFICE,  IOWA,    ) 
BUBLINGTON,  August  28,  1856.          \ 

During  the  last  twelve  months  I  have  been  constantly  receiving 
letters,  memorials,  and  affidavits,  from  former  citizens  of  Iowa,  now 
residents  of  the  Territory  of  Kansas,  alleging  that  they  are  not  pro 
tected  by  the  United  States  officers  in  that  Territory  in  the  enjoy 
ment  of  their  liberty  and  property.  They  charge,  and  the  evidence 
fully  supports  the  charge,  that  at  the  first,  and  at  each  subsequent 
Territorial  election,  armed  bodies  of  men  from  an  adjacent  State  in 
vaded  the  Territory,  took  possession  of  the  polls,  deprived  the  act 
ual  settlers  of  the  right  of  suffrage,  and  perpetrated  gross  outrages 
upon  such  citizens  as  professed  political  sentiments  disagreable  to 
the  invaders.  By  threats  and  lawless  violence,  they  secured  the 
election  of  a  majority  of  the  members  of  the  Legislative  Assembly 
— many  of  whom  were  then,  and  are  now,  citizens  of  another  State. 
By  this  Assembly  a  code  of  laws  was  enacted,  unparalleled  in  the 
history  of  legislation — laws  palpably  unconstitutional,  and  which  no 
man  with  the  spirit  of  a  freeman  could  obey,  without  personal  dis 
honor  and  a  violation  of  his  conscience. 

In  this  condition  of  things,  and  without  any  attempt  to  repel 
violence  by  violence,  the  people  of  Kansas  sought  a  peaceful  remedy 
for  the  wrongs  that  had  been  perpetrated,  by  forming  a  State  con 
stitution,  electing  State  officers,  and  asking  admission  into  the 
Union  as  a  sovereign  State. 

Although  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  declares  that 
-treason  "shall  consist  ONLY  in  levying  war,"  yet  a  man  holding  a 


1856.]  GOVERNOR  OF  IOWA.  85 

commission  under  the  seal  of  the  United  States,  and  exercising  the 
office  of  Chief-Justice  in  that  Territory,  has  decided  that  the  per 
sons  who  accepted  office  under  the  State  constitution  are  guilty  of 
treason.  Under  his  instructions,  the  State  officers  have  been  in 
dicted,  arrested,  and  bail  denied  them.  Under  the  pretense  of 
judicial  proceedings,  but  without  a  trial  or  hearing  of  any  kind,  an 
armed  posse  has  invaded  the  town  of  Lawrence  and  destroyed  print 
ing-presses,  private  dwellings,  and  an  hotel.  Human  lives  have  been 
sacrificed,  property  to  a  large  amount  has  been  destroyed,  citizens 
have  been  driven  from  the  Territory  by  violence,  and  anarchy  and 
disorder  everywhere  prevail.  *  • 

Among  the  sufferers  have  been  former  citizens  of  Iowa,  who 
went  to  Kansas  in  no  spirit  of  propagandism,  but  with  the  intention 
of  becoming  permanent  residents  of  that  Territory.  Three  of  them 
have  been  slain  by  arms  said  to  have  been  placed  by  a  Federal  offi 
cer  in  the  hands  of  a  band  of  outlaws  from  a  remote  State.  Some 
have  been  compelled  to  flee  from  the  Territory  for  no  offense  save 
that  of  having  emigrated  from  a  free  State,  while  others  remain 
there,  stripped  of  their  property,  and  appeal  to  their  fellow-citizens 
of  Iowa  for  sympathy  and  protection. 

In  nly  conviction  their  appeal  should  not  be  in  vain.  They  went 
to  Kansas  relying  upon  and  having  a  right  to  expect  the  protection 
of  the  General  Government.  In  this  expectation  they  have  been 
disappointed.  Citizenship  has  been  virtually  denied  them.  Their 
right  to  defend  themselves  and  "  to  keep  and  bear  arms  "  has  been 
infringed  by  the  act  of  the  Territorial  officers,  who  have  wrested 
from  them  the  means  of  defense,  while  putting  weapons  of  offense 
into  the  hands  of  their  enemies.  They  have  been  oppressed  by  a 
code  of  laws  unequaled  in  atrocity  in  modern  times.  The  character 
and  conduct  of  the  Territorial  judges  have  shown  that  an  appeal  to 
the  judicial  tribunals  is  worse  than  useless. 

The  Central  Government  having  failed  to  perform  its  duty  by 
protecting  the  people  of  Kansas  in  the  enjoyments  of  their  rights, 
it  is  manifestly  the  right  of  each  of  the  States  to  adopt  measures  to 
protect  its  former  citizens.  If  the  people  of  Iowa  are  not  permitted 
to  enjoy  the  right  of  citizenship  in  that  Territory,  they  retain  their 
former  citizenship  in  this  State,  and  are  as  much  entitled  to  protec 
tion  from  the  State  while  upon  the  public  domain,  as  they  would  be 
if  the  General  Government  failed  to  protect  them  in  a  foreign  country. 
7 


86  LIFE  OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1856. 

While  I  write,  an  army  raised  in  the  State  of  Missouri  is  march 
ing  into  Kansas,  with  the  avowed  purpose  of  driving  out  all  those 
citizens  of  the  Territory  who  emigrated  from  the  free  States,  and 
who  express  a  preference  for  a  free  State  constitution.  Another 
armed  body  of  men  have  placed  themselves  on  the  emigrant  route 
from  the  State  of  Iowa,  to  prevent  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet  any 
further  emigration  from  this  State. 

The  State  of  Iowa  cannot  be  an  indifferent  spectator  of  these 
acts  of  lawless  violence.  She  demands  that  her  citizens  shall  be 
protected  in  Kansas,  and  stand  upon  an  equality  there  with  the 
citizens  of  other  States.  She  will  not  submit  to  the  closing  of  the 
emigrant  route  through  her  domain  into  that  Territory. 

As  the  Executive  of  Iowa  I  demand  for  her  citizens  in  Kansas 
protection  in  the  enjoyment  of  their  property,  their  liberty,  and 
their  political  rights.  I  ask  that  the  military  force  on  the  line  of 
immigration  into  the  Territory  be  dispersed. 

A  compliance  with  these  reasonable  requests  will  tend  to  re 
store  peace  in  Kansas  and  quiet  the  public  mind  of  this  State.  In 
the  event  of  a  non-compliance,  in  my  view,  a  case  will  have  arisen 
clearly  within  the  principle  laid  down  by  Mr.  Madison  in  the  Vir 
ginia  Resolutions  of  1798,  when  it  will  be  the  duty  of  the  States  "  to 
interpose  to  arrest  the  progress  of  the  evils  "  in  that  Territory. 

41.— To  Hon.  S.  P.  Chase. 

BITBLINGTON,  August  30,  1856. 

Yours  of  the  23d  instant,  from  New  York  City,  has  been  duly 
received. 

I  am  quite  as  powerless  as  you  are,  and  must  appeal  to  you  for 
counsel  and  direction.  All  our  information  in  relation  to  Kansas 
affairs  comes  from  the  East,  and  especially  from  Chicago. 

I  have  written  to  the  President  a  letter,  a  copy  of  which  I  in 
close  herewith.  I  do  not  expect  it  to  do  any  good,  but  it  will  con 
vince  him  how  I  feel  on  the  subject. 

I  am  ready  and  anxious  to  unite  in  any  feasible  scheme  to  rescue 
the  free-State  men  in  Kansas.  Suppose  the  Governors  of  Ohio, 
Michigan,  Wisconsin,  and  Iowa,  meet  at  Chicago,  say  7th  Septem 
ber,  to  consider  what  can  be  done,  and  what  ought  to  be  done  in 
the  premises  ?  I  name  that  day  because  I  have  agreed  to  stump 
the  State,  and  it  will  not  conflict  with  any  of  my  other  appoint- 


1856.]  GOVEENOE  OF  IOWA.'  87 

ments  or  business.    I  would  have  the  meeting  unheralded  by  notices 
in  the  newspapers. 

I  have  not  made  my  letter  to  the  President  public.  Perhaps  it 
had  better  not  be  done.  If  you  think,  however,  that  any  good 
might  come  of  it,  you  are  at  liberty  to  make  such  part  of  it  public 
as  you  choose. 

In  the  course  of  the  summer  and  fall,  Mr.  Grimes  addressed 
public  meetings  at  many  different  places,  in  behalf  of  the  Repub- 
lican  party,  and  spoke  with  the  force  and  earnestness  of  deep  con 
viction.  He  attributed  the  evils  of  the  country  to  the  wanton 
repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise,  with  the  evident  purpose  of 
forcing  slavery  upon  a  people  who  detested  it.  Regarding  old 
parties  and  old  issues  as  dead,  he  said  that  the  issue  before  the 
country  was  the  extension  or  non-extension  of  slavery  into  the 
Territories  ;  that  by  no  act  of  his,  either  of  omission  or  of  com 
mission,  should  slavery  be  extended  over  free  territory,  and  that, 
when  called  to  rest  with  his  fathers,  he  did  not  wish  the  stain 
of  having  extended  slavery,  or  of  having  fastened  shackles  upon 
a  single  human  being,  to  rest  upon  his  name ;  and  he  further 
declared  that  under  all  circumstances,  whether  the  Republican 
party  was  defeated  or  victorious,  the  Union  should  be  preserved. 

The  sixth  General  Assembly  of  the  State  convened  at  Iowa 
City,  December  1,  1856.  The  following  extracts  are  from  the 
Governor's  message : 

GROWTH    OP   IOWA. 

The  progress  of  the  State  during  the  past  two  years  has  been 
extraordinary,  and  in  many  respects  unexampled.  In  population, 
in  wealth,  in  productive  power,  in  educational  facilities,  the  advance 
has  been  such  as  to  astound  the  doubtful  and  to  surprise  the  most 
sanguine.  Iowa  occupies  a  proud  position,  and  with  wise  legisla 
tion  a  glorious  destiny  awaits  her.  You  are  called  to  assist  in 
shaping  that  destiny,  and  to  aid  in  laying  the  foundations  of  a  future 
empire.  It  is  impossible  to  be  too  deeply  impressed  with  the  re 
sponsibility  and  delicacy  of  the  great  trust  confided  to  you. 

STATE    STATISTICS. 

An  enumeration  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  State,  and  of  her  pro 
ductive  resources,  was  taken  in  June  last,  as  required  by  the  consti- 


88 


LIFE   OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES. 


[1856. 


tution.  It  is  somewhat  defective  ;  two  counties  and  several  town 
ships  in  other  counties  not  having  been  returned  at  all,  while  in 
almost  all  the  counties  there  are  very  great  omissions.  Many 
townships  and  some  counties  are  returned  without  any  statistics, 
save  those  in  relation  to  population.  Such  will  always  be  the  case, 
so  long  as  the  census  shall  be  taken  by  township  assessors,  instead 
of  being  taken  by  marshals,  to  be  appointed  by  the  census 
board. 

The  following  statement  will  show  the  increase  of  population 
since  the  settlement  of  what  is  now  the  State  : 


Population  in  1836 10,531 

"  1838 22,859 

"  1840 43,116 

"  1844 71,650 

"  1846 78,988 


Population  in  1847 116,204 

1849 130,945 

"  1850 192,204 

"  1854 326,014 

"  1856 503,625 


The  population  of  the  State  is  probably  at  this  time  not  far 
from  600,000.  The  vote  polled  on  the  4th  day  of  November  last 
reached  92,644,  and  indicates  the  truth  of  this  supposition. 

GEOLOGICAL   SUEVEY. 

In  pursuance  of  the  act  of  the  last  General  Assembly,  authoriz 
ing  a  geological  survey  of  the  State,  I  appointed  Prof.  James  Hall, 
of  Albany,  New  York,  State  geologist,  and,  in  conjunction  with 
Mr.  Hall,  appointed  Prof.  J.  D.  Whitney,  of  Massachusetts,  State 
chemist.  These  gentlemen  prosecuted  their  survey  during  a  por 
tion  of  the  years  1855  and  1856,  and  to  their  report,  which  will 
be  shortly  transmitted  to  you,  I  refer  you  for  an  account  of  their 
explorations  and  the  results. 

The  high  rank  among  scientific  men  enjoyed  by  each  of  these 
gentlemen  gives  ample  assurance  that  the  survey  will  be  thorough, 
practical,  and  creditable  to  the  State. 

STATE    PENITENTIARY. 

I  transmit  herewith  the  report  of  the  Inspectors  of  the  State 
Penitentiary,  and  solicit  your  attention  to  the  suggestions  it  con 
tains.  The  penitentiary  is  established  in  one  corner  of  the  State, 
and  the  ground  connected  with  it  is  limited  in  extent  and  not  well 
adapted  to  the  purpose  for  which  it  is  used. 

I  am  not  prepared  to  say  that  sound  policy  does  not  dictate  a 


1856.]  GOVERNOR  OF  IOWA.  89 

removal  of  the  institution  to  some  more  central  and  accessible  part 
of  the  State.  Should  it  be  deemed  expedient  to  maintain  the  pres 
ent  as  a  permanent  penitentiary,  very  considerable  appropriations 
will  be  required  to  build  an  additional  number  of  cells,  a  hospital 
for  the  sick,  and  erect  a  substantial  wall  around  the  prison-yard. 
If,  on  the  contrary,  it  is  thought  expedient  to  establish  a  peniten 
tiary  in  a  more  central  position  in  the  State,  then  the  manner  in 
which  it  shall  be  constructed,  and  the  system  upon  which  it  shall 
be  conducted,  become  subjects  for  very  grave  consideration. 

Notwithstanding  the  very  general  prejudice  that  exists  against 
it,  many  wise  and  good  men,  after  a  thorough  investigation  of  the 
subject,  are  convinced  that  the  solitary  system,  as  practised  at  Pen- 
tonville,  in  England,  and  in  the  Eastern  Penitentiary,  in  Pennsyl 
vania,  would  be  most  conducive  to  the  interests  of  the  State  and 
to  the  reformation  of  convicts.  Before  any  permanent  system  of 
prison  discipline  shall  be  established,  it  is  to  be  hoped  that  the 
subject  will  receive  a  most  thorough  examination. 

REGISTRY   LAW. 

Almost  every  person,  residing  in  any  of  the  large  towns  in  the 
State,  acknowledges  the  imperative  necessity  for  some  law  to  pro 
tect  the  purity  of  the  ballot-box.  That  gross  frauds  are  perpetrated 
at  every  exciting  election,  by  the  voting  and  double  voting  of  un 
qualified  persons,  is  not  to  be  denied.  To  remedy  this  great  and 
constantly-increasing  evil,  the  passage  of  a  registry  law  is  respect 
fully  recommended.  Such  laws  have  been  in  operation  in  several 
States  from  a  period  long  anterior  to  the  adoption  of  the  Federal 
Constitution,  and  have  fully  answered  their  design. 

SCHOOL   FUNDS. 

I  again  call  your  attention  to  the  propriety  of  entirely  discon 
necting  the  office  of  Superintendent  of  Public  Instruction  from  all 
control  over  the  school  money  .and  school  lands. 

The  five-per-cent.  fund,  arising  from  the  sale  of  public  lands 
within  the  State,  has  always,  until  the  past  year,  been  distributed 
by  the  Superintendent  among  the  several  County  School  Fund  Com 
missioners,  under  what  was  supposed  to  be  the  requirements  of  the 
laws  of  this  State.  The  amount  of  $226,800.56  received  from  the 
General  Government  as  the  five  per  cent,  accruing  on  the  31st  of 


90  LIFE   OF  JAMES  W.   GEIMES.  [1856. 

December,  1854,  has,  I  learn,  been  partially  distributed  among  the 
County  School  Fund  Commissioners,  and  partially  loaned  out  by 
the  Superintendent  of  Public  Instruction,  but,  as  I  conceive,  wholly 
without  authority  of  law.  This  is  too  important  and  too  large  an 
interest  to  suffer  any  doubt  to  exist  as  to  the  proper  disposal  of 
the  fund,  or  as  to  the  powers,  rights,  and  liabilites,  of  any  officer 
connected  with  it.  I  therefore  commend  the  snbject  to  your  im 
mediate  consideration. 

REVISION   OF   SCHOOL   LAWS. 

In  compliance  with  the  provisions  of  the  act  of  July  14,  1856, 
Hon.  Horace  Mann,  of  Ohio,  Hon.  Amos  Dean,  President  of  the 
State  University,  and  F.  E.  Bissell,  Esq.,  of  Dubuque,  were  ap 
pointed  commissioners  to  revise  the  school  laws  of  the  State.  The 
commissioners  are  engaged  in  the  discharge  of  their  duties,  and  will 
be  able  to  lay  their  report  before  }rou  in  a  few  days. 

STATE    UNIVERSITY. 

It  would  seem  that  with  a  population  in  the  State  of  half  a  mill 
ion  of  souls,  and  a  university  fund  of  nearly  two  hundred  thousand 
dollars,  the  time  had  arrived  for  a  thorough  and  efficient  organiza 
tion  of  this  institution.  If  it  is  the  design  of  the  General  Assem 
bly  to  surrender  the  Capitol  buildings,  at  Iowa  City,  for  university 
purposes,  provision  should  be  made  to  that  effect  at  an  early  day. 

STATE   CAPITOL. 

In  compliance  with  tte  act  of  25th  of  January,  1855,  entitled 
"  An  act  to  relocate  the  seat  of  government,"  I  appointed  commis 
sioners  for  that  purpose,  and  they  have  discharged  their  duty.  The 
site  selected  for  the  future  .Capitol  is  on  a  gentle  swell  of  land  about 
three-quarters  of  a  mile  east  of  Fort  Des  Moines,  and  on  the  east 
side  of  the  river.  It  commands  a  good  prospect,  and  seems  to  be 
well  adapted  to  the  purpose  for  which  it  has  been  selected. 

COUNTY   INDEBTEDNESS. 

The  constitution  wisely  provides  that  the  State  shall  not  in  any 
manner  create  a  debt  exceeding  one  hundred  thousand  dollars. 
The  framers  of  that  instrument  did  not  imagine  that  there  was  as 


1856.]  GOVERNOR  OF  IOWA.  91 

great  a  necessity  to  prohibit  the  counties  from  creating  large  public 
debts,  for  the  reason  that  the  history  of  the  country  did  not  then 
present  the  case  of  a  county  becoming  a  large  stockholder  in  pri 
vate  corporations. 

Within  the  past  few  years,  however,  so  great  has  been  the  anx 
iety  to  procure  the  construction  of  works  of  internal  improvement, 
that  many  counties  and  cities  in  this  State  have  adopted  the  very 
doubtful  policy  of  creating  large  municipal  debts,  for  the  purpose 
of  becoming  stockholders  in  railroads  and  other  private  corpora 
tions.  The  amount  of  municipal  indebtedness  already  voted  by  the 
different  cities  and  counties  exceeds  seven  million  dollars. 

Without  stopping  to  inquire  into  the  authority  under  which  the 
loans  have  heretofore  been  voted,  it  seems  to  me  that  prudence  .and 
sound  policy  require  that  some  check  be  imposed  upon  the  future 
exercise  of  this  power  to  create  public  indebtedness.  It  is  true 
that  many  investments  made  by  the  counties  and  cities  may  result 
profitably  to  the  stockholders ;  but,  it  is  equally  true  that  many 
will  prove  disastrous,  as  some  have  already  done. 

Municipal  corporations  are  designed  for  local  and  limited  pur 
poses,  and  it  is  a  perversion  of  their  organization  w7hen  they  are 
embarked  in  internal  improvement  beyond  their  jurisdiction.  Nor 
is  that  an  equitable  principle  which  allows  the  people  of  one  por 
tion  of  a  county  to  fasten  an  indebtedness  upon  a  remote  portion 
of  the  county,  for  other  than  legitimate  county  purposes.  Equally 
unjust  is  it  to  allow  the  property  of  one  man  to  be  heavily  bur 
dened  by  taxation,  imposed  by  the  vote  of  another  man,  who  is 
without  property,  without  a  household,  and  who  sustains  none  of 
the  burdens  of  government.  There  is  a  manifest  propriety  in  al 
lowing  every  man  the  right  of  suffrage,  under  ordinary  circum 
stances.  It  is  proper  that  every  man  should  have  the  privilege  to 
join  in  the  selection  of  his  own  law-makers,  and  his  own  execu 
tioners,  but  there  is  not  the  same  propriety  in  allowing  to  every 
man  the  privilege  of  creating  an  indebtedness  for  others  to 
pay. 

It  occurs  to  me  that  too  many  checks  and  safeguards  cannot  be 
thrown  around  this  power,  if  such  power  exists  at  all,  of  creating 
municipal  indebtedness  for  purposes  of  internal  improvements.  It 
is  a  dangerous  power,  and  liable  to  the  grossest  abuse. 


92  LIFE  OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1856. 

KANSAS. 

During  the  past  summer  it  was  reported  and  generally  believed 
that  the  President  of  the  United  States  only  failed  to  interpose  his 
authority  for  the  protection  of  the  rights  of  the  free-State  people  in 
Kansas,  for  the  reason  that  no  official  intelligence  had  reached  him 
that  any  outrages  had  been  perpetrated  in  that  unfortunate  Terri 
tory.  Having  such  information  myself,  I  conceived  it  to  be  my 
duty  to  notify  the  President  of  the  crimes  that  had  been  committed 
against  the  persons  and  property  of  former  citizens  of  Iowa,  and  to 
demand  for  them  that  protection  which  the  Federal  Government 
was  in  part  established  to  secure. 

Accordingly,  on  the  28th  day  of  August  last,  I  addressed  to  him 
a  letter  on  this  subject,  a  copy  of  which  I  herewith  transmit.  With 
out  desiring  to  forestall  the  opinion  or  action  of  the  General  Assem 
bly  in  this  regard,  I  beg  leave  to  reiterate  the  opinion  then  ex 
pressed,  that  it  is  the  right  and  duty  of  the  State  to  protect  the 
rights  of  her  former  citizens  in  Kansas  when  the  Federal  Govern 
ment  fails  to  perform  that  duty. 

I  desire  to  cooperate  with  the  General  Assembly  in  the  adoption 
of  any  measures  that  may  tend  to  uphold  the  sovereignty  and  pro 
mote  the  prosperity  and  honor  of  our  noble  State. 

42.— To  Mrs.  Grimes. 

IOWA  CITY,  December  5,  1856. 

My  message,  much  to  my  astonishment,  is  well  received.  I  have 
been  highly  complimented  on  its  conciseness  and  information.  I 
send  you  a  copy. 

December  12th. — Night  before  last  I  heard  your  friend  Wendell 
Phillips  lecture  on  the  "  Lost  Arts."  It  was,  I  think,  the  best  lect 
ure  I  ever  listened  to.  Such  seems  to  have  been  the  experience  of 
every  one. 

After  the  lecture,  he  was  publicly  requested  to  give  to  the  audi 
ence  an  expression  of  his  peculiar  views.  He  gave  us  the  length 
and  breadth  of  Garrisonism,  and,  what  was  unexpected  to  me,  the 
audience  not  only  listened  patiently  to  what  he  said,  but  received 
his  utterances  with  unbounded  applause.  This  is  another  evidence 
of  the  progress  of  antislavery  sentiment.  I  know  no  place  in  this 
State  where  Mr.  Phillips  would  have  been  permitted  to  give  a  free 
expression  to  his  sentiments  five  years  ago.  Now,  at  the  capital 


1857.]  GOVERNOR  OF  IOWA.  93 

of  the  State,  before  an  audience  embracing  almost  all  the  members 
of  the  General  Assembly,  and  very  much  of  the  conservatism  and 
wealth  of  the  State,  his  opinions  are  applauded  to  the  echo.  Let 
us  thank  God  that  the  world  moves. 

Mr.  Phillips  spent  an  hour  or  more  in  my  room  after  the  lecture. 
Indeed,  we  did  not  go  to  bed  until  twelve  o'clock.  He  is  genial  in 
his  intercourse,  has  traveled  all  over  Europe,  apparently  a  man  of 
great  erudition,  and  is  blessed  with  very  fine  sensibilities.  I  do  not 
recollect  when  I  have  been  so  captivated  by  the  manner  and  intel 
lect  and  heart  of  a  man  with  whom  I  have  been  brought  in  contact. 

I  shall  spend  Christmas  at  home.  I  rejoice  to  know  that  this  is 
the  last  winter  I  shall  spend  away  from  that  dear  place. 

43.— To  W.  H.  Buchanan,  Sheriff  of  Clinton  County. 

EXECUTIVE  OFFICE,  IOWA,  ) 
BUKUNGTON,  July  3,  1857.      > 

Your  letter  of  the  29th  June,  in  which  you  state  that  you  have 
warrants  in  your  hands  for  the  arrest  of  persons  who  seized  and 
hanged  Bennet  Warren  in  your  county  on  the  25th  inst. ;  that  you 
are  "informed  that  a  very  large  combination  has  been  formed, 
banded  together  by  agreement  or  oath  to  execute  similar  outrages 
upon  other  persons,  and  protect  and  defend  any  of  their  members 
who  may  be  attempted  to  be  dealt  with  according  to  law,"  and  that 
this  combination  is  supposed  to  number  "  about  two  thousand  per 
sons  in  Jackson  and  the  adjoining  counties,"  has  been  duly  received. 

You  ask  me  "  what  course  shall  be  pursued."  I  answer  unhesi 
tatingly,  serve  the  warrants  in  your  hands  and  enforce  the  laws  of 
the  State.  You  have  authority  to  summon  to  your  aid  the  entire 
force  of  your  county.  If  you  deem  it  to  be  necessary  to  do  so,  call 
for  that  force,  and  prosecute  every  man  who  refuses  to  obey  your 
summons. 

If  the  power  of  your  county  is  not  sufficient  to  execute  the  laws, 
a  sufficient  force  from  other  counties  shall  be  placed  at  your  dis 
posal. 

If  the  persons  arrested  refuse  to  give  bail,  and  you  believe  your 
county  jail  to  be  unsafe,  you  will  have  authority  to  establish  a 
guard,  or  send  the  prisoners  to  some  other  county  in  the  State, 
where  they  will  be  secure. 

I  am  resolved  that,  so  far  as  in  me  lies,  this  lawless  violence. 


94:  LIFE  OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1857. 

which,  under  the  plea  of  administering  justice  to  horse-thieves,  sets 
at  defiance  the  authorities  of  the  State,  and  destroys  all  respect  for 
the  laws,  both  human  and  divine,  shall  be  checked.  I  shall  have 
no  hesitation,  therefore,  when  officially  advised  of  the  exigency,  to 
call  out  the  entire  military  power  of  the  State,  if  necessary,  to 
crush  out  this  spirit  of  rebellion,  which  has  shown  itself  in  your 
county. 

I  shall  direct  all  the  military  companies  in  the  State  to  hold 
themselves  in  readiness  for  duty. 

As  I  have  been  written  to  on  this  subject  by  your  county  judge, 
and  by  other  citizens  of  Clinton,  and  as  I  desire  that  there  should 
be  no  doubt  as  to  my  opinions  on  the  subject,  or  as  to  what  my 
action  will  be,  I  request  you  to  give  publicity  to  this  communi 
cation. 

Mr.  Grimes  participated  in  a  Fourth  of  July  celebration  upon 
the  grounds  of  the  Burlington  University,  and  made  an  address  of 
great  originality  and  force  in  behalf  of  the  education  of  women. 

A  new  constitution  of  the  State  of  Iowa,  with  such  provi 
sions  substantially  as  Mr.  Grimes  had  long  advocated,  was  ap 
proved  by  the  people,  August  3,  185T,  and  he  issued  a  procla 
mation  September  3d,  declaring  it  to  be  adopted,  and  proclaim 
ing  it  the  supreme  law  of  the  State.  The  votes  for  the  adop 
tion  of  the  constitution  were  40,311,  against  38,681.  At  the 
same  election,  there  were  8,207  votes  for  striking  out  the  word 
"  white  "  from  the  article  on  the  "  right  of  suffrage."  Suitable 
buildings  having  been  prepared  for  the  accommodation  of  the 
General  Assembly  and  the  officers  of  State  at  Des  Moines, 
Governor  Grimes  issued  his  proclamation,  October  19th,  making 
known  his  opinion  to  that  effect,  and  declaring  the  capital  of 
Iowa  to  be  established,  under  the  constitution  and  laws,  at  Des 
Moines,  in  Polk  'County,  and  the  University  of  the  State  to  be 
established  at  Iowa  City,  in  Johnson  County. 

Under  the  new  constitution  an  election  was  held  October 
13th.  In  view  of  that  election  he  invited  Mr.  Lincoln  to  make 
a  speech  in  Iowa.  He  presented  his  own  views  of  public  affairs 
in  a  circular.  From  Mr.  Lincoln  he  received  the  following 
reply : 


1857.]  GOVERNOR  OF  IOWA.  95 

SPRINGFIELD,  ILLINOIS,  August,  1857. 

Yours  of  the  14th  is  received,  and  I  am  much  obliged  for  the 
legal  information  you  give. 

You  can  scarcely  be  more  anxious  than  I  that  the  next  election 
in  Iowa  should  result  in  favor  of  the  Republicans.  I  lost  nearly  all 
the  working-part  of  last  year,  giving  my  time  to  the  canvass ;  and 
I  am  altogether  too  poor  to  lose  two  years  together.  I  am  engaged 
in  a  suit  in  the  United  States  Court  at  Chicago,  in  which  the  Rock 
Island  Bridge  Company  is  a  party.  The  trial  is  to  commence  on 
the  8th  of  September,  and  probably  will  last  two  or  three  weeks. 
During  the  trial  it  is  not  improbable  that  all  hands  may  come  over 
and  take  a  look  at  the  bridge,  and,  if  it  were  possible  to  make  it  hit 
right,  I  could  then  speak  at  Davenport.  My  courts  go  right  on 
without  cessation  till  late  in  November.  Write  me  again,  pointing 
out  the  more  striking  points  of  difference  between  your  old  and 
new  constitutions,  and  also  whether  Democratic  and  Republican 
party  lines  were  drawn  in  the  adoption  of  it,  and  which  were  for 
and  which  were  against  it.  If,  by  possibility,  I  could  get  over 
among  you  it  might  be  of  some  advantage  to  know  these  things  in 
advance. 

Yours  very  truly, 

A.  LINCOLN. 

44.— A   Circular  Letter. 

BUBLINGTON,  September  3,  1857. 

I  am  led  by  my  anxiety  in  relation  to  the  approaching  State 
election,  to  briefly  address  you  on  that  subject.  I  confess  that  I 
am  anxious  about  the  result.  That  anxiety  is  caused  by  the  ex 
traordinary  efforts  that  are  made,  and  will  continue  to  be  made,  .to 
defeat  the  Republican  nominees,  and  the  disastrous  consequences 
that  must  inevitably  ensue,  should  those  efforts  prove  successful. 

About  to  retire  from  office,  but  still  in  office,  it  may  be  thought 
by  some  that  I  should  abstain  from  all  interference  with  the  pres 
ent  contest.  If  nothing  were  involved  in  it  but  the  personal  aggran 
dizement  of  the  rival  candidates,  I  should  do  so.  But,  when  I  re 
flect  upon  the  influence  the  result  of  this  contest  is  destined  to 
exercise  upon  the  interests  of  this  State,  upon  the  public  sentiment 
of  other  States,  and  upon  the  future  action  of  the  Federal  Govern 
ment,  I  cannot  reconcile  silence  or  apparent  indifference  with  my 
sense  of  duty. 


96  LIFE  OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1857. 

The  design  of  the  adherents  of  Mr.  Buchanan's  Administration 
is  very  apparent.  They  are  resolved  to  carry  Iowa  at  the  October 
election.  To  this  end  the  services  of  the  whole  praetorian  band  of 
office-holders  in  the  State  —  every  postmaster,  land-officer,  mail, 
timber,  and  other  agents — will  be  put  in  requisition.  Committees 
are  appointed  in  every  county  and  township — the  Democratic  party 
will  be  thoroughly  organized — money  will  be  freely  spent,  and  the 
entire  pro-slavery  vote  of  the  State  will  be  polled.  Should  their 
efforts  be  crowned  with  success,  the  result  will  be  heralded  to  the 
world  as  a  triumph  of  the  principles  of  the  Kansas-Nebraska  act. 
With  a  view  to  paralyze  their  efforts,  the  struggling  free-State  men 
in  Kansas  will  be  told  that  the  freemen  of  Iowa  have  decided  the 
issue  in  which  they  are  involved  in  favor  of  the  Administration,  and 
its  representative,  Governor  Walker. 

That  proconsul  of  the  Government  will  be  stimulated  to  enforce 
the  collection  of  taxes,  imposed  upon  the  people  of  that  unfortu 
nate  Territory  by  fraud  and  violence,  at  the  point  of  Federal 
bayonets.  The  whole  State  will  resound  with  rejoicings  over  the 
triumph  of  the  principles  embodied  in  the  extra-judicial  opinion  of 
Chief- Justice  Taney  in  the  case  of  Scott  vs.  Sandford. 

It  cannot  be  disguised  that  this  great  issue  between  freedom 
and  slavery  is  a  prominent  question  in  this  contest.  It  has  been 
made  so  by  both  political  parties.  They  could  not  do  otherwise. 
Freedom  and  slavery  are  the  antagonistic  elements  in  this  govern 
ment.  They  cannot  harmonize,  and  must  overshadow  every -other 
question  until  settled  upon  the  principle  enunciated  by  the  Repub 
lican  party.  The  success  of  the  Democratic  party  in  October  will 
be  an  indorsement  by  the  people  of  the  State  of  the  Democratic 
platform,  as  the  triumph  of  the  Republican  party  will  be  an  indorse 
ment  of  the  Republican  platform. 

It  is  my  sincere  and  mature  conviction  that  the  success  of  the 
Democratic  party  in  Iowa,  at  the  October  election,  would  irre 
trievably  fix  the  character  of  Kansas  as  a  slave  State,  and  inflict  a 
malignant,  if  not  fatal,  wound  upon  the  free  labor  and  Free-Soil 
party  everywhere. 

It  would  discourage  our  gallant  friends  in  Missouri,  who  have 
just  achieved  a  noble  triumph.  It  would  encourage  the  slavery 
propagandists  to  proceed  with  their  scheme  of  reopening  the  Afri 
can  slave-trade,  as  foreshadowed  in  the  recent  Southern  Convention 


1857.]  GOVERNOR   OF  IOWA.  97 

at  Knoxville,  and  tend  to  hasten  forward  that  day,  so  anxiously 
desired  by  the  South,  when  we  shall  become  a  great  nation  of  slaves 
and  slave-owners. 

It  would  be  a  great  error  to  suppose  that  the  slave  propagan 
dists  have  abandoned  hope  or  relaxed  their  efforts  to  secure  the 
Territories  to  slavery.  In  Oregon  they  are  fiercely  contending  for 
the  ascendency,  with  every  prospect  of  success.  In  Minnesota, 
when  defeated  at  the  polls,  they  refuse  to  abide  by  the  judgment 
of  the  people,  and  now  strive  to  prevent  the  admission  of  that  Ter 
ritory  as  a  State.  We  are  justified  in  believing  that  at  this  mo 
ment  parties  are  organizing  to  again  invade  Kansas  with  the 
design  to  carry  the  fall  election.  The  real  author  of  the  Kansas- 
Nebraska  bill,  ex-Senator  Atchison,  in  his  letter  to  Colonel  Baker, 
of  South  Carolina,  of  the  12th  of  July  last,  declares  that  he  still 
has  hopes  from  the  border  counties  of  Missouri.  The  Charleston 
Mercury,  speaking  of  this  letter,  says : 

"  In  addition  to  the  letter  published  recently  from  General 
Atchison,  we  beg  to  say  to  our  readers  that,  from  other  letters 
received  from  Kansas,  we  are  informed  that  the  pro-slavery  party 
in  Kansas  is  resolute  in  its  determination  of  making  Kansas  a  slave 
State.  In  consenting  to  become  a  Democratic  party,  the  pro-slavery 
men  did  not  mean  to  abandon  their  policy,  but  to  lift  the  minority 
it  placed  with  them  to  their  support.  On  the  21st  day  of  last 
month  they  were  confident  of  success,  and  would  form  a  constitu 
tion  with  slavery  acknowledged  in  it.  If  this  constitution  is  re 
ferred  to  the  people  for  ratification,  it  is  intended  to  refer  it  only 
to  the  registered  voters,  who  will  doubtless  ratify  it.  We  have 
more  hopes  of  Kansas  than  we  have  ever  had.  We  have  great 
faith  in  the  fighting  capacity  of  Southern  men." 

It  requires  no  prophet  to  foretell  what  is  meant  by  "  the  fight 
ing  capacity  of  Southern  men." 

It  is  very  evident  that  the  friends  of  free  Kansas  and  "  self-gov 
ernment  "  cannot  rely  upon  the  support  of  Mr.  Buchanan.  So  far 
from  aiding  them,  he  is  now  attempting  to  force  slavery  upon  that 
Territory  against  the  well-known  wishes  of  three-fourths  of  the 
actual  citizens.  He  declares  that  the  bogus  taxes  shall  be  collected, 
and  the  bogus  laws  enforced.  He  has  refused  to  remove  the  in 
famous  Lecompte,  which  even  Mr.  Pierce  attempted  to  do.  He 
appointed  Emory,  Whitfield,  Clark,  Woodson,  and  others,  the  most 


98  LIFE   OF  JAMES  W.   GEIMES.  [1857. 

active  and  unscrupulous  agents  in  all  the  frauds  and  violence  and 
murders  committed  in  that  Territory,  to  the  most  valuable  and  in 
fluential  offices.  He  has  not  appointed  one  known  free-State  Demo 
crat  to  office,  but  he  has  removed  every  free-State  Democrat  from 
office,  who  was  appointed  by  his  predecessor. 

The  truth  is,  there  is  no  hope  for  Kansas  since  the  decision  of 
the  Dred  Scott  case,  soon  to  be  followed  by  a  decision  in  the  Lem- 
mon  case,  except  in  the  earnest,  manful,  resistless,  public  sentiment 
of  the  free  States  as  expressed  through  the  ballot-boxes. 

At  the  first  session  of  the  General  Assembly  of  the  Territory  of 
Iowa,  held  at  Burlington  in  1838,  an  act  was  passed  "  to  regulate 
the  practice  in  the  Supreme  and  District  Courts,"  which  was  an 
exact  transcript  of  the  Illinois  statute  on  the  same  subject.  It  was 
adopted  in  that  State  at  an  early  day,  when  slaves  were  held  under 
her  local  laws,  and  contained  an  exclusion  of  negro,  mulatto,  and 
Indian  testimony.  In  1850  the  commissioners  appointed  to  revise 
the  laws  of  the  State  (Judges  Mason  and  Woodward,  and  Governor 
Hempstead)  reported  section  2,388  of  the  Code  as  follows :  "  Every 
human  being  of  sufficient  capacity  to  understand  the  obligation  of 
an  oath  is  a  competent  witness  in  all  cases  both  civil  and  criminal, 
except  as  herein  otherwise  declared."  This  section  was  amended 
by  the  General  Assembly  by  adding,  "  but  an  Indian,  a  negro,  a 
mulatto,  or  black  person,  shall  not  be  allowed  to  give  testimony  in 
any  cause  wherein  a  white  person  is  a  party."  Thus  the  law  stood 
until  last  winter,  when  this  exclusion  was  removed. 

The  recent  Constitutional  Convention  added  to  the  fourth  sec 
tion  of  the  Bill  of  Rights,  "  and  any  party  to  any  judicial  proceed 
ing  shall  have  the  right  to  use  as  a  witness,  or  to  take  the  testi 
mony  of,  any  other  person  not  disqualified  on  account  of  interest, 
who  may  be  cognizant  of  any  fact  material  to  the  case."  The 
Democratic  Convention,  assembled  on  the  26th  of  August  at  Iowa 
City,  declared  in  favor  of  an  amendment  to  the  new  constitution  so 
as  to  exclude  the  testimony  of  colored  persons,  or,  in  other  words, 
to  strike  off  this  amendment  to  the  Bill  of  Rights. 

I  find  upon  examination  that  in  every  free  State  in  this  Union, 
save  in  Illinois  and  Indiana  (and  I  cannot  ascertain  what  the  law  is 
in  these  States),  by  some  law,  or  constitutional  provision,  every 
human  being  endowed  with  reason  and  conscience  is  admissible 
as  a  witness  before  judicial  tribunals,  leaving  the  credibility  of  the 


1857.]  GOVERNOR  OF  IOWA.  99 

witness  to  be  passed  upon  by  the  jury.  Governor  Hempstead, 
Judge  Mason,  Judge  Woodward,  the  last  General  Assembly,  and 
the  Constitutional  Convention,  thought  that  the  same  should  be 
the  law  in  this  State. 

The  members  of  the  Democratic  Convention,  however,  think 
otherwise.  They  strangely  overlook  the  fact  that  the  admission  of 
this  testimony  is  for  the  benefit  of  the  white  race,  and  not  for  the 
peculiar  benefit  of  the  black.  It  is  no  benefit,  no  interest  to  me  to 
give  testimony  in  my  neighbor's  suit.  I  am  called  as  a  witness, 
because  I  know  some  fact  important  to  his  cause,  and  I  am  per 
mitted  to  testify  for  the  very  reason  that  I  have  no  interest  in  tes 
tifying.  So  may  the  testimony  of  a  colored  man  be  important  to 
my  neighbor.  He  may  be  the  only  witness  cognizant  of  the  facts. 
If  he  is  ignorant,  degraded,  false,  let  his  testimony  be  weighed  by 
all  the  surrounding  circumstances,  as  the  evidence  of  ignorant,  de 
graded,  false,  white  men  is  weighed.  If  he  is  truthful  and  honest, 
is  it  just  or  proper  that  my  neighbor  should  be  deprived  of  his  tes 
timony  ?  Is  the  Democratic  party  willing  to  be  held  to  the  legiti 
mate  conclusion  from  their  position,  viz.,  that  the  jurors  of  this 
State  are  competent  to  weigh  testimony,  and  do  justice  between 
parties,  only  in  cases  where  the  witnesses  are  of  one  race  ?  I  have 
always  supposed  the  object  of  all  judicial  investigations  was  to 
reach  the  truth — "  It  is  the  truth  that  makes  us  free  " — no  mat 
ter  where  it  comes  from,  provided  it  stands  the  tests  applied  to 
falsehoods. 

I  hardly  need  say  that  the  law  of  the  last  winter,  as  well  as  the 
constitutional  provision,  sprung  from  the  fact  that  several  criminals 
have  "gone  unwhipped  of  justice"  on  account  of  this  disability  of 
witnesses.  The  facts  that  would  have  insured  conviction  were 
known  only  to  colored  persons,  but  their  testimony  was  inadmissi 
ble  under  the  law,  though  they  were  as  credible  men  as  were  in  the 
community  in  which  they  resided*  But,  what  matters  it  why  or 
how  it  originated,  if  the  provision  is  just  in  itself? 

I  am  anxious  as  to  the  result  in  this  State,  on  account  of  our 
local  and  State  policy. 

We  have  now  a  new  constitution.  We  want  a  banking  system 
established  under  it  that  shall  furnish  facilities  for  transacting  the 
business  of  our  citizens,  and  be  safe  for  the  community.  Principally 
for  this  reason,  I  think  it  was,  that  the  people  adopted  it  as  the 


100  LIFE  OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1857. 

supreme  law.  Yet  the  effort  will  be  made  to  defeat  the  very  object 
of  the  new  constitution,  by  electing  a  Governor  and  a  majority 
of  the  members  of  the  General  Assembly  who  are  opposed  to  all 
banking. 

A  great  many  friends  of  the  new  constitution  imagine  that,  be 
cause  it  has  been  ratified  by  the  people,  all  the  reforms  it  proposes 
will  be  consummated.  This  is  a  great  mistake.  The  new  pro 
visions  are  self-executing  only  in  relation  to  the  time  of  holding  the 
annual  election.  All  Other  essential  provisions  must  be  acted  upon 
by  the  General  Assembly.  The  power,  therefore,  to  thwart  the 
wishes  of  the  people  in  this  regard  will  be  in  the  hands  of  the  Gen 
eral  Assembly  in  the  first  instance,  and  afterward  in  the  power  of 
the  Governor.  It  would  surely  be  the  height  of  folly  to  intrust  the 
constitution  at  this  time  to  its  enemies,  and  expect  them  to  carry 
it  into  successful  operation. 

Upon  the  next  General  Assembly  will  devolve  the  duty  of  elect 
ing  a  United  States  Senator  from  this  State.  Shall  he  be  a  repre 
sentative  of  the  free-labor  sentiment  of  the  State,  or  shall  his  every 
vote  pander  to  the  slavery-extension  sentiment  of  the  South,  and 
only  tend  to  stimulate  to  further  demands  ?  That  question  will  be 
decided  by  the  result  of  the  election  in  October. 

I  have  been,  during  nineteen  years,  acquainted  with  the  Repub 
lican  nominee  for  Governor,  Ralph  P.  Lowe.  During  the  past  five 
years  he  has  been  judge  of  the  judicial  district  in  which  I  reside, 
and  discharged  the  duties  of  that  important  office  to  the  satisfaction 
of  every  one.  I  am  warranted  in  saying  that,  had  he  consented  to 
be  a  candidate  for  reelection,  there  would  have  been  no  opposition 
to  him.  His  sense  of  propriety  forbade  him  mingling  actively  in 
politics  during  the  term  of  his  judgeship.  He  stands  firmly  upon 
the  Republican  platform  and  possesses  every  qualification  for  a  good 
Governor. 

Of  the  Democratic  nominee  I  have  nothing  to  say.  I  believe 
Mr.  Samuels  to  be  an  honorable  man.  I  have  always  understood  him 
to  be  an  ultra,  hard-money,  anti-bank  Democrat,  with  strong  South 
ern  proclivities.  I  presume  he  will  so  declare  himself  during  the 
campaign.  But  I  do  not  choose  to  look  to  his  individual  opinions. 
I  look  to  the  platform  on  which  he  stands.  I  find  that  platform 
indorsing  the  principle  of  the  Kansas-Nebraska  bill.  I  find  it  in 
dorsing  the  Administration  of  Mr.  Buchanan,  with  all  its  pro-slavery 


1857.1  GOVERNOR  OF  IOWA.  101 

tendencies,  and  without  one  word  in  condemnation  of  such  immense 
robberies  of  the  Government  as  were  perpetrated  by  the  sale  of  the 
Fort  Snelling  reservation,  or  such  smaller  robberies,  according  to 
Commissioner  Manypenny,  as  the  forty  thousand  dollars  paid  to  R. 
W.  Thompson,  of  Indiana.  I  find  it  thus  approving  the  course  of 
Governor  Walker  in  Kansas,  including  the  recent  outrageous  ap 
portionment  of  members  to  the  Territorial  Assembly,  and  the  quar 
tering  a  United  States  Army  upon  Lawrence  with  a  view  to  harass 
and  overawe  its  citizens.  I  find  it  virtually  approving  the  Dred 
Scott  decision,  which  breaks  down  every  barrier  against  slavery  and 
makes  the  whole  nation  responsible  for  the  crime.  I  find  it  appeal 
ing  to  the  lowest  passions  of  the  human  heart  in  order  to  excite 
still  greater  prejudice  against  a  degraded  race,  and  full  of  revilings 
against  those  who  would  humanely  ameliorate  their  condition. 
Every  vote  for  the  Democratic  nominees  is  an  approval  of  this  plat 
form. 

With  such  principles  to  contend  against,  is  it  not  your  duty  to 
take  an  active  part  in  this  contest  ? 

Will  not  every  one  who  prefers  free  soil  and  free  labor  to  slave 
soil  and  slave  labor,  every  one  who  recognizes  the  principles  of  self- 
government,  as  now  attempted  by  the  freemen  of  Kansas  and  Min 
nesota,  every  one  who  would  rebuke  the  lawlessness,  and  violence, 
and  wrongs  perpetrated  in  those  Territories  under  the  apparent 
sanction  of  the  Federal  Executive,  every  one  who  recognizes  his 
duty  to  humanity,  whether  exalted  or  degraded,  every  one  who 
would  arrest  the  attempt  to  reopen  the  African  slave-trade  in  its 
incipient  stage,  every  one  who  desires  the  genuine  free-labor  senti 
ment  of  the  State  to  be  represented  in  the  United  States  Senate,  and 
every  one  who  desires  for  this  continent  a  civilization  of  law  and 
justice,  not  only  vote  for  but  labor  for  the  Republican  nominees  ? 

We  cannot  be  indifferent  to  the  contest.  We  have  no  right  to 
be  indifferent.  The  issue  has  been  made  up.  No  man  can  shrink 
from  meeting  it.  He  is  no  friend  to  freedom  who  absents  himself 
from  the  polls.  In  a  republican  government,  it  is  as  much  the  duty 
of  every  citizen  to  take  care  of  and  participate  in  the  government 
as  it  is  to  provide  for  his  own  household. 

I  have  addressed  you  with  confidence  and  freedom.  If  I  have 
exhibited  zeal,  it  is  because  I  feel  strongly  on  the  subject.  I  know 
the  efforts  that  will  be  made  by  the  pro-slavery  party  in  the  State, 


102  LIFE  OF  JAMES  TV.   GEIMES.  [1858. 

and  I  appreciate  the  humiliating  effect  their  success  would  have 
upon  the  party  of  progress  and  freedom  everywhere. 

Hon.  Ralph  P.  Lowe  was  chosen  Governor,  under  the  new 
constitution,  and,  upon  his  installation,  January  14,  1858,  Mr. 
Grimes  laid  down  his  office. 

The  following  is  from  his  message  to  the  seventh  General 
Assembly,  January  12,  1858  : 

Gentlemen  of  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives : 

I  congratulate  you  upon  the  continued  prosperity  of  our  State. 
Since  you  were  last  assembled,  its  population  has  continued  to  in 
crease,  and  its  resources  of  every  character  to  be  each  day  more  and 
more  developed.  The  earth  has  yielded  liberally  of  its  abundance, 
and  peace,  good  order,  and  happiness,  everywhere  prevail.  It  be 
comes  us  to  be  devoutly  thankful  to  that  benign  Providence  that 
has  blessed  our  beloved  State  with  another  season  of  prosperity,  and 
brought  us  to  the  commencement  of  another  official  year. 

You  are  convened  under  the  provisions  of  a  new  organic  law. 
You  are  expected  to  provide  the  proper  methods  for  carrying  that 
law  into  full  effect.  Your  labors  will  exercise  a  potent  influence  upon 
the  future  character  and  prosperity  of  the  State.  That  influence 
will  extend  to  a  period  long  after  the  last  of  you  shall  cease  to  be 
interested  in  human  affairs.  It  is  not  to  be  doubted  that  you 
appreciate  the  just  responsibilities  of  your  position.  It  is  expected 
that  the  spirit  of  moderation  and  prudence  will  preside  over  all  your 
deliberations.  It  is  hoped  that  all  your  legislation  will  be  stamped 
with  the  utmost  simplicity  and  singleness  of  purpose,  and  that  you 
will  abstain  from  all  measures  which,  from  their  doubtful  tendency, 
may  needlessly  distract  the  public  mind  and  throw  it  into  agitation 
and  controversy. 

All  the  general  laws  of  the  State  require  some  modifications  to 
adapt  them  to  the  provisions  of  the  new  constitution.  Several  new 
acts  of  a  general  character  will  also  be  necessary.  Special  legisla 
tion  is  opposed  to  the  true  theory  of  a  republican  government,  and 
is  the  source  of  great  corruption.  The  new  constitution  inculcates 
most  strongly  the  duty  of  general  legislation,  and  declares  that  "  in 
all  cases  where  a  general  law  can  be  made  applicable,  all  laws  shall 
be  general,  and  of  uniform  operation  throughout  the  State." 


1858.]  GOVERNOR  OF  IOWA.  103 

REGISTRY     OF    VOTERS. 

The  general  election  law  will  require  very  material  changes,  and 
I  again  submit  to  the  General  Assembly  the  propriety,  when  re 
vising  this  law,  of  incorporating  into  it  provision  for  a  complete 
registration  of  all  the  legal  voters  in  the  State.  In  no  other  way 
can  the  ballot-boxes  be  protected  against  fraud,  and  the  elective 
franchise  preserved  in  its  purity.  The  argument,  that  a  registry 
law  from  its  complexity  would  be  too  burdensome  to  be  complied 
with,  is  entitled  to  no  consideration.  It  is  predicated  upon  the 
idea,  either  that  the  General  Assembly  is  incapable  of  maturing  a 
simple  and  judicious  law  on  this  subject,  or  that  the  people  of  the 
State  are  incapable  of  comprehending  and  enforcing  one,  neither  of 
which  suppositions  can  be  admitted  to  be  correct.  Such  laws  have 
been  in  operation  in  several  of  the  States  ever  since  the  foundation 
of  the  Government,  and  have  met  the  approval  of  all  classes  of  citi 
zens.  With  such  a  law,  and  with  the  strict  and  honest  enforcement 
of  the  naturalization  laws,  we  shall  cease  to  see  parties  arrayed 
against  each  other  on  account  of  the  birthplace  of  those  who  compose 
them,  and  every  bonarftde  citizen  will  be  secure  in  his  just  weight  in 
the  affairs  of  the  State.  Without  such  a  law,  judging  from  recent 
events,  it  is  feared  that  popular  elections  will  become  a  reproach. 

TOWNSHIP   ASSESSOR    AND   TOWNSHIP    ORGANIZATION. 

It  is  much  doubted  whether  the  law  of  last  session,  substituting 
county  for  township  assessor,  was  any  improvement  upon  the  for 
mer  method  of  assessment.  Judging  from  my  own  observation,  I 
do  not  hesitate  to  conclude,  that  many  millions  of  dollars'  worth  of 
property  was  overlooked  at  the  last  assessment,  and  is  this  year  un- 
taxed.  I  recommend  the  old  law  in  this  particular  to  be  restored. 
Sound  policy  requires  that  administration  as  well  as  legislation 
should  be  brought  as  directly  home  to  the  people  as  possible.  There 
must  ultimately  be  a  thorough  township  organization  throughout 
the  State,  and  the  sooner  the  people  become  accustomed  to  it  the 
less  difficult  and  burdensome  it  will  become,  and  the  more  perfect 
and  satisfactory  will  be  the  transaction  of  public  affairs. 

BANKS. 

The  people  of  this  State  have  indicated  their  opinion  that,  so 
long  as  banks  of  issue  are  tolerated  in  other  States,  our  interests 
require  that  similar  institutions  be  established  here.  If  we  must 


104:  LIFE   OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1858. 

have  a  paper  currency,  it  is  infinitely  better  that  it  should  be  issued 
and  secured  and  redeemed  at  home,  under  our  own  laws,  than  that 
it  should  be  issued  under  laws  of  which  we  are  ignorant,  and  con 
trolled  by  men  with  whom  we  have  no  community  of  interest. 

The  constitution  authorizes  the  General  Assembly  to  establish, 
with  the  subsequent  approval  of  the  people — 

1.  A  State  Bank  with  branches,  to  be  founded  upon  an  actual 
specie  basis,  and  the  branches  to  be  mutually  liable  for  each  other's 
issues. 

2.  A  general  free  banking  law  with  the  restrictions  and  limita 
tions  imposed  by  Article  VIII.,  Section  8,  of  the  constitution. 

In  acting  upon  this  subject,  it  will  doubtless  be  ever  borne  in 
mind  by  the  General  Assembly  that  banks  are  to  be  established  to 
secure  the  public  welfare^  and  not  to  promote  the  purposes  of  stock 
holders  and  capitalists  ;  and  that  it  is  far  better  that  banks  should 
realize  small  profits,  than  that  the  public  should  be  liable  to  injury 
by  their  suspension  or  failure. 

THE   PUBLIC   SCHOOLS    AND   THE    STATE    UNIVERSITY. 

I  cannot  forbear  repeating  the  opinion  expressed  to  the  General 
Assembly  three  years  ago,  that  "  the  public  schools  should  be  sup 
ported  by  taxation  of  property,  and  that  the  present  rate  system, 
or  per  capita  tax  upon  scholars,  should  be  abolished."  I  have  seen 
no  reason  to  change  my  opinion  on  this  subject,  but,  on  the  contrary, 
I  have  been  every  day  more  and  more  strengthened  in  the  convic 
tion  that  it  is  the  only  wise  and  politic  method  of  educating  the 
people.  The  per  capita  system  is  based  upon  the  idea  that  educa 
tion  is  a  personal  benefit  for  which  those  who  receive  it  should  pay, 
while  the  true  theory  of  popular  education  is  that  it  is  a  public 
benefit  for  which  the  public  should  pay. 

The  Capitol-building  at  Iowa  City  has  been  surrendered  to  the 
trustees  of  the  State  University.  The  building  is  out  of  repair,  and 
requires  considerable  change  in  its  internal  arrangements  to  adapt 
it  to  the  purposes  for  which  it  is  to  be  used.  I  recommend  the 
General  Assembly  to  appropriate  a  sum  sufficient  to  put  it  in  com 
plete  order  for  the  uses  for  which  it  is  now  designed. 

The  report  of  the  trustees  of  the  university  will  be  laid  before 
you.  The  time  has  come  when  this  institution  should  be  put  in 
vigorous  operation  and  be  made  a  benefit  and  honor  to  the  State. 


1858.]  GOVERNOR  OF  IOWA.  105 

THE     GEOLOGICAL    SURVEY     OF    THE     STATE. 

In  compliance  with  the  instructions  of  the  General  Assembly,  I 
have  caused  the  report  of  the  Geological  Survey  of  the  State  to  be 
printed  at  Albany,  New  York,  under  the  immediate  supervision  of 
Prof.  Hall.  The  work  has  been  issued  from  the  press,  and  is  now 
in  transit  to  this  place.  I  am  pleased  to  be  able  to  say  that  it  is 
regarded  by  men  of  science,  who  have  had  access  to  the  proof-sheets, 
as  one  of  the  noblest  contributions  that  have  ever  been  made  to  the 
scientific  history  of  the  country,  and  is  spoken  of  by  all  as  an  honor 
to  our  State. 

BREACH  OF  FAITH  ON  THE  PART  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES  IN  THE 
MATTER  OF  THE  FIYE  PER  CENT.  OF  THE  NET  PROCEEDS  OF 
THE  PUBLIC  LANDS. 

By  the  act  of  Congress  admitting  Iowa  into  the  Union,  approved 
March  3,  1845,  it  is  declared  "  that  five  per  cent,  of  the  net  pro 
ceeds  of  sales  of  all  public  lands  lying  within  the  said  State,  which 
have  been  or  shall  be  sold  by  Congress  from  and  after  the  admis 
sion  of  said  State,  after  deducting  all  the  expenses  incident  to  the 
same,  shall  be  appropriated  for  making  public  roads  and  canals 
within  the  said  State,  as  the  Legislature  may  direct."  This  act 
of  admission  was  accepted  by  the  State  on  the  15th  of  January, 
1847,  with  the  provision  that  "  the  General  Assembly  shall  have 
the  right,  in  accordance  with  the  provisions  of  the  second  section 
of  the  tenth  article  of  the  constitution  of  Iowa,  to  appropriate  the 
five  per  cent,  of  the  net  proceeds  of  sales  of  all  public  lands  lying 
within  the  State  which  have  been  or  shall  be  sold  by  Congress 
from  and  after  the  admission  of  said  State,  after  deducting  all  ex 
penses  incident  to  the  same,  to  the  support  of  common  schools." 

At  the  time  this  contract  was  made  between  the  State  and  the 
United  States — for  it  can  be  regarded  in  no  other  light  than  a  con 
tract — the  United  States  disposed  of  the  public  lands  in  no  other 
way  than  by  bona-fide  sales  for  money.  This  obligation  on  the 
part  of  the  Federal  Government  was  based  upon  the  obligation  on 
the  part  of  the  State  that  lands  belonging  to  the  United  States 
should  not  be  taxed,  and  that  the  lands  of  non-residents  should  not 
be  taxed  higher  than  the  lands  of  residents. 

The  State  had  reason  to  believe  that  the  same  policy  would  be 
continued.  Since  that  time,  however,  the  policy  has  been  changed, 


106  LIFE   OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1858. 

and  immense  quantities  of  land  have  been  entered  by  military  land- 
warrants,  issued  to  former  soldiers  in  the  United  States  Army.  The 
law  authorizing  them  to  be  issued  provides  that  these  warrants 
shall  be  received  in  payment  for  lands.  The  Government,  there 
fore,  receives  a  consideration  for  the  land  thus  entered,  in  the  dis 
charge  of  its  obligations  upon  the  warrants.  It  is  exceedingly  un 
just  for  the  Government  to  destroy  the  fund  which  it  holds  in  trust 
for  the  State,  for  the  purpose  of  rewarding  those  who  have  rendered 
it  service.  Between  private  persons,  the  same  state  of  facts  would 
justify  a  recovery  in  a  court  of  law.  It  seems  to  me  that  the  same 
principle  should  prevail  between  the  two  governments.  The  mili 
tary  land- warrants  located  in  this  State  up  to  the  30th  June,  1856, 
covered  10,929,692.30  acres.  The  percentage  due  to  the  State 
thereon  is  $682,980.20.  I  have  no  means  of  knowing  the  number 
of  acres  located  in  the  fiscal  year  ending  30th  June,  1857,  but  I 
judge  that  the  aggregate  percentage  now  due  the  State  approaches 
very  near  $1,000,000. 

I  recommend  that  Congress  be  again  memorialized  on  this  sub 
ject,  and  that  suit  be  authorized  to  be  instituted  against  the 
United  States,  for  the  recovery  of  the  amount  due,  in  the  Court 
of  Claims.1 

HOSTILE   KSTCURSION    OP   INK-PA-DU-TAH's   BAND    OF   SIOUX   INDIANS. 

During  the  past  three  years  my  attention  has  been  frequently 
called  to  the  probability  of  a  collision  between  the  Indians  and  the 
settlers  in  the  west  and  northwestern  counties  of  the  State.  I  have 
repeatedly  addressed  the  President  of  the  United  States,  the  Secre 
tary  of  War,  and  the  Commissioner  of  Indian  Affairs,  warning  them 
of  the  apprehended  danger,  and  urging  that  immediate  steps  be 
taken  to  remove  the  Indians  beyond  our  limits. 

Without  any  military  organization  in  the  State,  and  without  any 
power  to  act,  except  in  the  event  of  an  actual  hostile  invasion ;  re 
siding  remote  from  the  scene  of  anticipated  difficulty,  and  fearful 
that  some  exigency  might  arise  that  would  require  prompt  and 
energetic  action  ;  in  January,  1855,  I  requested  Major  William 
Williams,  of  Fort  Dodge,  to  assume  a  general  charge  of  this  sub 
ject,  and  authorized  him,  as  far  as  I  had  power  to  do  so,  to  act  in 

1  Mr.  Grimes,  when  he  became  Senator,  moved  for  the  payment  of  this  fire  per 
cent,,  but  the  motion  was  voted  down — yeas,  15  ;  nays,  35— June  7,  1860. 


1858.]  GOVERNOR   OF  IOWA.  107 

my  behalf,  in  any  contingency  that  might  arise  in  connection  with 
the  Indians. 

In  February  last,  Ink-pa-du-tah's  band  of  Sioux  Indians  made  a 
hostile  incursion  into  the  State,  and  perpetrated  most  horrible 
atrocities  in  Dickinson  County.  When  intelligence  of  this  event 
reached  Fort  Dodge,  Major  Williams  at  once  enrolled  three  com 
panies  of  men  under  Captains  Richards  and  Duncomb,  of  Webster 
County,  and  Captain  Johnson,  of  Hamilton  County,  and  proceeded 
to  the  scene  of  difficulty.  These  heroic  men  left  their  homes  in  the 
most  inclement  season  of  the  year,  and  endured  almost  unheard-of 
sufferings  and  privations ;  crossing  swollen  streams  flooded  with 
ice,  and  traversing  uninhabited  prairies  in  the  most  tempestuous 
weather,  that  they  might  save  their  fellow-creatures  from  a  savage 
butchery,  or  rescue  them  from  a  captivity  worse  than  death. 

Two  of  their  number,  Captain  J.  C.  Johnson,  of  Hamilton  County, 
and  William  Burkholder,  of  Webster  County,  perished  on  the  march. 
Others  returned  frozen  and  maimed.  The  expedition  did  not  over 
take  the  Indians ;  but  they  reached  the  scene  of  their  barbarities, 
gave  to  the  dead  a  Christian  burial,  and  brought  back  with  them 
two  children,  the  sole  survivors  of  the  slaughtered  settlement. 

The  men  who  thus  gallantly  and  humanely  periled  their  lives 
have  received  no  compensation  for  the  time  employed  in  the  expe 
dition,  or  for  their  outfit.  The  Federal  Government  is  in  equity 
bound  for  their  compensation.  The  Indian  tribes  are  under  its  pro 
tection  and  control.  It  has  allotted  to  each  tribe  a  scope  of  coun 
try  for  its  exclusive  occupation.  It  has  sold  lands  to  settlers  in  this 
State  with  the  understanding  that  these  tribes  shall  be  confined  to 
their  respective  limits,  and  that  the  possession  of  the  land  purchased 
shall  never  be  disturbed  by  the  Government,  or  those  under  its 
management.  If  the  savages  break  over  their  bounds,  and  inflict 
injury  upon  others,  the  Government  should  respond  to  the  parties 
injured  for  the  damages  sustained,  and  for  the  expenses  incurred  in 
protecting  themselves  against  a  repetition  of  the  injury.  To  this 
end  I  recommend  that  a  memorial  be  addressed  to  the  Congress  of 
the  United  States. 

But  many  of  the  members  of  Major  Williams's  command  are  un 
able  to  await  the  tardy  action  of  Congress,  and  I  therefore  advise 
that  the  State  assume  the  payment,  and  reserve  the  same  from  any 
appropriation  that  may  be  made. 


108  LIFE   OF  JAMES  W.   GEIMES.  [1858. 

I  submit  to  the  General  Assembly  whether  some  public  recog 
nition  of  the  noble  gallantry  and  untimely  death  of  Messrs.  Johnson 
and  Burkholder  is  not  alike  due  to  their  memory  and  to  the  grati 
tude  of  the  State. 

1  do  not  anticipate  any  further  trouble  from  the  Indians.  The 
rumors  put  afloat  in  regard  to  future  difficulty  can  generally  be 
traced  to  interested  persons  who  seek  by  their  circulation  to  accom 
plish  some  ulterior  purpose.  To  be  prepared  for  any  such  emer 
gency,  however,  I  have  established  a  depot  for  arms  and  ammunition 
at  Fort  Dodge,  and  have  procured  a  cannon,  muskets,  and  ammuni 
tion  for  another  depot  in  Dickinson  County. 

THE     OPINION     OF    THE     SUPREME     COURT    THAT     SLAVERY     IS   A   NA 
TIONAL   INSTITUTION. 

I  cannot  close  this  communication  without  briefly  calling  your 
attention  to  the  extraordinary  doctrine  announced  by  some  of  the 
Judges  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States  in  the  recent 
case  of  Scott  vs.  Sandford,  and  which  the  people  of  this  country  are 
now  called  on  to  indorse  as  the  true  construction  of  our  national 
Constitution. 

The  founders  of  this  republic  entertained  no  doubt  that  Con 
gress  had  power  to  make  all  needful  rules  and  regulations  for  the 
government  of  the  Territories  of  the  United  States,  and  that  a  pro 
hibition  of  the  introduction  of  African  slavery  within  these  Ter 
ritories  was  legitimately  within  the  scope  of  this  authority.  Such 
was  the  universal  sentiment  of  the  country,  and  the  principle  was 
recognized  in  numerous  instances  by  Congress,  prior  to  1854,  when 
the  Missouri  Compromise  line  was  obliterated,  and  the  Territories 
of  Kansas  and  Nebraska  created.  The  new  and  specious  theory  of 
"  popular  sovereignty  "  was  then  promulgated. '  The  people  of  Iowa 
were  besought  to  acquiesce  in  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compro 
mise,  on  the  ground  that,  by  the  principle  established  by  the  Kansas- 
Nebraska  act,  the  people  of  the  Territories  would  have  the  power  to 
determine  for  themselves  whether  freedom  or  slavery  should  prevail 
within  their  several  jurisdictions.  It  was  contended  that  the  inevi 
table  effect  of  giving  the  people  the  power  to  settle  this  question  for 
themselves  would  be  to  establish  freedom  in  every  Territory — that 
such  were  the  vitality,  and  vigor,  and  advantages  of  free  institutions 
over  slave  institutions,  that  so  apparent  were  the  withering  influences 


1858.]  GOVERNOR  OF  IOWA.  109 

of  slavery  upon  all  the  best  interests  of  society,  that  no  intelligent 
people  would  encourage  or  allow  it  to  be  established  within  any  of 
the  new  Territories.  There  was  such  a  degree  of  plausibility  and 
fairness  about  this  argument  that  it  received  the  support  of  a  con 
siderable  portion  of  the  American  people. 

But  the  theory  of  popular  sovereignty,  and  the  theory  of  the 
power  of  Congress  over  the  subject  of  slavery  in  the  Territories, 
have  alike  been  overthrown  by  the  decision  of  the  Supreme  Court. 
After  overturning  the  law,  as  it  had  been  settled  more  than  seventy 
years,  by  deciding  that  Scott  was  not  a  citizen,  because  of  his  Afri 
can  descent ;  that  he  had  no  right  to  bring  suit ;  that  the  court  had 
no  jurisdiction  of  the  case,  for  the  reason  that  there  was  no  case 
legitimately  before  it,  for  the  want  of  a  proper  party — a  majority 
of  the  judges  proceeded  to  pass  upon  what  they  were  pleased  to 
consider  the  merits  of  the  case. 

I  am  aware  that,  except  upon  the  single  question  of  the  citizen 
ship  of  Dred  Scott,  their  opinions  are  entirely  extra-judicial,  and 
entitled  to  no  more  weight  than  the  opinions  of  any  other  citizens. 
But  they  are  worthy  of  your  consideration,  because  they  fore 
shadow  the  opinion  that  will  be  authoritatively  announced,  when 
ever  the  proper  state  of  facts  shall  be  presented  that  may  seem  to 
justify  it. 

It  is  first  declared  by  a  majority  of  the  judges  that  Congress 
has  no  power  over  slavery  in  the  Territories,  and,  as  a  natural  corol 
lary,  cannot  delegate  to  the  people  of  the  Territories  a  power  it  can 
not  itself  exercise.  It  is  declared  that  the  Constitution  plants  slavery 
upon  all  the  public  domain,  and  there  nurtures  and  protects  it. 

It  is  no  longer  held,  under  this  decision,  that  freedom  is  nation 
al,  and  slavery  local,  confined  to  the  limits  of  the  States  that  see  fit 
to  uphold  it.  Slavery  is  in  effect  declared  to  be  a  national  institu 
tion,  belonging  not  to  the  States,  but  to  the  United  States.  It  is 
fastened  upon  every  foot  of  soil  belonging  to  the  Government,  and 
there  is  no  power  in  Congress,  or  in  the  Territorial  governments,  to 
expel  it.  Whatever  territory  may  be  hereafter  acquired  by  the 
United  States,  will  instantly  become  slave-soil.  Wherever  the 
flag  of  the  country  goes,  there  goes  slavery  with  its  chains  and 
manacles  ! 

The  logical  result  of  this  decision  goes  still  farther.  It  carries 
slavery  into  every  State  in  this  Union. 


110  LIFE  OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1858. 

One  of  the  justices  of  the  Supreme  Court  even  declares  that 
"  the  only  private  property  which  the  Constitution  has  specifically 
recognized,  and  has  imposed  it  as  a  direct  obligation  both  on  the 
States  and  the  Federal  Government  to  protect  and  enforce,  is  the 
property  of  the  master  in  the  slave  ;  no  other  right  of  property  is 
placed  by  the  Constitution  upon  the  same  high  ground  or  shielded 
by  a  similar  guarantee."  If  this  be  true,  the  whole  Union  is  slave 
territory,  and  there  is  no  power  on  earth  to  abolish  it.  If  both  the 
States  and  the  Federal  Government  are  bound  to  protect  this  right 
of  property,  there  is  nothing  to  prevent  slavery  from  taking  posses 
sion  of  Iowa  to-day. 

But  it  is  not  true.  There  is  no  such  obligation  imposed  upon 
the  States.  The  Constitution  nowhere  regards  slaves  as  property. 
They  are  uniformly  spoken  of  as  "persons."  As  "persons  "  they 
are  enumerated  and  entitled  to  representation.  As  "persons  "  they 
are  subject  to  rendition  as  fugitives  from  "  service  or  labor,"  as  are 
apprentices  and  minors.  As  "persons  "  their  "  immigration  or  im 
portation"  could  not  be  prohibited  prior  to  1808. 

It  needs  no  argument  to  show  that  this  decision  is  unwarranted 
by  the  facts  presented  to  the  courts  ;  that  it  is  revolutionary  in  its' 
character ;  subversive  of  the  policy  of  the  founders  of  the  republic, 
and  violates  the  rights  of  the  States.  Being  wholly  extra-judicial, 
so  far  as  relates  to  the  power  of  Congress  and  the  States  over  sla 
very,  it  cannot  bind  the  conscience,  or  command  the  obedience  of 
any  man. 

I  trust  that,  as  the  representatives  of  the  freedom-loving  citizens 
of  Iowa,  you  will  explicitly  declare  that  you  will  never  consent 
that  this  State  shall  become  an  integral  part  of  a  great  slave  repub 
lic,  by  assenting  to  the  abhorrent  doctrines  contained  in  the  Dred 
Scott  decision,  let  the  consequences  of  dissent  be  what  they  may. 


KANSAS,  AND  THE  TENDENCY  OF  THE  FEDEKAL  GOVERNMENT  TO 

CONSOLIDATION. 

The  condition  of  affairs  in  Kansas  certainly  demands  your  conr 
sideration. 

Notwithstanding  the  grossest  frauds,  and  the  most  unequal 
legislative  apportionment,  the  people  of  that  unfortunate  Territory 
have  declared  by  an  emphatic  majority  in  favor  of  freedom.  No 


1858.]  GOVERNOR  OF  IOWA.  HI 

candid  mind  can  now  doubt  that  at  least  four-fifths  of  the  bona-fide 
citizens  of  the  Territory  desire  to  erect  it  into  a  free  State. 

But  the  more  evident  it  is  that  the  people  do  not  desire  slavery 
fastened  upon  them,  the  more  desperate  are  the  efforts  of  the  sla 
very  propagandists  to  thwart  the  popular  will.  We  have  seen, 
within  a  few  weeks,  a  small  number  of  persons,  pretending  to  be 
the  representatives  of  only  a  small  minority  of  the  people,  proclaim 
ing  what  they  call  the  constitution  of  Kansas.  That  constitution 
recognizes  slavery  as  already  established,  makes  provision  for  its 
protection,  and  undertakes  to  bind  posterity  against  its  abolition. 
The  attempt  is  made  to  subvert  every  principle  of  popular  govern 
ment  by  fastening  this  constitution  upon  the  people  without  their 
consent.  Conscious  that  it  would  be  overwhelmingly  defeated,  if 
fairly  submitted  for  their  approval  or  disapproval,  they  are  denied 
the  privilege  of  determining  for  themselves  the  character  of  the 
institutions  under  which  they  are  to  live.  They  are  not  permitted 
to  settle  for  themselves  any  of  the  important  questions  connected 
with  their  judiciary,  representation,  taxation,  internal  improvements, 
education,  finance,  State  indebtedness,  or  personal  rights.  For  the 
purpose  of  riveting  slavery  upon  them,  a  blow  is  thus  struck 
at  the  very  foundation  principle  of  popular  government.  Had 
a  similar  attempt  been  made  by  the  recent  Constitutional  Con 
vention  in  this  State  to  force  a  constitution  upon  the  people, 
regardless  of  the  popular  will,  it  would  justly  have  resulted  in  a 
revolution. 

This  pretended  Constitutional  Convention,  it  is  true,  proposed  a 
separate  article  which  was  submitted  to  the  people,  and  which,  if 
adopted,  establishes  slavery  in  Kansas  upon  a  more  barbarous  sys 
tem  than  is  known  to  any  of  the  slave  States  of  this  Union.  But 
no  one  was  permitted  to  vote  either  for  or  against  this  separate 
article  until  he  first  voted  for  the  constitution.  He  was  not  allowed 
to  vote  against  it.  Thus,  whether  the  separate  article  was  adopted 
or  rejected,  if  the  constitution,  which  could  not  be  voted  against,  is 
permitted  to  stand  as  the  organic  law  of  the  State,  Kansas  must 
become  a  slave  State. 

We  cannot  be  indifferent  to  the  efforts  of  the  people  of  Kansas 
to  perpetuate  freedom  in  that  Territory.  We  ought  not  to  be  in 
different.  No  people  are  deserving  of  freedom  who  do  not  sympa 
thize  with  those  who  are  struggling  to  attain  it.  The  people  of 


112  LIFE   OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1858. 

Kansas  are  the  champions  of  popular  government  everywhere. 
They  are  bringing  to  the  test  the  great  principle  enunciated  by  our 
Revolutionary  fathers,  that  government  derives  its  power  from  the 
consent  of  the  governed. 

If  the  recent  Constitutional  Convention  of  Kansas,  defended  as  it 
was  by  Federal  bayonets  against  the  just  indignation  of  the  people, 
can  succeed  by  trick  and  fraud  in  fastening  an  obnoxious  constitu 
tion  upon  them,  and  take  away  from  them  the  power  to  amend  it 
until  slavery  shall  become  further  strengthened,  there  is  an  end  to 
free  government  and  American  liberty. 

The  people  of  Iowa  look  with  alarm  upon  the  constant  aggres 
sions  of  the  slavery  propagandists,  but  I  confess  that  I  look  with 
equal  alarm  upon  the  manifest  tendency  of  our  Government  to  con 
solidation. 

The  events  of  the  past  few  years  would  seem  to  indicate  that  the 
predictions  of  some  of  the  men  who  achieved  our  liberties  for  us 
were  being  fulfilled.  Our  Government  is  fast  becoming  an  elective 
monarchy.  The  States  are  gradually  losing  their  consequence,  and 
will  soon  be  reduced  to  the  condition  of  mere  municipal  appendages 
to  the  central  power.  The  influence  of  the  Federal  Government  is 
prostituted  to  interference  in  State  affairs,  even  to  that  of  munici 
pal  elections.  The  doctrine  inherited  from  our  ancestors,  that  stand 
ing  armies  are  dangerous  to  the  liberties  of  the  people,  is  repudiated 
by  constant  and  strenuous  efforts  to  increase  the  national  army. 
The  Federal  Government  now  asks  to  control  all  the  banking  insti 
tutions  in  the  States  by  virtue  of  some  law  of  Congress.  Sinecure 
offices  are  created  for  the  purpose  of  influencing  public  opinion. 
The  army  of  office-holders  scattered  through  the  States,  uttering  the 
sentiments,  disbursing  the  money,  and  obeying  the  commands  of  the 
central  authority,  govern  in  a  great  degree  the  sentiment  of  the 
country.  Thus,  the  Federal  Government,  instead  of  being,  as  it 
was  designed  to  be,  the  mere  creature  and  under  the  control  of  the 
States,  is  fast  becoming  their  master. 

This  centralizing  influence  of  the  Government,  the  immense  in 
crease  of  our  national  expenses,  the  history  of  slavery  propagandism 
in  Kansas,  and  the  complicity  of  the  Federal  Government  there 
with,  the  attempt  to  overthrow  the  clearest  right  of  self-government, 
for  the  purpose  of  extending  the  institution  of  slavery,  and  the 
efforts  to  destroy  the  rights  of  the  States  by  political  decisions  of 


1858.]  GOVERNOR  OF  IOWA.  113 

the  Supreme  Court,  should  remind  the  freemen  of  Iowa  that  their 
political  rights  are  in  danger. 

The  liberties  of  the  people  can  only  be  preserved  by  maintain 
ing  the  integrity  of  the  State  governments  against  the  corrupting 
influences  of  Federal  patronage  and  power. 

Closing  with  this  communication  my  official  connection  with  the 
government,  I  may  be  permitted  to  avail  myself  of  the  occasion  to 
return  to  my  fellow-citizens  my  heartfelt  thanks  for  the  honor  and 
confidence  they  have  bestowed  on  me,  and  to  assure  them  of  my 
continued  aspirations  for  the  advancement  of  our  beloved  State  in 
virtue,  prosperity,  and  happiness. 

45.— To  Mrs.  Grimes. 

DBS  MOINES,  January  23,  1858. 

I  am  pleased  to  know  that  my  message  is  satisfactory  to  my 
friends,  and,  saving  that  portion  relating  to  national  affairs,  to  my 
political  opponents  also.  It  will  please  you,  I  know,  to  be  assured 
that  I  retire  from  my  late  office  with  the  almost  universal  (and,  so 
far  as  I  know,  the  universal)  opinion  of  all  parties  that  I  made  a 
good  officer,  and  that  I  discharged  the  duties  of  Governor  to  the 
acceptance  of  all  parties. 

The  senatorship  will  be  settled  in  a  few  days.  It  is  admitted 
on  all  hands,  by  both  friends  and  enemies,  that  I  am  the  choice  of 
the  people.  No  one  denies  that  nine-tenths  of  the  Republican 
voters  in  the  State  desire  my  election.  But,  it  is  arrogantly 
claimed,  that  the  people  do  not  and  ought  not  to  control  the  elec 
tion  of  Senators,  and  that  they  may  be  made  to  acquiesce  in  what 
ever  the  politicians  may  do  in  the  matter.  This  is  not  my  theory 
of  "  popular  sovereignty." 

January  25th. — I  have  just  been  nominated  by  the  Republican 
caucus  for  United  States  Senator,  for  six  years  from  March  4,  1859. 
I  received  the  nomination  on  the  first  ballot,  by  five  majority.  My 
vote  would  have  been  much  larger,  and  nearly  unanimous,  on  the 
second  ballot — as  many  voted  for  persons  in  their  own  counties  on 
the  first  ballot,  by  way  of  compliment,  who  would  have  voted  for 
me  on  the  second  ballot,  and  for  me  on  the  first  had  their  votes 
been  necessary. 

January  30th. — Last  evening  I  gave  a  supper  to  the  members 
of  the  General  Assembly,  State  officers,  some  citizens  of  the  town, 


LIFE  OF  JAMES  W.   GKIMES.  [1858. 

and  some  from  abroad.  There  were  one  hundred  and  seventy-eight 
guests.  All  the  rival  candidates  were  present.  The  best  feeling 
prevailed.  The  only  drawback  was  the  laudations  of  me  by  the 
speakers.  They  were  Governor  Lowe,  Lieutenant-Go vernor  Fa- 
ville,  Hon.  Lincoln  Clark,  Finch,  Grinnell,  and  others.  I  inclose  a 
bill  of  fare.  It  was  got  up,  as  you  see,  on  temperance  principles. 
Every  one  says  that  he  never  attended  a  more  harmonious,  well- 
conducted,  or  sumptuous  feast. 

I  shall  leave  for  home  in  three  or  four  days,  but  no  one  can  pre 
dict  how  long  I  shall  be  on  the  road.  The  traveling  is  horrible, 
and  I  fear  that  it  may  take  me  a  week  to  get  home. 

Mr.  Grimes  made  a  brief  address  at  this  festival,  and,  ex 
pressing  his  appreciation  of  the  honor  that  the  General  Assem 
bly  had  conferred  upon  him,  avowed  his  determination  to  be 
the  Senator  of  no  clique,  or  party,  but  of  the  whole  State.  His 
election  was  everywhere  hailed  as  a  fitting  tribute  to  one  whom 
the  people  delighted  to  honor,  for  his  brave  and  earnest  devo 
tion  to  the  Republican  cause,  and  for  his  ability  and  fidelity  in 
the  office  of  Governor. 

He  bad  been  the  faithful  leader  in  the  political  regeneration 
of  the  State.  At  the  time  of  his  nomination  for  Governor,  an 
Iowa  Senator  said  in  Congress : 

Iowa  is  the  only  free  State  which  never  for  a  moment  gave  way 
to  the  Wilmot  Proviso.  My  colleague  voted  for  every  one  of  the 
compromise  measures,  including  the  fugitive-slave  law,  the  late 
Senator  Sturgeon,  of  Pennsylvania,  and  ourselves,  being  the  only 
three  Senators  from  the  entire  non-slaveholding  section  of  this 
Union  who  voted  for  it. 

Kow  Iowa  was  redeemed  and  disenthralled.  The  change 
was  largely  due  to  the  earnestness,  and  ardor,  and  force,  with 
which  Mr.  Grimes  had  advocated  throughout  the  State  his  cher 
ished  convictions  upon  the  questions  at  issue. 

He  maintained  the  dignity  and  promoted  the  welfare  of  the 
Commonwealth.  He  introduced  enlightened  and  liberal  meas 
ures  to  develop  the  resources  of  the  State,  to  promote  public 
instruction,  and  guard  the  sacredness  of  humanity  in  prison 
discipline,  and  in  a  considerate  treatment  of  the  insane  and 


1858.]  GOVERNOR  OF  IOWA.  115 

other  unfortunate  persons.  He  consulted  in  these  matters  the 
most  advanced  and  cultivated  minds  in  the  land,  and  secured 
their  suggestions  and  services  in  the  geological  survey,  and  in 
the  educational  and  humane  establishments  of  the  State.  Much 
is  due  to  his  sagacity  for  the  vast  system  of  railways  in  Iowa, 
and,  had  his  counsels  been  heeded,  many  cities  and  counties 
would  have  been  preserved  from  a  heavy  indebtedness.  Not  a 
few  of  his  recommendations  were  embodied  in  the  laws.  The 
impress  of  his  mind  and  character  will  thus  be  perpetuated. 
His  wisdom,  fidelity,  and  devotion  to  public  duty  in  the  execu 
tive  chair,  will  be  for  a  memorial  to  his  successors  in  office. 
One  of  them  has  said : 

If,  in  the  high  duties  to  which  we  are  called,  we  would  measure 
ourselves  up  to  a  worthy  pattern,  no  better  standard  can  be  found 
than  was  illustrated  in  the  public  life  of  James  W.  Grimes.1 

Rev.  Asa  Turner,  pastor  at  Denmark,  1838-' 68,  gives  the 
following  reminiscences : 

I  think  that  Mr.  Grimes  has  done  more  for  Iowa,  politically, 
than  any  man  that  ever  lived  in  it.  From  its  first  organization  as 
a  Territory,  the  Democracy  reigned  supreme  up  to  1854.  Our 
Representatives  in  Congress  were  the  allies  of  the  slave-power,  and 
carried  out  its  wishes.  Th.e  Whigs  pretended  to  be  antislavery, 
but  were  not  willing  to  do  anything  that  would  compromise  them 
with  their  Southern  allies.  We  had  a  Free-Soil  organization,  em 
bracing  a  few  voters,  and  had  nominated  Simeon  Waters  as  our 
candidate  for  Governor,  not  with  any  hope  of  electing  him,  but  to 
show  our  strength.  In  this  state  of  things,  Mr.  Grimes  came  over 
to  Denmark  and  said  that  if  the  Free-Soilers  would  vote  for  him  he 
would  be  a  candidate  for  Governor,  and  assured  us  that  he  would 
be  true  to  the  principles  we  wished  should  triumph.  I  believed  he 
would,  and  that  he  could  make  our  principles  triumph.  The  Free- 
Soilers,  after  free  and  full  discussion,  voted  to  intrust  in  his  hands 
the  interests  of  our  organization,  and  the  principles  we  had  been 
laboring  to  establish.  We  should  not  have  been  willing  to  commit 
such  interests  to  any  ordinary  man,  to  any  one  of  whose  integrity 
or  ability  we  had  a  doubt.  But  it  was  done — with  fear  and  trem- 

1  Hon.  Cyrus  C.  Carpenter,  in  his  second  inaugural,  January,  1874. 


116  LIFE  OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1858. 

bling  by  some,  by  others  with  the  confidence  of  faith.  He  took  the 
stump.  I  doubt  whether  any  man  ever  worked  harder.  He  gave 
his  whole  soul  to  the  work.  Wherever  he  went  he  secured  favor 
with  the  people,  and  he  was  elected. 

From  that  day,  Iowa  has  stood  in  the  front  rank  of  liberty -lov 
ing  and  progressive  States.  And  for  all  we  have  become,  civilly — 
for  all  we  have  done,  as  a  State,  to  make  the  United  States  a  bless 
ing  at  home,  and  an  honor  abroad — I  look  to  Mr.  Grimes  as  one  of 
the  first  and  principal  instruments.  Nothing  less  than  his  heart 
and  soul,  his  resolute  will  and  far-seeing  mind,  with  his  powerful 
influence,  could  have  turned  the  tide  and  brought  Iowa  by  the  side 
of  Massachusetts  and  Vermont.  There  was  not  a  moment  to  lose. 
It  was  only  seven  years  before  the  rebellion;  Iowa  must  be  re 
generated,  and  allied  to  the  right,  in  order  to  save  the  Union. 
With  Iowa  neutral,  or  on  the  side  of  the  enemy,  who  can  tell  what 
the  result  would  have  been  ?  But  God  purposed  otherwise,  and 
raised  up  Mr.  Grimes  to  marshal  her  among  the  loyal  States.  The 
influence  on  the  State,  and  on  the  country  and  world,  no  finite  mind 
can  measure.  Much  as  he  did  as  Governor,  especially  in  heading 
off  the  Missouri  raiders  on  Kansas,  and  much  as  he  did  in  Congress, 
this  early  work  was  preparatory  for  all  that  followed.  It  used  to 
be  said  that  Isaac  Hill  made  New  Hampshire  Democratic,  and  allied 
it  with  Jackson  and  Van  Buren.  It  is  not  a  figure  of  speech  that 
Governor  Grimes  made  Iowa  Republican,  and  allied  it  with  the 
loyal  States. 

46.— To  Hon.  S.  P.  Chase. 

BURLINGTON,  February  20,  1858. 

I  desire  to  thank  you  for  your  kind  note  of  the  4th  inst.  The 
great  comfort  that  my  election  gives  me  is  enhanced  by  the 
apparent  satisfaction  the  result  gives  to  my  many  friends  beyond 
the  State.  I  have  always  regarded  myself  and  the  cause  greatly 
indebted  to  you  for  your  influence  in  my  gubernatorial  campaign, 
now  four  years  ago.  I  was  nominated  then  wholly  without  my 
knowledge,  and  against  my  desire.  I  was  persuaded  to  run,  not 
with  any  very  sanguine  hope  of  being  elected,  but  with  the  view- 
to  educate  the  people,  as  far  as  might  be  possible  from  the  stump, 
on  the  slavery  question.  Had  we  not  succeeded  in  securing  the 
old  Free-Soil  vote,  which  was  done  mainly  through  your  influence 
(although  I  might  have  been  elected,  would  have  been),  the  Gen- 


1858.] 


GOVERNOR   OF  IOWA. 


117 


eral  Assembly  would  have  been  against  us,  Mr.  Dodge  returned  to 
the  Senate,  the  State  would  have  probably  remained  Democratic, 
and  the  succession  of  anti-Nebraska  triumphs  that  followed  our 
election  in  the  autumn  of  1854  would  probably  have  never  occurred. 
I  am  conscious  of  my  unfitness  for  the  position  I  arn  to  occupy. 
I  shall  feel  constrained  to  follow  in  a  good  degree  the  counsel  of 
those  who  have  shown  themselves  to  be  older  and  better  soldiers 
than  I  am.  I  need  not  say  to  you  that  there  is  no  one  by  whose 
advice  I  shall  be  more  cheerfully  guided,  than  by  that  of  the  pres 
ent  Governor  of  Ohio,  in  everything  that  relates  to  our  cause  and 
party. 


CHAPTER  IY. 

A  SENATOR  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES. 

1859-1869. 

§  1.— In  the  Thirty-sixth  Congress.— 1859-1861. 

ME.  GEIMES  took  his  seat  in  the  Senate  on  the  4th  of  March, 
1859,  and  served  in  the  thirty-sixth  Congress  on  the  Committees 
on  Pensions  and  on  Private  Land  Claims,  and  was  placed,  January 
24,  1861,  upon  the  Committee  on  Naval  Affairs,  in  which  he  re 
mained  during  the  rest  of  his  senatorial  career,  serving  as  chair 
man  from  December,  1864. 

47. -To  Mrs.  Grimes 

WASHINGTON,  March  5,  1859. 

I  write  you  my  first  letter  from  the  Senate-Chamber.  I  was 
sworn  into  office  yesterday,  with  seven  other  new  Senators,  three 
of  whom  are  of  my  complexion  in  politics,  and  as  substitutes  for 
pro-slavery  Democrats. 

March  6th. — It  is  remarked  here  that  a  great  change  has  taken 
place  with  Southern  Senators.  For  the  first  time,  they  came  over 
to  the  Republican  side  of  the  chamber,  and  sought  introductions 
to  the  new  Republican  Senators.  Heretofore  they  cut  them  so 
cially.  I  do  not  include  all  from  the  South  in  this  statement. 
But  Hunter,  Chesnut,  Fitzpatrick,  Kennedy,  Mallory,  Brown,  and 
Benjamin,  were  quite  generous  to  me,  and  desire,  I  think,  to  be  on 
amicable  terms. 

Last  night  I  dined  at  Governor  Seward's.  Our  repast  com 
menced  at  seven  o'clock,  and  ended  when  the  clock  struck  twelve. 
The  party  was  composed  of  Governor  Wilson,1  of  Massachusetts; 

1  Free-Soil  candidate  for  Governor  in  1853. 


1859.]  A   SENATOR  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  H9 

Governor  Anthony,  of  Rhode  Island  ;  Governor  Bingham,  of  Michi 
gan  ;  General  Shields,  of  Minnesota ;  Smith  O'Brien,  John  Mitchel ; 
Preston  King,  of  New  York ;  and  your  unworthy  husband.  Gov 
ernor  Seward  told  me  that  he  went  to  find  O'Brien  to  invite  him, 
and  discovered  him  at  the  house  of  John  Mitchel.  He  was  there 
fore  in  a  measure  compelled  to  invite  Mitchel  also.  This  offended 
Mrs.  Seward  and  her  daughter  so  much,  that  they  declared  they 
would  not  go  to  the  table,  or  see  him  ;  and  they  kept  their  word. 

March  $th. — I  have  come  to  the  conclusion  that  this  is  very 
stupid  business.  "  'Tis  distance  lends  enchantment "  to  the  Senate. 
I  have  by  no  means  had  any  occasion  to  complain  of  my  treat 
ment  since  I  came  here.  I  have  been  given  the  most  conspicuous 
and  important  position  on  the  committees  of  any  of  the  new  mem 
bers  of  the  Senate.  Still,  the  life  I  shall  be  compelled  to  lead  is 
not  at  all  adapted  to  my  habits  or  inclinations.  I  have  no  day 
since  I  came  here  been  to  dinner  earlier  than  half-past  four  o'clock. 
I  rise  at  six,  wander  about  the  city  like  a  ghost  until  nine,  when  I 
am  permitted  to  get  some  breakfast ;  most  people  not  eating  until 
an  hour  or  two  after.  Then  I  am  compelled  to  spend  three  lazy 
hours  in  the  best  way  I  can  until  twelve  o'clock,  when  the  Senate 
assembles.  We  sit  about  four  or  four  and  a  half  hours,  with  closed 
doors,  and  then  go  to  dinner.  I  go  to  bed  at  ten  o'clock,  but  the 
rest  of  the  world  sits  up  nearly  all  night. 

48. — To  Messrs.  Hillguertner^   Olshausen,  and  others. 

BURLINGTON,  April  30,  1859. 

I  have  just  had  placed  in  my  hands  a  copy  of  your  letter  to  the 
congressional  delegation  from  Iowa,  in  which  you  propound  to 
them  the  following  inquiries,  viz. : 

tc  1.  Are  you  in  favor  of  the  naturalization  laws  as  they  now 
stand,  and  particularly  against  all  and  every  extension  of  the  pro 
bation  time  ? 

"  2.  Do  you  regard  it  a  duty  of  the  Republican  party,  as  the 
party  of  equal  rights,  to  oppose  and  war  upon  each  and  every  dis 
crimination  that  may  be  attempted  to  be  made  between  the  native- 
born  and  adopted  citizens,  as  to  the  right  of  suffrage  ? 

"  3.  Do  you  condemn  the  late  action  of  the  Republicans  in  the 
Massachusetts  Legislature,  attempting  to  exclude  the  adopted  citi- 


120  LIFE  OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1859. 

zens  for  two  years. from  the  ballot-box,  as  unwise,  unjust,  and  un 
called  for?" 

To  each  of  these  interrogations,  I  respond  unhesitatingly  in  the 
affirmative. 

In  regard  to  the  recent  action  of  the  Massachusetts  Legislature, 
I  have  this  to  say :  that  while  I  admit  that  the  regulation  sought 
to  be  adopted  is  purely  of  a  local  character,  with  which  we  of  Iowa 
have  nothing  whatever  directly  to  do,  and  while  I  would  be  one  of 
the  last  men  in  the  world  to  interfere  in  the  local  affairs  of  a  sover 
eign  State,  or  with  the  action  of  any  party  in  that  State  upon  local 
matters,  yet  I  claim  the  right  to  approve  or  condemn  as  my  judg 
ment  may  dictate.  I  believe  the  action  of  the  Massachusetts  Legis 
lature  to  be  based  upon  a  false  and  dangerous  principle,  and  fraught 
with  evil  to  the  whole  country,  and  not  to  Massachusetts  alone. 
Hence  I  condemn  and  deplore  it,  without  equivocation  or  reserve. 
Knowing  how  much  the  proposed  constitutional  provision  will 
offend  their  brethren  elsewhere,  the  Republicans  of  Massachusetts 
owe  it  to  their  party  that  this  amendment  shall  be  overwhelmingly 
voted  down,  and  I  think  it  will  be. 

49.— To  Mrs.  Grimes. 

PHILADELPHIA,  November  24,  1859. 

I  am  safely  in  this  beautiful  city  of  brotherly  love,  and  shall  be 
compelled  to  remain  here  a  week,  to  close  up  some  old  business  that 
has  been  dangling  on  my  hands  for  years. 

From  Galesburg  to  Wheaton  I  was  in  company  with  Dr.  Blan- 
chard.  He  wished  to  be  kindly  remembered  to  you,  and  expressed 
the  hope  that  you  would  be  led  at  no  distant  day  to  change  your 
religious  views,  though,  I  believe,  he  seemed  to  entertain  a  faint 
hope  that  you  wras  good  enough  to  go  to  heaven  with  your  present 
heterodox  opinions.  He  uttered  no  word  of  reproach,  remonstrance, 
or  persuasion  to  me,  for  having  no  settled  religious  convictions  ;  so 
you  perceive  that  in  the  view  of  some  of  our  orthodox  friends  it  is 
a  good  deal  more  dangerous  to  believe  too  much  than  not  to  believe 
at  all.  But  Dr.  Blanchard  is  an  able,  honest,  ultra,  enthusiastic, 
and  somewhat  bigoted  man — a  great  friend  of  ours,  and  I  entertain 
great  respect  for  him.  We  also  had  on  board  Mr.  Lovejoy,  mem 
ber  of  Congress  of  Illinois,  a  talented  and  agreeable  man.  From 
Crestline,  Ohio,  to  this  place,  I  have  been  in  company  with  Mr. 


1859.]  A  SENATOR   OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  121 

Crittenden  and  his  wife,  who  are  on  their  way  to  Washington. 
Perhaps  I  have  told  you  that  Mrs.  Crittenden,  though  a  rather 
elderly  lady,  is  one  of  the  leaders  of  the  ton  in  Washington,  as  she 
is  in  Kentucky,  and  as  she  used  to  be  in  St.  Louis,  when  she  was 
the  wife  and  widow  of  General  Ashley.  'She  is  a  very  kind,  amiable 
lady,  but  there  is  so  much  precision  and  mock  dignity  about  every 
thing  she  says  and  does,  that  intercourse  with  her  is  not  so  pleasant 
as  it  would  be  if  one  could  only  persuade  himself  that  her  heart 
would  come  gushing  out  of  her  mouth  once  in  a  while. 

50.— To  Mrs.   Grimes. 

WASHINGTON,  November  30,  1859. 

Everybody  but  me  is  busy  about  the  organization  of  the  House 
of  Representatives.  That,  and  the  execution  of  John  Brown  day 
after  to-morrow,  are  the  only  topics  discussed. 

I  heard  Wendell  Phillips  lecture  on  1'Ouverture  at  Philadelphia, 
to  an  immense  and  breathless  audience. 

Senate- Chamber,  December  §th. — This  body  was  organized  yes 
terday  ;  Mason,  of  Virginia,  immediately  introduced  Harper's  Ferry 
resolutions,  which  are  to  be  taken  up,  and  discussed  this  morning 
on  the  assembling  of  the  Senate.  So  you  see  the  excitement  is  to 
be  kept  up  upon  the  irrepressible  conflict  question. 

Mr.  Sumner  appeared  in  his  seat  yesterday,  looking  in  vigorous 
health.  We  expect  to  hear  from  him  in  a  great  speech  during  the 
session.  There  is  an  immense  crowd  of  people  here  for  one  purpose 
and  another,  but  I  keep  out  of  it  pretty  mueh.  I  am  as  retired  here 
as  ordinarily  at  home. 

51.— To  Mrs.   Grimes. 

WASHINGTON,  December  10,  1859. 

One  week  of  congressional  life  is  over,  and  I  think  it  to  be 
the  stupidest  business  I  was  ever  engaged  in.  We  have  done  noth 
ing  in  the  Senate  but  discuss  "  John  Brown,"  "  the  irrepressible 
conflict,"  and  "  the  impending  crisis,"  and  no  one  can  imagine  where 
the  discussion  will  stop.  The  House  of  Representatives  is  still  un 
organized,  and  daily  some  members  come  near  to  blows.  The  mem 
bers  on  both  sides  are  mostly  armed  with  deadly  weapons,  and  it  is 
said  that  the  friends  of  each  are  armed  in  the  galleries.  The  Capi 
tol  resounds  with  the  cry  of  dissolution,  and  the  cry  is  echoed 


122  LIFE   OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1S59-'60. 

throughout  the  city.  And  all  this  is  simply  to  coerce,  to  frighten 
the  Republicans  and  others  into  giving  the  Democrats  the  organiza 
tion  of  the  House.  They  will  not  succeed. 

I  called  on  Mrs.  Trumbull  to-day.  She  is  the  only  woman  I  have 
spoken  with  since  I  came  here.  I  called  on  another,  to  whose  party 
I  was  invited  the  other  day,  and  did  not  go ;  but  she  was  not  at 
home.  You  cannot  imagine  how  I  dislike  this  fashionable  formali 
ty.  It  is  terribly  annoying,  and  I  think  I  shall  repudiate  the  whole 
thing. 

Sunday,  December  \\th. — I  have  just  been  to  church,  and  heard 
a  long  and  not  remarkably  entertaining  sermon. 

I  have  about  as  much  as  I  can  do  to  restrain  myself  from  plun 
ging  into  the  debate  in  the  Senate  on  John  Brown,  but  I  exercise 
self-denial,  and  do  not. 

In  the  Senate  Mr.  Grimes  gave  close  attention  to  public  busi 
ness,  and  to  whatever  matters  were  referred  to  committees  upon 
which  lie  had  been  placed,  and  was  early  known  as  a  working 
member  of  the  body.  Mr.  Hammond,  of  South  Carolina,  spoke 
of  him,  May  28th,  as  "  an  active  and  able,  and  rather  a  young 
man."  Mr.  Jefferson  Davis,  of  Mississippi,  said,  June  13th : 

I  have  been  repeatedly  struck  with  the  accuracy  of  view  taken 
by  the  Senator  from  Iowa  upon  military  questions.  I  think  in 
principles  he  is  usually  correct,  but  in  detail  requires  yet  to  obtain 
a  good  deal  of  information. 

He  was  a  skillful  parliamentarian  and  a  ready  debater,  curt, 
and  to  the  point,  never  prolix,  nor  caring  for  the  last  word. 
He  spoke  in  a  clear,  direct,  and  succinct  manner,  and  was  heard 
with  attention  for  his  candor  and  power  of  elucidation. 

Extracts  will  be  given  from  his  remarks  at  different  times 
upon  various  subjects.  They  show  his  opinions,  and  the  vigi 
lant  scrutiny  and  enlightened  consideration  he  gave  to  public 
affairs. 

His  first  remarks  in  the  Senate  were  in  reply  to  Mr.  Toombs, 
of  Georgia,  who,  January  24th,  had  arraigned  Iowa,  with  other 
States,  for  having  passed  laws  in  contravention  of  the  Constitu 
tion  of  the  United  States,  and  violative  of  the  rights  of  sister 
States.  Mr.  Toombs  said  : 


I860.]  A  SENATOR   OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  123 

Whenever  the  Republicans  have  had  power,  notwithstanding 
their  oaths  to  maintain  the  Constitution,  they  have  proved  false  to 
it. 

DEFENCE    OF   THE    STATE    OF   IOWA. 

Mr.  Grimes  said,  January  30th : 

It  is  true  that  the  Republican  party  have  been  in  possession  of 
the  government  of  the  State  of  Iowa  during  the  last  five  years 
and  upward.  They  have  had  the  unlimited  control  of  the  govern 
ment  of  that  State  in  every  one  of  its  departments.  They  have 
had  a  succession  of  Governors  of  that  political  party.  They  have 
had  all  the  judicial  tribunals,  with  very  few  exceptions ;  and  all 
the  judges  of  the  Supreme  Court  have  belonged  to  that  party. 
Their  majorities  in  the  House  of  Representatives  and  in  the  Senate 
of  the  State  have  been  predominating,  almost  two  to  one,  during 
four  successive  Legislative  Assemblies.  But  it  is  not  true  that  the 
General  Assembly  of  that  State  has  ever  passed  any  law  in  viola 
tion  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  in  regard  to  the  fugi 
tive-slave  law,  or  in  regard  to  any  other  act  of  Congress.  No  law 
has  been  passed  by  that  State,  either  since  it  has  been  under  the 
domination  of  the  Republican  party,  or  before  it  came  under  their 
control,  that  in  the  remotest  degree  contravenes  the  rights  of  any 
of  the  sister  States,  or  interferes  with  the  relation  of  master  and 
slave,  or  master  and  servant. 

I  have  not  risen  for  the  purpose  of  making  this  explanation, 
because  I  am  disposed  to  censure  or  approve  the  acts  of  this  kind 
that  have  been  passed  by  other  States.  I  have  no  judgment  to 
pronounce  upon  that  subject.  I  have  no  criticism  to  make  on  that 
species 'of  legislation.  It  is  no  part  of  my  business,  as  I  under 
stand  it,  to  sit  here  and  arraign  the  action  of  sovereign  States  of 
this  Union  in  regard  to  their  local  laws,  whether  they  may  be  as 
objectionable  as  are  the  laws  of  Louisiana  and  South  Carolina  to 
Senators,  like  the  Senator  from  Massachusetts,  or  whether  they  are 
as  objectionable  as  are  the  laws  of  Massachusetts  and  Connecticut 
to  the  Senator  from  Georgia,  and  others  who  act  and  feel  with  him. 
That  is  not  my  business.  But  .1  am  not  disposed  to  let  the  State 
of  my  adoption,  where  I  have  the  happiness  to  reside,  and  which  I 
have  the  honor  here  in  part  to  represent,  have  either  the  glory  or 
the  discredit — whichever  way  they  may  be  regarded  by  Senators — 


124:  LIFE   OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1860. 

of  passing  any  law  which  she  did  not  pass.  Whenever  she  shall 
see  fit  to  pass  a  law  of  this  kind,  or  of  any  other  kind,  I,  as  a  citi 
zen  of  that  State,  will  express  my  opinion  in  approbation  or  in  dis 
approbation  of  it,  as  my  judgment  shall  dictate. 

Nor  do  I  allude  to  this  subject  at  this  time  for  the  purpose  of 
relieving  myself,  my  State,  or  the  people  whom  I  represent,  from 
the  epithets  which  were  so  abundantly  poured  out  upon  them  by 
the  Senator  from  Georgia.  If  there  are  any  people  in  my  State 
who  will  be  disturbed  by  them  it  will  not  be  the  men  with  whom  I 
act,  but  those  who  profess  a  sympathy  and  affinity  for  the  po 
litical  party  with  which  the  Senator  from  Georgia  associates.  So 
far  as  the  Republicans  are  concerned,  I  can  vouch  for  them  that  they 
will  never  be  won  or  intimidated  by  adjectives,  no  matter  how  boist 
erously,  or  how  numerously,  or  how  harshly,  they  may  be  applied. 

THE    COURT    OF   CLAIMS. 

He  said,  March  13th  : 

A  few  years  ago  (1855)  you  organized  a  Court  of  Claims,  You 
designed  that  that  court  should  be  a  merely  examining  court;  that 
they  should  marshal  the  accounts ;  that  they  should  investigate 
questions  of  law,  and  submit  their  conclusions  to  you  for  final  de^ 
cision  ;  but,  like  all  courts  that  have  been  established  since  the  foun 
dation  of  the  world,  it  has  been  constantly  attempting  to  draw  to 
itself  more  and  more  power,  until  now  it  seeks  to  acquire  the  con 
trol  of  the  Treasury.  During  the  last  Administration,  when  you 
had  one  of  the  best  Secretaries  of  the  Treasury  that  you  ever  had — 
Mr.  Guthrie — a  decision  was  made  by  this  court  in  regard  to  some 
drawbacks  growing  out  of  your  revenue  laws,  in  favor  of  the  claim. 
Mr.  Guthrie  objected  to  that  decision,  and  brought  the  attention 
of  the  Committee  on  Claims  to  it,  and  the  committee  decided  that 
Mr.  Guthrie  was  right,  and  that  the  Court  of  Claims  was  wrong ; 
but,  if  that  decision  had  been  confirmed  by  the  Senate,  it  would  have 
drawn  millions  of  dollars  out  of  the  Treasury. 

I  am  opposed  to  the  whole  bill.  I  consider  myself  standing  here 
as  one  of  the  guardians  of  the  Treasury,  and  am  not  willing  to  say 
that  one  hundred  thousand  dollars  shall  be  voted  as  a  gross  amount, 
to  meet  the  judgments  that  may  be  rendered  by  the  Court  of  Claims, 
upon  the  supposition  that  that  is  the  amount  which  will  be  required 
for  an  average  number  of  years,  for  I  apprehend  that  the  Court  of 


I860.]  A  SENATOR   OF  THE   UNITED   STATES.  125 

Claims  will  be  continually  drawing  to  itself  more  and  more  power, 
encroaching  more  and  more  on  other  courts  in  its  jurisdiction,  until 
finally  we  shall  find  that  we  have  erected  a  tribunal  dangerous  to 
the  Treasury,  if  not  to  the  liberties  of  our  people. 

HOMESTEAD   BILL. 

Mr.  Grimes  moved,  May  9th,  to  grant  the  preemption  right 
to  a  single  person  over  the  age  of  twenty-one  years,  as  well  as 
to  the  head  of  a  family,  and  remarked : 

I  cannot  see  any  principle  on  which  Congress  should  undertake 
to  distinguish  between  persons,  as  to  their  domestic  and  social  rela 
tions.  Because  a  man  happens  not  to  be  a  married  man,  or  the 
head  of  a  family,  I  do  not  conceive  that  a  substantial  reason  why 
he  should  be  deprived  of  the  benefits  of  a  preemption,  under  the  laws 
of  the  United  States.  I  do  not  apprehend  that  gentlemen  whom  I 
see  around  me  should  be  deprived  of  the  benefits  of  a  preemption, 
because  they  are  so  unfortunate  as  not  to  enjoy  the  domestic  felicity 
which  some  other  members  of  the  Senate  are  permitted  to  enjoy.  I 
cannot  conceive  why  the  venerable  President  of  the  United  States, 
for  instance,  when  he  shall  retire  from  the  position  he  now  occupies, 
and  shall  seek  to  forget  the  cares  and  anxieties  of  public  life,  if  he 
chooses  to  go  upon  the  public  domain,  should  not  be  permitted  to 
go  there  and  enjoy  like  privileges  with  the  humblest  citizen.  It 
would  be  unjust  to  him,  and  it  would  be  equally  unjust  to  my 
friends  around  me,  and  to  any  other  citizen,  and  it  is  in  contraven 
tion  of  the  settled  policy  of  this  Government  on  this  subject. 

You  have  passed  since  the  first  preemption  law  was  adopted,  in 
1799,  fifty-nine  preemption  laws.  With  the  exception  of  three  of 
them,  you  have  granted  them  without  distinction  of  right,  whether 
persons  were  citizens,  or  had  filed  their  declarations  to  become  citi 
zens,  or  were  heads  of  families,  or  not.  I  cannot  comprehend  why 
any  Senator  should  propose  that  this  benefit  should  be  conferred 
upon  one  class  of  citizens,  to  the  exclusion  of  another.  Perhaps  I 
may  judge  of  this  subject  from  interested  motives.  I  am  myself  a 
settler  upon  the  public  lands.  I  went  upon  the  public  domain  at 
the  early  age  of  nineteen  years,  unaided  and  alone,  and  established 
for  myself  whatever  fortune  I  have  been  able  to  acquire ;  and  I  was 
not  a  solitary  instance.  I  know  of  hundreds  and  thousands  of  young 
men  who  went  under  the  same  circumstances,  to  hew  out  for  them- 


126  LIFE   OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1860. 

selves  a  fortune  and  a  reputation,  if  possible.  I  say  it  is  unjust  to 
them,  for  Congress  to  declare  that  they  shall  not  be  permitted  to 
enjoy  the  same  benefits  on  the  public  domain  with  other  men,  be 
cause  their  domestic  or  social  institutions  may  be  variant.  I  pred 
icate  my  action  entirely  on  principle ;  I  ask  for  the  young  men  of 
the  country  no  more  than  for  anybody  else  ;  but  I  say  that  when  a 
young  man  reaches  the  age  of  maturity  he  should  have  precisely 
the  same  privileges  that  anybody  else  has  and  no  more.  If  it  be 
the  sense  of  the  Senate  that  this  amendment  be  voted  down,  I  shall 
acquiesce  in  that  decision.  I  am  honestly  in  favor  of  the  bill.  I 
shall  support  it.  This  is  the  only  proposition  to  amend  that  I  shall 
make  ;  and  I  think  it  is  but  fair  that  this  should  be  adopted.  I 
think  the  Senator  from  Arkansas  ought  not  to  call  upon  me  to  with 
draw  the  amendment,  for,  I  wish  to  show  to  those  with  whom  I 
started  in  the  career  of  my  life,  that  I  am  still  standing  by  them 
and  by  their  successors,  and  undertaking  to  defend  here  those  rights 
which  I  claimed  twenty-odd  years  ago,  as  one  of  their  number. 

The  amendment  was  rejected — yeas  27,  nays  28. 

Mr.  Grimes  made  a  clear  statement  as  to  the  conflicting 
decisions  respecting  lands  given  to  Iowa,  in  1846,  for  the  im 
provement  of  the  Des  Moines  River  navigation,  and  presented 
the  claims  of  settlers  upon  the  lands  in  dispute  (three  hundred 
and  seventy-one  thousand  acres)  for  the  interposition  of  Congress 
in  their  behalf  (May  26th). 

He  criticised  the  extravagance  in  the  Post-Office  Depart 
ment,  and  on  the  subject  of  railroad  transportation  of  the  mails 
said,  May  28th  : 

A  great  deal  of  the  evil  flows  from  the  fact  that  the  railroad 
companies  have  got  control  of  your  postal  routes.  I  am  not  arraign 
ing  the  Department,  but  the  public  generally,  and  Congress,  for  not 
interposing  in  this  matter,  and  passing  some  law  by  which  we  can 
secure  some  control  over  these  companies.  They  ought  to  be  clas 
sified  into  two  or  three  different  classes.  We  ought  to  fix  the 
amount  that  each  class  should  be  allowed. 

UNITED   STATES    OFFICES   IN   IOWA. 

There  are  many  in  my  State  that  are  utterly  useless,  and  ought 
to  be  abolished.  We  have  half  a  dozen — I  speak  without  knowing 


I860.]  A  SENATOR  OF  THE   UNITED  STATES.  127 

the  precise  number — custom-houses  in  our  State,  fifteen,  sixteen,  or 
eighteen  hundred  miles  above  tide-water,  where  we  have  surveyors 
of  ports,  to  whom  this  Government  is  paying  annual  salaries  of  six 
or  eight  hundred  dollars.  We  have  many  other  offices  which  are 
useless.  I  have  been  waiting  very  patiently  during  the  entire  ses 
sion,  in  the  hope  that  some  of  the  gentlemen  on  the  other  side,  who 
are  so  much  outraged  at  the  profligate  expenditure  of  the  Republi 
can  party,  would  introduce  a  bill  abolishing  these  offices.  We  have 
in  the  town  in  which  I  have  the  honor  to  reside  a  marine  hospital, 
built  at  considerable  expense  to  the  Government,  which  never  had 
a  patient,  and  in  all  probability  never  will  have.  It  ought  to  be 
abolished.  1  am  not  anxious  that  these  offices  shall  be  retained  in 
my  State.  I  am  not  anxious  that  the  Federal  Government  shall 
own  property  there.  If  I  had  my  way,  I  would  not  have  the  Fed 
eral  Government  own  a  foot  of  ground  in  the  State  of  Iowa.  I  do 
not  wish  the  State  to  be  dotted  over  with  Government  offices  and 
buildings,  and  filled  with  Federal  officers.  I  do  not  wish  the  Gen 
eral  Government  to  be  aggrandized  at  the  expense  of  the  States. 
(June  14th). 

52.—  To  Mrs.  Grimes. 

WASHINGTON,  June  4,  1860. 

We  have  just  had  a  four  hours  speech  from  Sumner  on  the 
"  Barbarism  of  Slavery."  In  a  literary  point  of  view  it  was  of 
course  excellent.  As  a  bitter,  denunciatory  oration,  it  could  hardly 
be  exceeded  in  point  of  style  and  finish.  But,  to  me,  many  parts 
of  it.  sounded  harsh,  vindictive,  and  slightly  brutal.  It  is  all  true 
that  slavery  tends  to  barbarism,  but  Mr.  Sumner  furnishes  no  reme 
dy  for  the  evils  he  complains  of.  His  speech  has  done  the  Republi 
cans  no  good.  Its  effect  has  been  to  exasperate  the  Southern  mem 
bers,  and  render  it  utterly  impossible  for  Mr.  Sumner  to  exercise 
any  influence  here  for  the  good  of  his  State.  Mr.  C.  F.  Adams 
made  a  manly,  statesmanly  speech  in  the  House  of  Representatives, 
four  days  ago,  which  was  attentively  listened  to  by  everybody.  He 
read  it,  as  did  Mr.  Sumner  his. 

Mr.  Seward  is  now  here,  and  made  a  speech  in  Executive  session 
the  other  day  on  the  Mexican  Treaty,  that  to  my  view  showed  more 
intellectual  vigor  than  did  his  speech  which  you  heard.  His  speech 
to  which  I  refer  was  short,  extemporaneous,  and  very  able,  convert 
ing  almost  the  whole  Senate  to  his  views. 


128  LIFE  OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1860. 

The  nomination  of  Lincoln  strikes  the  mass  of  the  people  with 
great  favor.  He  is  universally  regarded  as  a  scrupulously  honest 
man,  and  a  genuine  man  of  the  people. 

Mr.  Grimes  took  an.  active  part  in  advocating  the  election 
of  Mr.  Lincoln,  and  made  speeches  in  many  places  during  the 
fall,  in  Iowa  and  in  Illinois. 

THE    MILITARY    ACADEMY   AT   WEST   POINT. 

I  think  the  Government  expects  that  the  officers  of  the  United 
States  Army  shall  be  something  more  than  mere  fighting-men.  It 
expects,  and  has  a  right  to  expect,  that  they  shall  be  thoroughly 
educated  gentlemen.  I,  for  one,  have  entertained  none  of  the 
prejudice  that  is  felt  by  some  toward  the  Military  Academy,  and 
those  who  graduate  from  it.  That  academy,  and  the  character  and 
conduct  of  those  who  have  graduated  from  it,  have  sufficiently  vindi 
cated  the  institution  from  all  aspersions  that  have  been  cast  upon 
it.  I  look  upon  the  military  and  naval  academies  as  conservative 
institutions.  It  is  the  duty  of  the  Government  to  give  the  young 
men  who  graduate  at  each  of  these  institutions  the  highest  attain 
able  education.  That  is  our  duty  ;  that  is  the  interest  of  the  Gov 
ernment  ;  and  while  education  is  being  elevated  in  every  other  in 
stitution  of  the  country,  while  your  common  schools,  academies, 
colleges,  and  universities,  are  raising  their  standards  of  education, 
I  cannot  comprehend  any  reason  why  we  should  not  also  elevate 
the  standard  in  our  military  and  naval  academies.  Hence  I  am  in 
favor  of  anything  that  will  have  a  tendency  to  operate  in  that 
direction.  (June  7th.) 

ON   FURNISHING   A   POLICE   FORCE   FOR   THE   CITY   OF   WASHINGTON. 

I  should  like  to  know  on  what  principle  it  is  that  the  Govern 
ment  of  the  United  States  furnishes  a  police-force  to  the  city  of 
Washington.  I  understand  that  the  services  of  these  persons  are 
not  confined  to  the  public  grounds — to  the  custody  of  the  property 
belonging  to  the  United  States — but  that  they  are  the  regular 
police-force  of  the  whole  city,  under  control  of  the  city  authorities. 
If  this  Government  has  the  authority  to  furnish  such  police-officers 
for  this  city,  why  has  it  not  for  every  city  where  the  Government 
owns  property  ?  The  furnishing  of  this  police-force  seems  to  me 


I860.]  A  SENATOR  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  129 

violative  of  every  principle ;  and  it  is  another  evidence  of  the  fact 
that  this  Government  is  gradually  drawing  to  itself  More  and  more 
power,  and  in  the  end  this  police-force  will  swell  ap  from  one  hun 
dred  men  to  its  thousands,  and  become  a  guard  to  any  man  who 
may  undertake  to  assume  the  control  of  this  Government.  (June 
14th.) 

THE    NAVY. 

Having  a  favorite  nephew'  in  the  navy,  Mr.  Grimes  had  for 
years  been  familiar  with  naval  affairs,  and  now  gave  careful 
and  thorough  consideration  to  everything  connected  with  the 
service.  Advocating  an  increase  of  pay  to  minor  officers,  he 
said,  March  27th : 

I  have  always  thought,  ever  since  I  paid  any  attention  to  the 
navy,  that  there  were  only  two  things  that  this  Government  could 
honorably  do  in  connection  with  it ;  either  disband  it,  or  increase 
the  pay  of  officers  to  something  commensurate  with  what  their  ser 
vices  require.  It  is  just  as  necessary  to  increase  the  pay  of  the 
minor  officers  as  of  the  superior  officers.  The  rate  of  compensation 
to  midshipmen  and  passed  midshipmen  was  fixed  many  years  ago, 
when  the  expenses  of  living  were  small.  It  will  be  niany  years 
before  the  young  men  now  at  your  Naval  Academy  will  become 
lieutenants.  The  young  men  who  entered  the  navy  in  1840  were 
between  fifteen  and  sixteen  years  in  the  service  before  they  became 
lieutenants.  Then,  the  service  was  not  dammed  up  as  it  is  now  ; 
there  was  not  such  an  accumulation  of  dead  matter  at  the  head  of 
the  register.  The  young  men  who  enter  your  Naval  Academy  this 
year  will  be  in  the  service  twenty  years,  in  my  opinion,  before  they 
become  lieutenants.  They  will  be  performing  as  important  duties 
as  if  they  were  lieutenants — the  duties  of  passed  midshipmen, 
masters,  or  acting  lieutenants.  You  should  increase  the  pay  of 
these  officers  from  eight  hundred  dollars  up  to  something  corre 
sponding  with  the  amount  their  services  demand.  We  do  not  want 
to  pay  the  mass  of  the  money  that  we  are  going  to  pay  to  our  offi 
cers  to  the  superior  officers. 

It  was  his  opinion  that  the  navy  was  too  much  under  the 
charge  of  civilians,  and  that  it  should  be  more  under  the  con 
trol  of  naval  officers.  Accordingly,  he  proposed,  March  28th, 


130  LIFE  OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1861. 

the  creation  of  a  bureau  of  registry  and  detail,  to  have  the 
assignment  of  all  officers  and  men  to  duty.  His  proposition 
was  rejected. 

He  early  gave  attention  to  the  subject  of  iron -clad  vessels, 
and  introduced  a  resolution,  January  19,  1861,  directing  the 
Secretary  of  the  Navy  to  furnish  a  detailed  estimate  of  the  ex 
pense  of  building  a  steel  or  iron-clad  gunboat. 

Advocating,  February  llth,  the  construction  of  screw  sloops- 
of-war  of  the  second  class,  that  might  be  as  efficient  as  larger 
vessels  to  protect  our  commerce,  with  a  saving  of  several  hun 
dred  thousand  dollars,  he  said  : 

I  vote  for  this  proposition  as  an  economical  measure,  not  with 
a  view  to  coerce  anybody,  or  for  the  purpose  of  entering  the  ports 
of  any  of  the  Southern  States,  except  for  some  peaceful  purpose ; 
certainly  not  for  any  warlike  purpose.  I  believe  it  is  essential  for 
the  interests  of  the  country,  without  regard  to  the  present  uneasy 
and  disturbed  condition  of  the  Southern  States.  We  cannot  be 
influenced  in  our  action  here,  and  we  ought  not  to  abandon  the 
navy  because  there  happens  to  be  dissatisfaction  growing  out  of  the 
slavery  question,  or  out  of  the  tariff  question,  or  out  of  any  other 
local  question.  I  think  we  ought  to  go  on  in  our  legislation  exact 
ly  as  though  we  were  at  peace  with  all  the  world ;  not  with  the 
view  to  coerce  any  portion  of  the  country,  but  to  maintain  the 
honor  of  our  flag  in  foreign  seas. 

The  same  day,  Mr.  Grimes  proposed  the  appointment  of  an 
Assistant  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  from  the  line  of  the  navy,  to 
be  charged  especially  with  the  detailing  of  officers  and  the  disci 
pline  and  efficiency  of  the  service ;  and  also  the  establishment 
of  the  grade  of  assistant  pay-masters,  appointments  to  be  made 
from  graduates'  of  the  Naval  Academy.  The  propositions 
were  rejected.  His  reasons  for  the  last  were  given  as  follows 
(February  11,  1861) : 

If  you  go  to  the  line,  or  to  the  academy  for  these  officers,  it 
ceases  to  be  a  political  office,  and  is  not  to  be  bestowed  upon  any 
body  because  he  happens  to  have  been  an  active  or  influential  par 
tisan  in  a  political  campaign.  Then,  again,  you  get  one  who  is 
conversant  with  the  duties  of  the  situation  to  which  he  is  called, 


I860.]  A  SENATOR   OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  131 

and  also  acquainted  with  sea-life.  Besides,  you  give  to  a  purser  in 
the  navy  a  rank  as  an  officer  ;  and  there  will  be  some  reason  for 
giving  this  rank  to  him,  if  you  take  him  from  the  line,  or  from 
among  the  graduates  of  your  academy,  and  have  a  man  who  is  com 
petent  to  discharge  sea-duty.  There  was  another  reason,  and  that 
was  because  these  pursers  may  be  called  upon  to  work  the  ship — 
to  command  the  men.  In  cases  of  conflict  with  a  foreign  power, 
it  may  be  not  only  important,  but  very  necessary,  to  order  a  purser 
to  command  a  prize  ;  or,  if  the  officers  were  mostly  shot  $own,  it 
might  be  very  important  that  he  should  command  the  vessel  on 
which  he  was.  If  you  take  an  officer  from  the  line,  or  from  the 
academy,  and  put  him  in  this  position,  you  have  a  man  who  is  com 
petent  to  discharge  that  duty. 

That  is  not  all.  If  you  take  a  man  from  the  academy,  or  one 
who  has  passed  through  the  academy,  you  get  one  of  perfect  phy 
sique.  These  young  gentlemen,  when  they  go  there,  are  thoroughly 
examined  upon  that  subject ;  and  you  take  a  man  who  is  perfect  in 
his  development  and  in  the  prime  of  life,  when  he  is  capable  of  per 
forming  important  service  to  the  country.  I  knew  a  purser,  recent 
ly  appointed,  a  man  a  little  past  the  meridian  of  life,  appointed 
probably  on  account  of  his  having  been  an  active  partisan;  and 
upon  the  first  cruise,  before  he  had  been  twelve  months  in  the  ser 
vice,  he  was  stricken  down,  disabled,  and  always  will  remain  dis 
abled,  and  he  remains  upon  your  hands  a  pensioner ;  and  if  he  lives 
to  be  seventy  years  of  age,  you  will  have  to  pay  him  a  salary 
amounting  to  leave-pay.  But  if  you  had  taken  that  man  at  twen 
ty-one,  or  at  twenty -five,  or  twenty-nine,  you  would  have  had  prob 
ably  fifteen,  or  twenty,  or  twenty-five  years  of  good,  efficient,  active 
service  out  of  him.  This  amendment,  therefore,  limits  the  age  at 
which  these  young  men  shall  have  arrived,  in  order  that  we  may 
have  men  who  are  not  partisans,  or  broken-down  merchants,  past 
the  meridian  of  life,  but  young,  active,  thorough-going,  efficient 
men,  who  can  perform  efficient  duty  for  the  Government. 

53.— To  Mrs.  Grimes. 

WASHINGTON,  December  5,  1860. 

Secession  of  one  or  more  States  is  inevitable.  The  members  of 
both  Houses  are  in  remarkable  good-humor,  but  everybody  seems 
firmly  resolved  to  adhere  to  his  professed  principles  and  course  of 


132  LIFE  OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1860. 

action.  We  are  getting  into  deep  water,  and  it  is  doubtful  what 
shore  we  shall  reach.  Mr.  Fessenden  urges  me  every  day  to  send 
for  you. 

December  16£A. — I  have  been  writing  letters  the  wrhole  day,  and 
now  conclude.  I  suppose  I  can  hardly  add  anything  to  what  you 
have  already  heard  of  the  condition  of  things  here.  Public  affairs 
certainly  wear  a  very  bad  aspect  at  present.  South  Carolina  will 
leave  the  Union,  so  far  as  she  has  the  power,  this  week,  beyond 
questio^.  Five  or  six  States  may  follow  her,  and  I  think  that  some 
of  them  will  be  sure  to.  There  will  be  an  effort  to  go  peacefully, 
but  war  of  a  most  bitter  and  sanguinary  character  will  be  sure  to 
follow  in  a  short  time.  We  can  never  divide  the  army,  the  navy, 
the  public  lands,  the  public  buildings,  the  public  debt,  the  Missis 
sippi  River,  etc.,  in  peace.  All  these  questions  must  be  submitted 
in  the  end  to  the  arbitrament  of  the  sword,  and  the  strongest  bat 
talions  will  be  victors.  This  is  certainly  deplorable,  but  there  is  no 
help  for  it.  No  reasonable  concession  will  satisfy  the  rebels.  It  is 
not  that  Lincoln  is  elected,  or  that  there  are  personal  liberty  laws 
in  some  of  the  States,  or  that  their  negroes  occasionally  run  off, 
that  troubles  them.  They  want  to  debauch  the  moral  sentiment 
of  the  people  of  the  North,  by  making  them  agree  to  the  proposi 
tion  that  slavery  is  a  benign,  constitutional  system,  and  that  it  shall 
be  extended  in  the  end  all  over  this  continent. 

There  is,  as  you  have  heard,  much  talk  about  all  sorts  of  com 
promises,  but  there  is  not  the  slightest  probability  that  anything 
will  be  done.  We  have  a  rumor  every  few  hours  of  bloodshed  that 
is  to  be,  but  I  do  not  imagine  that  anything  of  the  kind  is  to  be 
apprehended  here.  A  great  many  men  make  a  great  many  foolish 
remarks,  and  they  are  sure  to  increase  in  magnitude  and  nonsense 
as  they  pass  from  rnouth  to  mouth. 

General  Cass  has  resigned,  as  well  as  Mr.  Cobb.  The  whole 
cabinet  is  tumbling  to  pieces,  and  what  remains  is  without  influ 
ence.  Mr.  Buchanan,  it  is  said,  about  equally  divides  his  time  be 
tween  praying  and  crying.  Such  a  perfect  imbecile  never  held  office 
before.  When  Cobb  resigned,  he  sent  him  a  letter,  saying  that  he 
was  going  home  to  Georgia,  to  assist  in  dissolving  the  Union,  and 
breaking  up  the  Government ;  and  Buchanan  replied  to  the  letter, 
and  complimented  Mr.  Cobb,  as  you  have  seen. 


1861.]  A  SENATOR   OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  133 

54. — To  Hon.  S.  P.  Chase,  Columbus,   Ohio. 

WASHINGTON,  January  11,  1861. 

I  desire  to  say,  in  as  few  words  as  possible,  that  it  is  the  almost 
universal  desire  of  our  true  friends  here  that  you  should  accept  the 
position  of  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  which  it  is  understood  that 
Mr.  Lincoln  has  tendered  to  you.  We  would  all  like  to  see  you  in 
the  Senate.  We  very  well  know  that  you  would  do  great  good  in 
this  body,  but  it  is  vastly  important  to  our  party,  and,  above  all,  to 
the  country,  that  we  should  at  the  present  crisis  have  the  right  man 
at  the  head  of  the  Treasury.  I  think  I  can  safely  say  without  any 
flattery  to  you,  that  the  general  idea  among  our  friends  is,  that  the 
country  will  regard  the  right  man  in  the  right  place,  with  you  there. 
Of  course,  I  do  not  expect  or  desire  to  influence  you  in  this  matter 
against  your  better  judgment.  I  know  that  you  will  sacrifice  much, 
by  surrendering  your  place  in  the  Senate  for  the  head  of  the  Treas 
ury,  but  I  beg  to  assure  you  that  it  is  my  sincere  conviction  that 
the  safety  of  the  party,  and  probably  of  the  country,  depends  upon 
your  being  there.  Pardon  this  intrusion. 

55. — To  Hon.  Samuel  J.  Kirkwood,   Governor  of  Iowa. 

WASHINGTON,  January  28,  1861. 

Your  esteemed  favor  of  the  l?th  inst.  has  reached  me. 

There  appears  to  be  a  very  great  misunderstanding  in  the  public 
mind,  as  to  the  present  condition  of  affairs  at  the  capital  of  the 
nation,  and  especially  in  relation  to  the  demands  of  the  disunionists 
upon  the  Union  men  of  the  North.  I  find  that  the  impression  pre 
vails  quite  extensively  that  the  "  Crittenden  proposition,"  as  it  is 
called,  is  simply  a  reestablishment  of  the  Missouri  Compromise  line. 
This  is  very  far  from  the  truth. 

Mr.  Crittenden  proposes  to  extend  the  line  of  36°  30'  through  to 
the  Pacific  Ocean,  and  to  agree,  by  constitutional  provision,  to  pro 
tect  and  defend  slavery  in  all  the  territory  of  the  United  States 
south  of  that  line.  Nor  is  this  all.  Me  now  proposes  that  this 
protection  to  slavery  shall  be  extended  to  all  territory  that  may  here 
after  be  acquired  south  of  that  line.  The  sum  and  substance  of  the 
whole  matter  is,  that  we  are  asked,  for  the  sake  of  peace,  to  sur 
render  all  our  cherished  ideas  on  the  subject  of  slavery,  and  agree, 
in  effect,  to  provide  a  slave  code  for  the  Territories  south  of  36°  30' 

and  for  the  Mexican  provinces,  as  soon  as  they  shall  be  brought 
10 


134  LIFE  OF  JAMES  W.   GEIMES.  [1861. 

within  our  jurisdiction.  It  is  demanded  of  us  that  we  shall  consent 
to  change  the  Constitution  into  a  genuine  pro-slavery  instrument,  and 
to  convert  the  Government  into  a  great  slave-breeding,  slavery-ex 
tending  empire. 

Every  man  blessed  with  ordinary  foresight  must  see  what  would 
be  the  inevitable  and  almost  immediate  consequence  of  the  adop 
tion  of  this  provision  as  a  part  of  the  Constitution.  It  would  dis 
close  itself  to  be  the  very  reverse  of  a  measure  of  peace.  Raids  would 
at  once  begin  upon  the  provinces  of  Mexico  ;  war  would  ensue ;  the 
annexation  of  Sonora,  Chihuahua,  Cohahuila,  Nuevo  Leon,  Tamauli- 
pas,  and  other  provinces,  would  follow  ;  they  would  be  converted,  at 
the  instant  of  their  acquisition,  from  free  into  slave  Territories,  and 
ultimately  be  admitted  into  the  Union  as  slave  States.  Much  as  I 
love  peace  and  seek  to  pursue  it,  I  am  not  prepared  to  pay  this 
price  for  it.  Let  no  man  in  Iowa  imagine  for  a  moment  that  the 
Crittenden  proposition  is  for  a  mere  restoration  of  the  Compromise 
line  of  1820.  It  is  simply  and  truly  the  application  of  the  Breck- 
inridge  platform  to  all  territory  now  acquired,  or  hereafter  to  be  ac 
quired  south  of  36°  30',  and  would  result,  if  adopted,  in  the  acqui 
sition  and  admission  of  new  slave  States  for  the  ostensible  purpose 
of  restoring  what  is  called  the  equilibrium  of  the  sections.  The 
restoration  of  the  Missouri  Compromise  line  has  been  offered  to  the 
disunionists  and  contemptuously  rejected.  Their  maxim  is  "rule 
or  ruin." 

I  confess  that  I  look  with  amazement  upon  the  course  of  the 
Northern  sympathizers  with  the  disunionists.  Six  years  ago  they 
assisted  to  break  down  a  compromise  of  thirty-four  years'  standing, 
and  defended  their  action  by  what  they  claimed  to  be  the  right  of 
the  people  to  determine  for  themselves  what  should  be  the  charac 
ter  of  their  own  domestic  institutions.  There  was  much  plausibility 
in  their  argument.  They  made  a  party  creed  of  it.  Now,  after  the 
lapse  of  six  short  years,  they  have  become  so  pro-slavery  in  their 
opinions  that  they  are  willing  to  ignore  the  past,  and  recognize  and 
protect  slavery  in  the  very  country  which  they  boasted  that  their 
own  act  had  made  free. 

There  are  other  provisions  in  the  Crittenden  resolutions  which  to 
my  mind  are  wholly  inadmissible,  but  let  them  pass.  My  objection 
is  to  any  compromise.  I  will  never  consent  to  compromises,  or  the 
imposition  of  terms  upon  me  or  the  people  I  represent,  under  threats 


1861.1  A  SENATOR   OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  135 

of  breaking  up  the  Government.  I  will  not  "  give  reasons  under 
compulsion."  No  surer  or  more  effectual  way  could  be  devised  for 
converting  this  into  a  revolutionary  Government  than  the  adoption 
of  a  compromise  expedient  at  this  time. 

Eight  months  ago  the  four  political  parties  of  this  country,  in 
their  several  conventions,  announced  certain  abstract  propositions 
in  their  platforms  which  each  believed  to  be  true,  and  which,  if 
acted  upon,  would  in  their  opinion  most  conduce  to  the  prosperity 
of  the  whole  country.  The  issue  upon  these  propositions  was  sub 
mitted  to  the  people  through  the  ballot-boxes.  One  party  was 
successful,  as  either  might  have  been,  but  for  the  lack  of  votes  ;  and 
now  one  of  the  vanquished  parties  seeks  to  overthrow  the  Govern 
ment,  because  they  were  not  themselves  the  victors,  and  will  only 
consent  to  stay  their  work  of  demolition  upon  the  condition  that  we 
will  agree  to  make  their  platform,  which  is  abhorrent  to  us,  a  part  of 
the  Constitution  of  the  country.  After  taking  their  chances  for  suc 
cess,  and  being  defeated  in  a  fair  and  manly  contest,  they  now  seek 
to  overthrow  the  Government  under  which  they  live,  and  to  which 
they  owe  their  allegiance.  How  rapidly  are  we  following  in  the 
footsteps  of  the  governments  of  Mexico  and  South  America ! 

I  do  not  believe  that  the  public  mind  is  now  in  a  condition  to 
calmly  consider  the  great  questions  involved  in  the  amendments 
proposed.  But  suppose  the  people  were  willing  and  anxious  that 
such  amendments  to  the  Constitution  should  be  submitted  to  them; 
suppose  they  were  in  a  proper  frame  of  mind  to  weigh  them  and 
decide  upon  their  adoption ;  suppose  their  adoption  was  not  at 
tempted  to  be  enforced  by  threats,  can  we  have  any  assurance  that 
this  is  the  last  demand  to  be  made  upon  us  ?  Can  we  be  certain 
that  success  in  this  instance  will  not  whet  the  appetite  for  new  con 
cessions  and  new  demands,  and  that  similar  threats  of  secession  and 
revolution  will  not  succeed  every  future  presidential  election  ? 
Will  the  demand  for  new  guarantees  stop  here  ?  Shall  we  not  be 
as  liable  to  have  our  trade  paralyzed,  our  finances  deranged,  our 
national  flag  insulted,  the  public  property  wrested  from  us  and  de 
stroyed,  and  the  Government  itself  overthrown,  four  years  hence,  if 
we  amend  the  Constitution,  as  we  should  be  if  we  now  stand  firmly 
by  our  principles  and  uphold  the  authority  of  the  Government  ? 

The  question  before  the  country,  it  seems  to  me,  has  assumed 
gigantic  proportions.  It  has  become  something  more  than  an  issue 


136  LIFE  OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1861. 

on  the  slavery  question  growing  out  of  the  construction  of  the  Con 
stitution.  The  issue  now  before  us  is,  whether  we  have  a  country, 
whether  or  not  this  is  a  nation.  Is  this  a  Government  which 
Florida,  with  eighty  thousand  people,  can  destroy,  by  resolving 
herself  out  of  the  Union  and  seizing  the  forts  and  arsenals  within 
her  borders  ?  That  is  the  question  presented  us  for  our  de 
cision.  Can  a  great  and  prosperous  nation  of  thirty -three  millions 
of  people  be  destroyed  by  an  act  of  secession  of  some  of  its 
members  ?  Florida  and  her  sister  revolutionary  States  answer  in  the 
affirmative.  We  deny  it.  They  undertake  to  act  upon  their  pro 
fessed  belief,  and  secede,  or,  as  I  term  it,  rebel  against  the  Government. 
While  they  are  in  this  attitude  of  rebellion  a  compromise  is  presented 
to  us  for  adoption,  by  which  it  is  proposed,  not  to  punish  the  rebel 
lious  States,  but  to  entice  them  back  into  the  Union.  Who  does  not 
see  that  by  adopting  these  compromise  propositions  we  tacitly  recog 
nize  the  right  of  these  States  to  secede  ?  Their  adoption  at  this 
time  would  completely  demoralize  the  Government,  and  leave  it  in 
the  power  of  any  State  to  destroy.  If  Florida  and  South  Carolina 
can  secede  because  of  the  slavery  question,  what  shall  prevent 
Pennsylvania  from  seceding  because  the  Government  declines  to 
adequately  protect  her  iron  and  coal  interests,  or  New  England  be 
cause  her  manufactures,  or  New  York  because  her  commerce  is  not 
sufficiently  protected  ?  I  could  agree  to  no  compromise  until  the 
right  to  secede  was  fully  renounced,  because  it  would  be  a  recogni 
tion  of  the  right  of  one  or  more  States  to  break  up  the  Government 
at  their  will. 

Iowa  has  a  peculiar  interest  in  this  question.  If  this  right  of 
State  revolution  be  conceded,  her  geographical  position  is  such  as  to 
place  her  completely  in  the  power  of  revolutionary  States.  Will  she 
agree  that  one  State  can  secede  and  take  from  her  the  mouth  of  the 
Mississippi  River,  that  another  can  take  from  her  the  mouth  of  the 
Missouri,  and  that  others  shall  be  permitted  to  deprive  her  of  the 
right  of  passage  to  the  Atlantic  Ocean  ?  If  she  will  not  agree  to 
this,  it  becomes  her  people  to  insist  that  the  Constitution  of  the  coun 
try  shall  be  upheld,  that  Nthe  laws  of  the  land  shall  be  enforced,  and 
that  this  pretended  right  of  a  State  to  destroy  our  national  existence 
shall  be  sternly  and  emphatically  rebuked.  I  know  the  people  of 
Iowa  well  enough  to  believe  that  appeals  to  their  magnanimity,  if 
not  successful,  will  be  kindly  received  and  considered,  while  appeals 


1861.]  A  SENATOR   OF  THE   UNITED   STATES.  137 

to  their  fears  will  pass  by  them  as  the  idle  wind,  and  that  they  will 
risk  all  things  and  endure  all  things  in  maintaining  the  honor  of  the 
national  flag  and  in  preserving  the  national  Union. 

One  word  more  and  I  close  this  letter,  already  too  long.  At  the 
commencement  of  the  session,  before  revolution  had  assumed  its 
present  gigantic  proportions,  before  any  State  had  pretended  to 
secede  except  South  Carolina,  before  the  forts  and  arsenals  of  the 
United  States  had  been  captured,  the  flag  of  the  country  fired  upon, 
and  the  capital  of  the  nation  threatened,  I  assented,  as  a  member  of 
the  Senatorial  Committee  of  Thirteen,  to  three  propositions,  which 
were  to  the  following  effect,  viz. : 

1.  That  Congress  should  never  be  permitted  to  interfere  with 
the  domestic  institutions  of  any  State,  or  to  abolish  slavery  therein. 

2.  That  the  several  States  should  be  advised  to  review  their  legis 
lation  in  regard  to  persons  of  color,  and  repeal  or  modify  all  such 
laws  as  might  conflict  with  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States 
or  with  any  of  the  laws  of  Congress  made  in  pursuance  thereof. 

3.  To  admit  Kansas  into  the  Union  under  the  Wyandotte  consti 
tution,  and  then  to  admit  the  remaining  territory  belonging  to  the 
United  States  as  two  States,  one  north  and  one  south  of  the  parallel 
of  36°  30'  with  the  provision  that  these  States  might  be  subdivided 
and  new  ones  erected  therefrom  whenever  there  should  be  sufficient 
population  for  one  Representative  in  Congress  upon  sixty  thousand 
square  miles. 

Those  propositions,  if  adopted,  would  have  quieted  the  apprehen 
sions  of  the  Southern  people  as  to  the  intention  of  the  people  of  the 
free  States  to  interfere  with  slavery  in  the  States,  and  would  have 
finally  disposed  of  all  the  territory  belonging  to  the  Government. 
They  would  have  made  two  very  inconvenient  States,  but  they  would 
have  settled  a  very  inconvenient  question.  They  could  have  been 
adopted  without  any  surrender  of  principle  by  anybody  or  any  sec 
tion,  and  therefore  without  any  party  and  personal  humiliation. 
But  they  were  spurned  by  the  disunionists.  They  preferred  to 
plunge  the  country  into  revolution,  and  they  have  done  it.  It  only 
remains  for  us  now  to  obey  and  enforce  the  laws,  and  show  to  the 
world  that  this  Government  is  strong  enough  to  protect  itself  from 
rebellion  within  as  well  as  from  assault  without. 

The  issue  now  made  up  for  the  decision  of  the  people  of  this 
country  is  between  law,  order,  the  Union,  and  the  Constitution,  on 


138  LIFE   OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1861. 

the  one  hand,  and  revolution,  anarchy,  dissolution,  and  bloodshed,  on 
the  other.  I  do  not  doubt  as  to  the  side  you  and  the  people  of  Iowa 
will  occupy  in  this  contest. 

January  21st  Mr.  Grimes  gave  his  vote  for  the  admission  of 
Kansas  into  the  Union. 

February  5th,  at  the  request  of  the  Governor  of  Iowa,  he 
attended  a  Peace  Conference,  held  in  Washington  at  the  call  of 
the  Legislature  of  Virginia,  but  did  not  take  part  in  its  discus 
sions,  confident  that  they  would  end  in  naught. 

THE   TAKIFF. 

He  said,  February  18th  : 

I  wish  to  insert  "  sugar  "  with  tea  and  coffee  in  the  amendment, 
so  that  at  the  expiration  of  two  years  there  shall  be  no  duty  either 
on  tea  or  coffee  or  sugar.  I  object  most  decidedly  to  the  idea  that 
those  of  us  who  shall  vote  in  favor  of  the  reduction  of  the  duty  on 
sugar  are  going  to  vote  it  from  revenge,  or  out  of  retaliation,  or 
out  of  any  unkindness  toward  Louisiana,  or  the  sugar-producers  of 
that  State.  This  bill  comes  before  us  as  an  entirely  new  bill,  and  I 
propose  to  vote  on  this  sugar-duty,  and  on  all  other  duties,  precise 
ly  as  I  should  vote  if  we  had  no  tariff  on  our  statute-books.  I  will 
not  now,  I  never  saw  the  time  when  I  would,  and  I  never  expect 
to  see  the  time  when  I  will,  vote  for  a  duty  on  tea  and  coffee  and 
sugar.  I  will  not  consent  to  tax  the  farmers  of  my  State  upon  the 
iron  they  use  for  the  benefit  of  Pennsylvania,  and  upon  their  jack- 
knives  for  the  benefit  of  Connecticut  and  Massachusetts,  and  upon 
their  woolens  and  cottons  for  the  benefit  of  New  England,  and  then 
add  to  that  a  tax  upon  tea  and  coffee  and  sugar,  the  necessaries  of 
every  man's  home.  I  have  my  views  in  regard  to  secession,  in  re 
gard  to  the  attitude  of  Louisiana,  and  of  all  the  States  that  have 
gone  out ;  but,  as  the  representative  of  my  State.  I  cast  my  vote  as 
I  believe  the  interests  of  my  State  require  on  that  particular  meas 
ure,  without  any  regard  to  the  attitude  of  those  outgoing  States. 

During  the  stormy  months  at  the  close  of  this  Congress,  treason 
coming  to  a  head,  distrust  pervading  every  part  of  the  Govern 
ment,  many  in  confidential  positions  being  of  doubtful  loyalty, 
or  privy  to  evil  designs,  Mr.  Grimes  was  associated  with  several 


1861.]  A  SENATOR   OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  139 

o-entlemen  in  an  effort  to  have  persons  of  traitorous  intent,  in 
the  public  service  or  elsewhere,  sifted  out  and  marked,  with  an 
eye  to  the  national  safety  in  the  trouble  that  threatened.  The 
Superintendent  of  Police  of  the  City  of  New  York  and  skilled 
detectives  were  employed  and  kept  upon  watch  at  Baltimore, 
"Washington,  and  other  places,  who  reported  to  Mr.  Grimes  the 
actual  position  of  doubtful  persons,  and  the  plots  and  conspira 
cies  they  unearthed.  Contrary  to  his  principles  as  was  a  system 
of  surveillance  and  espionage,  but  possessing  a  remarkable 
power  of  worming  men's  secrets  out  of  them,  with  an  air  of 
calmness  and  unconcern  such  as  Napoleon  attributed  to  his 
minister  of  police,  he  was  called  at  this  juncture  to  act  as  a 
sort  of  Fouche  for  the  Government,  in  the  interest  of  the  in 
coming  Administration.  Under  his  direction  this  delicate  and 
responsible  service  was  performed,  without  trenching  upon  pro 
priety,  without  injustice  to  any  one,  with  acknowledged  advan 
tage  to  public  order,  and  with  such  skill  and  caution  as  com 
manded  respect,  and  obviated  suspicion  or  offense. 

§  2.— In  the  Thirty -seventh  Congress.— 1861-1863. 

Mr.  Grimes  was  in  his  place  in  the  Senate  at  the  Special 
Session,  March  4th,  and  on  the  last  day  of  the  session,  March 
28th,  expressed  his  full  agreement  with  the  sentiment  of  a  reso 
lution,  offered  by  Mr.  Trumbull,  that  the  true  way  to  preserve 
the  Union  was  to  enforce  the  laws,  and  that  it  was  the  duty  of 
the  President  to  protect  the  public  property  in  all  the  States. 

After  the  attack  on  Fort  Sumter,  April  12th,  and  the  Presi 
dent's  call  for  troops,  April  14th,  he  was  requested  to  go  to 
Washington  in  behalf  of  the  Iowa  soldiers,  by  Governor  Kirk- 
wood.  At  Annapolis  he  found  a  military  force  occupying  the 
grounds  of  the  Naval  Academy.  He  proceeded  with  a  naval 
officer  to  Washington,  visited  the  Secretary  of  War  and  the 
Secretary  of  the  Navy,  before  either  was  out  of  bed  in  the 
morning,  secured  orders  for  a  temporary  transfer  of  the  Academy 
to  Fort  Adams,  Newport,  and  saw  the  students  embark  on  the 
ship  Constitution. 


140  LIFE   OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1861. 

56. — To  Hon.   William  P.  Fessenden,  Portland,  Maine. 

BURLINGTON,  May  12,  1861. 

I  have  just  received  your  note  of  the  9th  inst.,  inclosing  one  to 
your  son,  which  I  reinclose  to  you.  I  returned  from  Washington 
last  Monday  in  the  night,  whither  I  went  at  the  instance  of  our 
State  authorities,  and  found  that  Frank  had  been  here  and  left, 
remaining  but  one  day,  and  that  he  spent  at  the  tavern.  Mrs.  G. 
says  she  tried  to  induce  him  to  remain,  and  to  make  our  house  his 
home,  but  he  had  his  head  full  of  the  army,  and  was  in  a  great  hur 
ry  to  get  away.  I  am  sorry  that  he  did  not  remain  a  little  longer, 
that  we  might  have  seen  more  of  him. 

It  is  quite  evident  to  my  mind  that  this  great  rebellion  is  to  be 
suppressed ;  but,  in  the  effort,  it  occurs  to  me  that  we  are  about  to 
encourage  precedents  that  will  be  very  dangerous  to  the  rights  of 
the  States,  and  to  the  liberties  of  the  people.  This  attempt  of  Mr. 
Lincoln  to  add  ten  legions  to  the  regular  standing  army,  each  le 
gion  to  equal  in  size  three  regiments,  without  any  authority  of  law, 
and  against  law,  is  the  most  extraordinary  assumption  of  power 
that  any  President  has  attempted  to  exercise.  Our  ancestors  were 
so  jealous  of  executive  power  that  they  refused  to  allow  the  Presi 
dent  to  call  even  the  militia  into  service  for  a  period  exceeding 
thirty  days  after  the  assembling  of  the  next  ensuing  session  of 
Congress.  Mr.  Lincoln  is  not  content  with  violating  that  law,  and 
calling  for  volunteers  for  three  years,  making  them  in  effect  a  stand 
ing  army  subject  to  his  will,  but  he  goes  away  beyond  that,  and 
more  than  doubles  the  standing  army,  and  issues  commissions  to 
officers  which  are  not  authorized  by  law.  Where  is  this  to  stop  ? 
Will  he  be  content  with  ten  legions  ?  If  so,  will  the  next  Presi 
dent  ?  What  do  you  think  of  this  thing  ?  I  do  not  wish  to  oppose 
the  Administration,  but  I  will  -not  support  such  a  measure. 

57. —  To  Hon.   W.  P.  Fessenden,  Portland,  Maine. 

BURLINGTON,  June  6,  1861. 

The  whole  action  of  the  President  in  regard  to  the  volunteers 
the  blockade,  etc.,  has  been  unconstitutional,  but  I  am  willing  to 
overlook  that,  dangerous  as  it  may  be.  But  I  cannot  and  will  not 
agree  that  he  shall  be  permitted  to  remodel  the  army,  more  than 
double  its  size,  and  appoint  nine  hundred  new  officers,  without  any 
authority  of  law,  and  without  the  slightest  justification  in  the  con- 


1861.]  A  SENATOR  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES. 

dition  of  the  country.  I  say,  condition  of  the  country  ;  by  that  I 
mean,  that  the  country  demanded  immediate  troops,  if  any  at  all> 
and  they  could  only  be  secured  by  volunteering.  Do  you  know 
that,  while  we  are  paying  the  officers  of  the  new  regiments  their 
salaries,  there  are  not  so  many  men  as  there  are  officers  ?  While 
four  hundred  thousand  volunteers  have  rallied  to  our  standard? 
there  have  not  been  fifteen  hundred  men  recruited  for  the  regular 
army.  These  new  regiments  cannot  be  got  ready  for  the  field 
for  a  year  yet,  and  then  they  will  be  raw  men,  no  better  than  volun 
teers.  They  say  we  shall  want  them  when  the  war  shall  be  over. 
Well,  who  is  to  judge  of  that,  the  President  or  Congress  ?  Was  it 
not  possible  to  watt  until  the  4th  of  July,  to  let  the  constitutional 
authority  speak  on  that  subject  ?  The  precedent  is  the  thing  that 
troubles  me.  Will  it  not  justify  the  next  President  in  doing  the 
same  thing,  and  if  so, how  extensive  must  the  insurrection  be  that 
will  justify  him  ?  Where  is  this  thing  to  stop  ?  I  see  conscription 
and  direct  taxes  in  the  future.  I  shall  be  the  only  man  in  the 
Senate  who  will  vote  against  the  increase  of  the  standing  army. 

58.— To  Mrs.   Grimes. 

HILLSBOBOTJGH,  N.  H.,  June  23,  1861. 

You  cannot,  perhaps,  comprehend  the  depression  of  my  spirits 
while  I  am  here.  I  feel  as  though  I  were  spending  my  time  among 
the  tombs,  and  long  to  have  the  morning  come  that  I  may  start 
away.  All  about  me  are  memorials  of  the  past,  mementoes  of  friends 
lost,  and  very  few  cheerful  faces  known  to  me.  People  are  as  much 
excited  about  the  war  in  this  region  as  elsewhere.  Every  one  asks 
me,  when  will  a  battle  take  place,  and  when  will  the  war  cease,  as 
though  I  knew  any  more  on  the  subject  than  others.  I  am  just 
going  to  church  ;  I  know  that  information  will  please  you. 

The  following  correspondence  of  a  later  date  explains  an  in 
cident  of  this  period,  and  his  practical  action  with  reference  to 
slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia. 

To  Hon.  J.  W.  Grimes. 

SENATE-CHAMBEB,  February  20, 1868. 

In  reflecting  over  some  of  the  earlier  incidents  of  the  rebellion, 
I  call  to  mind  a  circumstance  in  connection  with  yourself  with  great 
interest  and  satisfaction.  By  the  law  and  the  custom  of  the  Dis- 


14:2  LIFE  OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1861. 

trict  of  Columbia  a  large  number  of  escaped  slaves  were  incarce 
rated  in  the  jails  of  the  city  of  Washington.  To  these  were  added 
a  large  number  of  free  men  confined  on  suspicion  of  being  fugitive 
slaves,  through  a  superserviceable  zeal  for  slavery  on  the  part  of 
the  local  authorities.  In  calling  my  attention  to  this  fact  you  por 
trayed  the  hopeless  condition  of  the  slaves,  and  the  helpless  plight 
of  the  free  men.  The  former  could  only  look  forward  to  the  lash 
for  daring  to  seek  liberty,  the  latter  were  bound  to  serve  a  period 
after  their  freedom  was  legally  established,  in  violation  of  every 
principle  of  justice,  and  in  contempt  of  every  instinct  of  generosity. 

The  result  of  our  interview  was,  that  we  determined  on  a  gen 
eral  jail-delivery  by  military  authority.  On  the  3d  of  July,  1861, 
I  think,  this  conversation  took  place.  It  ended  by  your  undertak 
ing  the  work,  and  my  signing  an  order  for  the  enlargement  of  all 
such  prisoners  on  the  day  following,  July  4,  1861.  It  gratifies  me 
to  remember  that  in  the  execution  of  this  order  you  did  no  violence 
to  the  proverbial  promptness  of  military  law. 

As  the  historical  interest  of  fixing  the  date  of  the  first  act  of 
practical  emancipation  increases  and  may  yet  become  a  subject  of 
controversy,  I  would  be  obliged  if  you  will  give  me  such  facts  in 
connection  with  this  incident  as  may  yet  retain  a  place  in  your 
memory.  Your  friend, 

SIMON  CAMEBON. 

The  following  draft  of  a  reply  was  found  among  Mr. 
Grimes' s  papers : 

59. — To  Hon.  Simon  Cameron. 

WASHINGTON,  February  22,  1868. 

I  remember  very  distinctly  the  circumstance  referred  to  in  your 
letter  of  the  20th  instant,  now  before  me. 

In  March,  1861,  I  was  appointed  chairman  of  the  Senate  Dis 
trict  of  Columbia  Committee,  and  felt  it  to  be  my  duty  to  inform 
myself  of  the  condition  of  the  public  institutions  of  the  District 
by  personal  inspection,  as  well  as  by  an  examination  of  the  official 
reports  of  those  in  immediate  charge  of  them.  Upon  visiting  the 
jail,  I  found  a  large  number  of  colored  persons  detained  there  ;  some 
for  safe  keeping  at  the  instance  of  those  who  claimed  to  own  them, 
some  on  the  ground  that  they  were  supposed  to  have  escaped  from 
their  masters,  though  there  was  no  evidence  of  that  fact;  and  some 


1861.]  A  SENATOR   OF  THE  UNITED   STATES.  143 

because  of  alleged  acts  of  insubordination  to  their  masters  or  mis 
tresses.  In  a  word,  I  found  that  the  jail,  perverted  from  the  uses 
for  which  it  was  erected,  was  being  used  for  private  purposes,  and 
as  a  means  of  oppression. 

Public  sentiment  was  not  at  that  time  sufficiently  advanced  to 
justify  an  appeal  to  Congress  with  any  prospect  of  success,  and,  as 
the  District  of  Columbia  was  under  martial  law,  I  appealed  to  you. 
You  at  once,  as  Secretary  of  War,  directed  an  officer  of  the  Army 
to  proceed  with  me  to  the  jail,  and  set  all  captives  of  the  above 
description  free,  and  from  that  time  forward  the  jail  has  been  used 
only  for  legitimate  purposes.  I  cannot  recollect  the  precise  date  at 
which  this  was  done,  save  that  it  occurred  in  1861,  and  before  the 
subject  of  the  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia  had 
been  taken  into  consideration  by  Congress. 

Mr.  Grimes  was  in  his  seat  at  the  assembling  of  Congress, 
July  4th.  Knowing  how  fiery  and  resolute  were  the  master 
spirits  of  the  rebellion,  he  advocated  a  definite  war  policy  and 
the  prompt  and  vigorous  prosecution  of  the  war.  Counseling  the 
concentration  of  all  the  forces  of  the  nation  upon  this  object, 
and  the  discontinuance  meanwhile  of  appropriations  for  other 
things,  he  said,  for  instance,  with  reference  to  the  Coast  Survey : 

Many  of  the  officers  are  receiving  their  salaries  to  keep  them 
ready  for  prosecuting  the  work  at  some  future  time.  I  want  those 
gentlemen  to  have  an  opportunity  to  leave  their  present  business, 
and  that  they  shall  not  be  kept  at  our  expense  without  employment. 
Let  them  go  into  the  Army  or  the  Navy,  and  render  the  services 
we  have  a  right  to  expect  under  the  circumstances.  I  want  to 
show  to  the  country,  that  while  we  are  appropriating  one  hundred 
and  seventy-nine  million  dollars  in  one  bill  (for  the  Army)  there 
is  a  little  evidence  of  a  disposition  to  curtail  expenses  somewhere 
else.  I  have  been  told  that  in  order  to  keep  up  the  Coast  Survey, 
for  which  we  appropriated  nearly  half  a  million  of  money,  the  forces 
have  been  transferred  to  the  lakes ;  -but  I  do  not  think  we  have  the 
means  for  it  now,  and  therefore  I  wish  that  that  money  may  be  di 
verted  to  another  channel,  and  used  for  the  energetic  prosecution 
of  the  war. 

He  was  a  close  observer  of  every  military  and  naval  move 
ment,  and  of  the  skill  and  prowess  of  different  commanders.  A 


144  LIFE  OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1861. 

fine  judge  of  official  capacity,  and  quick  to  detect  incompetency, 
he  wanted  to  see  inefficient  officers  retired,  and  men  of  ability 
and  skill  placed  in  important  commands,  irrespective  of  rank  or 
grade.  His  advice  and  counsel  aided  in  putting  forward  a  num 
ber  of  naval  commanders,  who  became  illustrious  for  their  ex 
ploits.  Speaking  of  the  Navy,  he  said,  July  31st : 

It  is  confessedly  the  fact  that  the  younger  officers  are  better 
educated,  are  more  scientific  than  the  older  ones.  There  are  men 
in  your  lieutenants'  rank  who  possess  more  information  in  regard 
to  the  science  of  gunnery  than  your  older  captains.  Why  not 
avail  yourselves  of  the  information  and  scientific  skill  they  possess  ? 
There  are  lieutenants  to-day  in  command  of  some  of  your  largest 
steamships.  Why  not  avail  yourselves  of  their  ability,  integrity, 
and  capacity  ?  I  do  not  believe  in  the  Army  or  the  Navy  being 
controlled  as  a  close  corporation  for  the  benefit  of  any  particular 
rank.  It  is  for  the  interest  of  the  country  that  the  best  talent  in 
each  of  these  grades  should  be  put  into  service. 

Jealous  from  long  conviction  of  an  increase  of  the  standing 
army,  Mr.  Grimes  felt  that  the  proper  reliance  for  the  defense 
of  the  country  was  upon  volunteers.  He  said,  July  15th : 

There  is  not  a  man  in  this  Senate  who  will  go  before  me  in  a 
disposition  and  in  an  anxiety  to  furnish  to  the  President  every 
means  in  the  power  of  this  body  to  put  down  this  very  causeless  and 
wicked  rebellion ;  but  I  do  not  believe  that  by  the  creation  of  these 
eleven  regiments  we  put  any  power  in  his  hands.  Men  do  not 
wish  to  enlist  into  the  regular  service.  You  lack  several  thousand 
of  as  many  as  you  are  authorized  to  have  in  your  old  regiments,  and 
yet  undertake  to  raise  another  regular  service  to  the  extent  of 
twenty-four  thousand  men,  and  to  fasten  that  upon  the  country 
as  a  permanent  standing  army.  I  see  it  stated  that  the  week  be 
fore  last,  in  New  York,  where  are  the  headquarters  of  the  Eleventh 
Regiment,  and  where  are  between  forty  and  fifty  officers  in  recruit 
ing  stations,  the  whole  number  of  men  recruited  for  six  days  was 
twelve — two  men  to  a  day.  If,  instead  of  sending  forty  men,  you 
had  sent  one  man,  and  called  for  volunteers,  in  the  name  of  the 
United  States,  instead  of  twelve  men,  you  would  have  had  twelve 
thousand. 


1861.J  A  SENATOR   OF  THE  UNITED   STATES.  H5 

An  argument  urged  here  is,  that  we  need  a  larger  standing  army. 
I  do  not  believe  it.  I  cannot  sympathize  in  that  argument.  I  be 
lieve,  with  my  ancestors,  that  standing  armies  are  hostile  in  their 
tendency  and  effect  on  republican  government ;  that  they  are  pro 
vocative  of  wars ;  and  I  am  not  willing  to  say  to  the  people  of  my 
section  of  the  country  that  they  are  hereafter  to  support  a  larger 
standing  army  than  that  which  is  now  authorized.  I  am  willing  to 
vote  all  the  volunteers  that  may  be  necessary;  I  am  willing  to  as 
sist  in  making  these  regiments  into  volunteer  regiments ;  but  never 
into  regiments  of  a  standing  army.  It  is  said  that  a  proper  force 
last  fall,  in  the  hands  of  proper  men,  would  have  prevented  all  this 
trouble.  Now,  my  conviction  is  that  if  we  had  had  a  standing  army 
last  winter  to  the  extent  of  seventy  thousand  men  in  this  country, 
under  the  command  of  the  then  Secretary  of  War,  the  present  Presi 
dent  of  the  United  States  would  never  have  been  inaugurated  in 
the  office  which  he  now  holds.  I  want  the  yeas  and  nays.  I  want 
to  record  my  name  against  the  permanent  increase  of  the  standing 
army. 

The  Navy  was  Mr.  Grimes's  favorite  arm  of  service.  He  made 
himself  familiar  with  its  entire  organization,  and  with  all  its  oper 
ations,  and  knew  the  rank  and  rate  of  every  officer  and  ship. 
Though  representing  an  interior  State,  not  directly  interested 
in  the  commerce  and  manufactures  of  the  seaboard,  he  believed 
the  Navy  the  right  arm  of  the  public  defense,  that  it  would  be 
as  efficient  as  the  Army  in  the  present  troubles,  and  that  it  was 
destined  to  become  of  much  more  consequence  to  the  nation. 
He  was  the  first  member  of  the  Senate  to  suggest  the  introduc 
tion  of  iron-clad  vessels  into  the  Navy,  and  to  bring  the  atten 
tion  of  the  country  to  the  subject.  He  brought  in  a  bill  for  the 
construction  of  armored  ships,  July  19th.  The  following  re 
marks  show  his  habits  of  observation  and  inquiry  : 

It  so  happens  that  for  two  or  three  years  I  have  read  every 
thing  I  have  seen  or  come  across  on  the  subject  of  iron-clad  ships, 
and  on  my  way  hither  sought  all  the  information  I  could  in  New 
York  and  Brooklyn.  The  experiments  in  France,  in  England,  and 
in  this  country,  have  demonstrated  that,  however  valueless  or  valu 
able  armored  ships  may  be  as  cruisers,  they  certainly  are  destined 


146  LIFE   OF  JAMES  W.   GKIMES.  [1861. 

to  be  valuable  for  the  defense  of  harbors.  This  is  the  opinion  of 
the  scientific  men  in  this  country  and  in  Europe.  In  case  a  conflict 
with  some  foreign  power  might  grow  out  of  our  present  complica 
tions,  it  would  be  very  important  that  the  Government  should  have 
the  power  to  construct  floating  batteries  for  the  defense  of  our  har 
bors,  that  could  take  position  anywhere  to  resist  the  fleet  of  an 
enemy. 

In  the  Assistant  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  Hon.  G.  Y.  Fox. 
he  found  a  gentleman  of  signal  ability,  intent  upon  public  duty, 
possessing,  after  nineteen  and  a  half  years'  service  in  the  Navy, 
thorough  insight  into  naval  affairs,  and  who  had  been  long 
enough  in  civil  life  to  be  clear  of  the  jealousies  and  entangle 
ments  from  which  the  naval  profession  is  not  exempt.  Between 
Mr.  Grimes  and  Mr.  Fox  a  mutual  confidence  was  at  once  estab 
lished.  Through  the  war,  during  the  sessions  of  Congress,  they 
were  in  the  habit  of  meeting  for  consultation  in  Mr.  Grimes's 
parlor,  at  least  three  times  a  week,  when  all  naval  matters  of 
every  description  were  discussed  and  settled.  Mr.  Grimes  had 
himself  a  large  naval  correspondence.  All  the  diverse  views 
gathered  from  all  sides,  naval  and  political,  he  would  carry  in 
his  head,  bring  them  forth,  force  the  Secretary  to  an  opinion, 
and  after  full  discussion  he  would  sum  up  in  his  clear,  concise, 
common-sense  way.  The  next  day  he  would  present  the  whole 
matter  before  the  Senate,  in  a  little  more  elaborate  but  in  the 
same  truth-convincing  manner.  No  one  could  answer  him,  and 
finally  both  sides  accepted  his  statements  as  the  end  of  the  whole 
matter.  Every  measure,  great  or  small,  connected  with  the 
Navy,  from  July,  1861,  until  Mr.  Fox  left  for  Kussia,  had  this 
discussion.  There  was  no  disposition  of  important  commands 
that  was  not  a  matter  of  consultation  with  him. 

60.— To  Mrs.  Grimes. 

WASHINGTON,  July  22,  1861. 

Yesterday  I  was  on  the  field  of  battle.  No  one  can  have  a 
proper  conception  of  its  horror.  Our  army  was  totally  routed,  with 
immense  destruction  of  life  on  both  sides.  I  was  not  much  ex 
posed,  except  to  capture,  Avhich  I  escaped  by  less  than  a  minute. 
I  have  witnessed  the  .last  battle-field,  certainly  the  last  I  shall  visit 


1861.]  A  SENATOR  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  147 

voluntarily.     I  cannot  picture  its  horrible  details,  but  will  tell  you 
of  them,  if  I  can. 

July  %$th. — The  enemy's  pickets  are  close  upon  us,  but  we  have 
no  fears  of  what  the  result  is  to  be.  Our  new  general  is  here,  and 
inspires  great  confidence.  Would  that  we  had  the  same  confidence 
in  some  of  the  members  of  the  cabinet ! 

61.— To  Mrs.   Grimes. 

WASHINGTON,  August  4,  1861. 

I  am  happy  to  say  that  we  shall  adjourn  in  two  days.  I  am  on 
a  select  committee  to  investigate  the  causes  of  the  loss  of  the 
Norfolk  and  Pensacola  Navy-Yards,  and  Harper's  Ferry  Arsenal, 
which  will  sit  in  the  recess,  and  that  possibly  may  detain  me  a  day 
or  two,  but  I  hope  not.  It  will  compel  me,  however,  to  leave  home 
again  in  October.  The  city  is  now  under  the  most  rigid  military 
discipline,  and  perfect  order  prevails  everywhere.  All  have  un 
bounded  confidence  in  General  McClellan.  There  are  about  eighty 
thousand  troops  in  the  vicinity. 

John  Grimes  is  getting  well.  He  was  blistered  and  dosed  to 
his  heart's  content.  His  trouble  was  the  shock  of  a  large  Minie- 
ball,  which  struck  him  in  the  chest,  and  knocked  him  over.  The 
concussion,  and  going  two  entire  days  without  food  or  sleep,  and  the 
last  one  in  a  drenching  rain,  caused  a  sort  of  haemorrhage  of  the 
lungs.  His  officers  say  he  behaved  very  gallantly.  He  did  not 
shrink  from  any  part  of  his  duty,  was  the  last  to  come  in,  and 
brought  with  him,  alone,  the  remnant  of  the  battalion  of  marines. 

I  hope  to  see  you  soon,  and  I  long  to  have  the  day  come.  This 
congressional  life  is  poor  business — taking  one  away  from  all  he 
loves,  and  that  can  make  him  happy.  I  have  a  great  many  things 
to  tell  you  about  the  battle. 

62.— To  J.  H.  Gear,  W.  F.  CoolbaugJi,  A.  W.  Carpenter,  Joshua  Copp,  J.  G. 
Foote,  and  other  Citizens  of  Burlington. 

BURLINGTON,  August  17, 1861. 

I  have  received  your  favor  of  the  15th  instant,  in  which  you  con 
gratulate  me  upon  my  return  to  the  State,  and  invite  me  to  address 
the  people  of  this  city,  at  such  time  and  place  as  I  may  designate, 
on  the  important  questions  now  before  the  country,  involving  the 
existence  of  the  Government. 


148  LIFE   OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1861. 

I  appreciate,  as  I  ought,  the  kind  feeling  that  prompted  this  invita 
tion,  and  return  you  my  sincere  thanks  for  it.  I  would  address  you 
at  any  time  and  at  any  place,  if  I  supposed  I  could  communicate  a 
particle  of  information  not  already  in  the  possession  or  within  the 
reach  of  every  citizen  of  the  State.  I  could  only  say  in  many  words, 
what  I  now  say  in  a  few,  that  it  seems  to  me  that  there  is  no  safe 
alternative  before  us,  but  to  give  a  firm  and  ardent  support  to  the 
Government  in  its  attempt  to  put  down  insurrection  and  rebellion. 
More  than  any  State  in  this  Confederacy,  Iowa  should  resist  the  pre 
tended  right  of  a  State  to  secede  from  it.  Our  position  in  the  centre 
of  the  continent,  without  foreign  commerce,  dependent  upon  other 
States  for  our  markets  and  for  our  means  for  transportation  to  reach 
them,  would  soon,  if  the  right  to  destroy  the  Union  by  the  secession 
of  the  States  be  conceded,  place  us  in  the  character  of  a  dependent 
and  conquered  province.  We  need,  and  must  have,  at  whatever 
cost,  a  permanent  government  and  unrestricted  access  to  the  Atlantic 
Ocean  and  to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico.  There  must  be  no  foreign  soil 
between  us  and  our  markets. 

As  one  of  the  Representatives  of  Iowa  in  the  Federal  Congress,  I 
have  sought  to  give  expression  by  my  votes  to  what  I  believe  to  be 
the  opinions  of  the  people  of  the  State,  and  have  uniformly  voted 
all  the  men,  money,  ships,  and  supplies,  that  were  asked  for.  In 
doing  so,  I  have  not  only  expressed  what  I  believed  to  be  their 
wishes,  but  I  have  acted  upon  my  own  convictions  of  duty.  I  shall 
continue  to  do  so  until  this  unholy  war  shall  be  brought  to  a  success 
ful  conclusion. 

The  public  debt  that  this  war  will  impose  upon  us  will  appall 
some  and  perhaps  dampen  the  patriotism  of  some.  Most  erroneous 
impressions,  however,  seem  to  prevail  as  to  the  magnitude  of  our 
present  indebtedness,  and  that  which  we  are  likely  to  create.  The 
entire  public  indebtedness  of  this  country  on  the  6th  instant,  the  day 
Congress  adjourned,  was  a  hundred  and  eleven  million  dollars,  most 
of  which  was  inherited  from  the  preceding  Administration,  and  the 
estimated  expenses  of  the  next  year,  for  military,  naval,  and  civil  pur 
poses,  were  less  than  three  hundred  million  dollars,  less  than  the  an 
nual  expenses  of  Great  Britain  in  a  time  of  profound  peace.  In  con 
nection  with  the  aggregate  of  these  two  sums  let  us  remember  that 
England  paid  eight  thousand  five  hundred  million  dollars  to  carry 
on  her  wars  with  the  first  Napoleon.  She  was  contending  for  her 


1861.]  A  SENATOR   OF  THE  UNITED   STATES.  149 

commercial  rights,  and  the  result  showed  that  her  money  was  well 
expended:  we  are  not  only  contending  for  our  commercial  rights, 
but  we  seek  to  uphold  and  perpetuate  the  best  Government  ever 
known  among  men. 

Foreigners  call  us,  with  great  truth,  the  most  impatient  people 
on  the  earth.  This  natural  impatience  is  greatly  increased  by  our 
present  troubles.  We  all  want  peace  restored  and  business  revived, 
and  most  of  us  believe  that  a  permanent  peace  can  only  be  estab 
lished  by  the  victorious  arms  of  our  soldiers.  Our  anxieties  in  this 
regard  are  very  liable  to  cause  us  to  do  great  injustice  to  the  Gov 
ernment  and  to  ourselves  also.  We  clamor  for  victories,  forgetting 
that  the  most  thorough  preparation  is  necessary  to  achieve  them. 
We  forget  the  condition  of  the  country  four  months  ago,  and  ask 
that  that  shall  be  done  in  a  week  which  requires  months  of  arduous 
labor  to  perform.  Very  few  fully  appreciate  the  difficulties  by 
which  the  President  of  the  United  States  found  himself  surrounded, 
when  he  assumed  power  on  the  4th  of  March  last.  Many  of  the 
Executive  Departments  had  recently  been  under  the  control  of  trai 
tors.  The  army  had  been  dispersed  and  demoralized,  and  many  of 
the  most  trusted  and  prominent  officers  were  disloyal.  Our  vessels- 
of-war  were  scattered  upon  foreign  and  remote  stations.  The 
Departments  were  full  of  spies  and  traitors.  The  public  armories 
had  been  plundered  and  their  contents  delivered  to  the  rebels.  The 
President  was  without  an  army,  without  a  navy,  without  arms  or 
munitions  of  war,  and  with  enemies  within  and  without.  Tn  this 
condition  of  things,  and  after  an  almost  uninterrupted  peace  of  fifty 
years,  he  was  called  upon  to  organize  in  a  few  weeks  five  armies, 
each  of  them  larger  than  any  that  had  ever  been  marshaled  on  this 
continent,  and  to  improvise  a  navy  with  which  to  blockade  a  coast 
greater  in  extent  than  that  which  England  was  unable  to  blockade 
with  more  than  four  hundred  vessels-of-war  in  1812-'14.  That  there 
have  been  mistakes  committed  in  the  selection  of  agents  and  officers 
cannot  be  denied,  but,  that  there  has  been  any  lack  cf  energy  or  of 
devotion  to  the  cause  of  the  country,  it  seems  to  me  that  no  fair 
man  who  examines  the  subject  will  assert.  Few  persons  compre 
hend  all  the  labor,  the  time,  and  the  perplexities  involved  in  furnish 
ing  clothing,  arms,  transportation,  stores  and  pay  for  four  hundred 
and  fifty  thousand  men,  and  in  purchasing  or  building,  manning, 

arming,  and  equipping  two  hundred  vessels-of-war  by  a  Government 
11 


150  LIFE   OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1861. 

whose  credit  was  impaired,  whose  armories  had  been  destroyed,  and 
whose  munitions  of  war  had  been  stolen,  and  to  do  all  this  in  the 
space  of  three  months. 

It  becomes  us  to  be  hopeful  and  patient,  bearing  in  mind  that 
the  authorities  in  Washington  are  resolved  that  their  preparation 
for  the  conflict  shall  correspond  with  the  magnitude  of  the  conspir 
acy  they  are  compelled  to  encounter. 

You  say,  gentlemen,  that  you  address  me  without  distinction  of 
party,  and  I  find  among  the  signatures  appended  to  your  letter  the 
names  of  many  to  whom  I  have  always  been  politically  opposed. 
Permit  me  to  say  that  the  time  has  arrived  when  I  am  anxious  to 
forget  all  party  names,  and  party  platforms,  and  party  organizations, 
and  to  unite  with  anybody  and  everybody  in  an  honest,  ardent,  and 
patriotic  support  of  the  Government — not  as  a  party  Government 
with  a  Republican  at  its  head,  but  as  the  national  Government,  or 
dained  by  and  for  the  benefit  of  the  whole  people  of  the  country. 

63. — To  A.   C.  Barnes,  Albia,  Monroe  County,  Iowa. 

BURLINGTON,  September  16,  1861. 

Your  letter  of  the  13th  instant,  in  which  you  say,  "  Ever  since 
Breckinridge  made  his  treasonable  speeches  in  the  United  States 
Senate,  it  is  being  constantly  reiterated  that  President  Lincoln  has 
violated  the  Constitution,  and,  as  evidence  of  the  fact,  it  is  asserted 
that  the  Senate  refused  to  ratify  his  acts ;  "  and  in  which  you  ask 
me  "  to  state  whether  the  charge  that  Congress  did  refuse  to  sustain 
the  acts  of  the  President  is  true  or  not,"  has  come  duly  to  hand. 

By  referring  to  the  "  Acts  and  Resolutions  passed  at  the  First 
Session  of  the  Thirty-seventh  Congress,"  page  89,  section  3  of  Act 
LVIIL,  a  copy  of  which  I  send  you,  you  will  observe  that  it  is  enacted 
"  that  all  the  acts,  proclamations,  arid  orders  of  the  President  of  the 
United  States,  after  the  four.th  of  March,  eighteen  hundred  and  six 
ty-one,  respecting  the  Army  and  Navy  of  the  United  States,  and  call 
ing  out  or  relating  to  the  militia  or  volunteers  from  the  States,  are 
hereby  approved,  and  in  all  respects  legalized  and  made  valid,  to 
the  same  intent  and  with  the  same  effect  as  if  they  had  been  issued 
and  done  under  the  previous  express  authority  and  direction  of  the 
Congress  of  the  United  States." 

This  section  ratifies  and  confirms,  to  the  fullest  possible  extent, 
all  the  acts  of  the  President  that  needed  or  that  were  susceptible 


1861.]  A  SENATOR  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  151 

of  ratification,  and  was  adopted  by  the  vote  of  every  Republican 
and  loyal  Democratic  member  of  the  Senate  present.  So  far  as  I 
am  informed,  I  believe  it  was  all  the  confirmation  of  the  acts  of  the 
President  that  he  either  expected  or  desired. 

I  know  it  is  urged  by  some,  but  mostly,  if  not  entirely,  by  those 
who  are  opposed  to  the  vigorous  prosecution  of  the  present  war, 
that  it  was  also  necessary  to  confirm  the  acts  of  the  President  sus 
pending,  in  some  cases,  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus.  It  must  be  ap 
parent,  I  think,  to  every  one  who  will  reflect  upon  the  subject,  that 
to  have  attempted  such  confirmation  would  be  to  inferentially  admit 
that,  as  commander-in-chief  of  the  Army  and  Navy  of  the  United 
States,  the  President  had  no  power  to  suspend  the  operation  of  that 
writ  without  congressional  authority.  Very  few,  if  any,  loyal  mem 
bers  of  Congress  were  willing  to  admit  that.  They  did  not  doubt 
but  that  he  had  complete  power  in  the  premises,  and  they  chose  to 
leave  him  to  exercise  his  authority  under  the  Constitution  according 
to  his  own  judgment  and  as  the  exigencies  of  the  country  might  re 
quire.  They  did  not  believe  that  his  acts  in  this  regard  needed  con 
firmation,  and  therefore  confined  their  ratification  and  approval  to 
such  acts  as  required  legal  enactments  for  their  basis,  and  in  the 
initiation  of  which  they  had  been  anticipated  by  him. 

There  may  be  some  who  honestly  believe  that  the  Senate  refused 
to  support  the  President  because  of  their  failure  to  pass  certain 
resolutions  presented  by  Mr.  Wilson,  of  Massachusetts.  The  facts 
in  regard  to  those  resolutions  were  these:  They  were  introduced 
at  an  early  day  in  the  session,  and  were  put  aside  from  day  to  day 
to  make  room  for  what  was  considered  more  important  business, 
until  just  at  the  close  of  the  session,  when  they  had  reached  that 
stage  in  parliamentary  proceedings  when  it  was  impossible  to 
amend  them  without  unanimous  consent,  and  that  could  not  be  ob 
tained.  The  objection  urged  by  some  gentlemen  against  them  as 
they  stood  without  amendment  was,  that  they  were  improperly 
drawn,  inasmuch  as  the  phraseology  was  in  the  past  tense,  and  de 
clared  that  the  acts  of  the  President  were  legal  and  valid  when  per 
formed,  whereas,  as  they  insisted,  they  ought  to  have  declared  that 
those  acts  should  be  legal  and  valid  as  though  done  under  the  sanc 
tion  of  law.  It  was  a  question  of  grammatical  construction.  This, 
if  my  memory  serves  me  correctly,  was  the  position  of  Mr.  Sherman, 
of  Ohio,  whose  action  has  been  much  criticised  in  this  State,  as  well 


152  LIFE  OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1861. 

as  elsewhere.  He  declared  his  willingness,  nay  his  anxiety,  to  jus 
tify  and  approve  the  acts  of  the  President,  but  he  was  unwilling  to 
say  that  those  acts  were  legal  at  the  time  they  were  performed. 
Although  not  agreeing,  with  him  in  his  construction  of  the  phrase 
ology  of  the  resolutions,  it  is  due  to  him  to  say  that  no  man  in 
America  was  more  anxious  than  he  to  give  to  the  Administration 
an  honest,  hearty,  and  patriotic  support.  And,  when  the  legaliza 
tion  of  its  proceedings  was  put  in  what  he  believed  to  be  proper 
language,  he  cordially  sustained  it. 

It  was  simply  on  account  of  this  objection  in  the  minds  of  a  few 
Senators  that  the  resolutions  which  it  was  impossible  to  amend 
were  dropped,  and  the  substance  of  them  incorporated  into  a  law. 

Be  assured  that  all  these  charges  of  a  refusal  to  support  the 
Administration  by  Republican  and  loyal  Democratic  Senators  are 
devices  of  the  enemy,  and  should  only  serve  to  make  the  path  of 
duty  more  plain  before  us.  That  duty,  it  seems  to  me,  is  obvious. 
We  should  enthusiastically  rally  to  the  support  of  the  noble  and 
true  men  who  were  nominated  by  the  convention  held  at  Des 
Moines  on  the  31st  day  of  July  last.  They  are  the  representatives 
of  the  Government  in  this  crisis.  A  vote  for  them  will  be  a  vote  in 
support  of  the  Administration,  in  favor  of  the  integrity  of  the  Gov 
ernment,  and  for  peace  through  victory.  Let  us  give  to  Governor 
Kirkwood,  who,  in  the  last  six  months,  has  done  more  hard  work, 
incurred  greater  responsibilities,  and  been  more  causelessly  abused 
than  all  the  Governors  that  Iowa  ever  had,  that  cheering,  sweeping 
majority  that  his  patriotism,  his  integrity  of  purpose,  and  his  devo 
tion  to  the  true  interests  of  the  State,  so  justly  merit. 

64.— To  Hon.   W.  P.  Fessenden,  Portland,  Maine. 

BUBLINGTON,  September  19,  1861. 

Of  course,  you  are  so  terribly  oppressed  with  the  great  affairs 
of  the  finance  department  of  this  Government  as  to  be  wholly  un 
able  to  write  a  letter  to  one  of  the  outside  barbarians  in  Iowa.  I 
would  not  disturb  your  labors  or  your  repose,  if  I  did  not  deem  it 
important  to  glorify  myself  a  little  over  the  result  of  the  "  circula 
tion  Treasury-notes  "  measures,  about  the  success  of  which  those 
learned  financial  pundits,  Fessenden  and  Chase,  expressed  so  many 
doubts.  You  learn,  of  course,  as  I  do,  that  at  least  one  hundred 
thousand  dollars  of  them  can  be  floated  to  the  manifest  advantage 


1861.]  A  SENATOR  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  153 

of  the  Government,  and  to  the  immense  advantage  of  this  poor  and 
benighted  region.  If  that  pure  patriot  and  model  of  a  public  offi 
cer,  whom  you  feel  called  on  to  defend  when  aspersed,  would  call 
some  Pennsylvamans  into  the  field,  instead  of  keeping  them  all  at 
home  to  fill  army  contracts,  and  let  some  of  the  army  contracts  and 
supplies  be  furnished  here,  business  would  once  more  assume  a 
hopeful  condition,  in  the  West.  But  we  ought  not  to  complain. 
We  ought  to  console  ourselves  with  the  reflection  that  Pennsylva 
nia  furnishes  one-third  of  all  the  officers  to  the  army,  and  of  course 
this  draw  upon  her  resources  must  impair  her  ability  to  furnish 
privates. 

When  it  was  reported  that  Fremont  was  suspended,  cold  chills 
began  to  run  up  and  down  people's  backs,  they  bit  their  lips,  said 
nothing,  but  refused  to  enlist.  I  know  nothing  of  the  merits  of  the 
controversy,  but  it  is  as  evident  as  the  noonday  sun  that  the  people 
are  all  with  Fremont,  and  will  uphold  him  "through  thick  and  thin." 
.My  wife  says,  and  I  regard  her  as  a  sort  of  moral  thermometer  for 
my  guidance,  that  the  only  real  noble  and  true  thing  done  during 
this  war  has  been  his  proclamation.  Everybody  of  every  sect, 
party,  sex,  and  color,  approves  it  in  the  Northwest,  and  it  will  not 
do  for  the  Administration  to  causelessly  tamper  with  the  man  who 
had  the  sublime  moral  courage  to  issue  it. 

I  wish  you  to  understand  that  I  do  not  intend  by  this  letter  to 
impose  upon  you  the  labor  of  answering  it.  I  had  nothing  to  write 
about,  but  I  had  not  heard  from  you,  and  the  spirit  said,  "  write," 
and  I  have  written  as  the  spirit  moved.  If  my  wife  knew  that  I 
was  writing,  she  would  send  her  love ;  as  it  is,  you  must  content 
yourself  with  mine. 

65.— To  Mrs.  Grimes. 

WASHINGTON,  November  6,  1861. 

I  reached  Washington  last  night,  weary  with  the  journey,  and 
disgusted  with  what  I  heard  from  quite  authentic  sources  of  the 
course  of  the  Administration.  If  the  other  Northwestern  members 
feel  as  I  do,  there  will  be  something  more  during  the  coming  session 
than  growling  and  showing  our  teeth.  And,  from  what  I  hear,  they 
do  feel  excited  and  incensed. 

November  Wth. — I  have  just  returned  from  church.  Dr.  Chan- 
ning  preached  a  very  able,  extemporaneous,  philosophical,  abolition 


154  LIFE  OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1861. 

sermon  to  a  crowded  house — such  a  sermon  as  no  one  would  have 
dared  to  preach  in  Iowa  twelve  months  ago,  and  yet  it  was  received 
here  to-day  with  profound  attention  and  approval.  Dr.  Channing, 
in  personal  appearance,  voice,  and  manner  of  enunciation  and  de 
livery,  reminded  me  very  much  of  Jeff.  Davis.  His  voice  is  not 
strong,  he  has  Davis's  manner  of  sinking  the  last  two  or  three 
words  of  each  sentence  to  a  low  key,  his  forehead  is  high,  broad, 
and  overhanging,  and  his  face  thin  and  expressive  of  severe  men 
tal  labor  mingled  with  physical  pain.  It  is  several  years  since  I 
have  heard  any  sermon  that  compared  with  it  in  length  and  depth 
of  thought,  and  in  literary  finish.  There  is  nothing  ornate  about  his 
style,  no  figures  or  tropes,  no  husks,  all  solid  meat. 

The  society  is  greatly  enlarged,  and  I  shall  increase  it  by  one, 
for  I  have  rented  part  of  a  pew.  Rev.  John  Pierpont,  who  is  over 
eighty  years  of  age,  but  who  looks  for  all  the  world  like  a  man  of 
sixty,  was  present.  He  is  now  a  clerk  in  one  of  the  departments. 

We  hear  to-day  that  Colonel  Sumner  has  been  badly  wounded. 
Nobody  can  imagine  why  that  battle  was  fought.  It  seems  to  have 
been  one  of  those  resultless  sacrifices  of  life  of  which  we  have  had 
so  many  this  year.  There  will  be  no  battle  on  the  Potomac  this 
year ;  I  think  that  is  settled. 

66.— To  Mrs.  Grimes. 

WASHINGTON,  November  13,  1861. 

I  cannot  enlighten  you  very  much  about  Fremont.  He  has  no 
doubt  done  some  impolitic  and  some  very  foolish  things ;  but  I 
judge  from  all  I  can  learn  that  most  of  the  extravagances  with 
which  he  is  charged  were  prompted  or  perpetrated  by  or  under 
the  direction  of  General  McKinstry,  a  regular  army  officer,  who 
was  placed  by  the  Government  in  charge  of  his  department  as 
quartermaster.  Whatever  may  have  been  his  acts,  or  omissions  to 
act,  however,  there  is  no  question  in  my  mind  that  the  real  cause 
of  his  removal  was  the  proclamation  he  issued,  and  which  he  failed 
to  modify  in  accordance  with  the  President's  wishes.  That  was  the 
great  sin  for  which  he  was  punished.  The  Committee  of  the  House 
of  Representatives  appointed  to  investigate  Cameron's  alleged 
frauds  was  composed  of  Fremont's  enemies,  and  they  were  soon 
induced  to  abandon  Cameron  and  fall  upon  Fremont.  They  have 
drawn  out  all  the  ex  parte  testimony  they  could  that  was  calculated 


1861.]  A  SENATOR   OF  THE   UNITED   STATES.  155 

to  implicate  him  and  his  friends,  giving  him  no  opportunity  to  deny 
or  rebut  it  ;  and  yet  one  of  the  committee  who  is  very  virulent 
against  Fremont  told  me  yesterday  that  they  were  unable  to  trace 
the  transactions  which  they  deemed  so  exceedingly  censurable  to 
him  or  to  his  knowledge. 

67.— To  Hon.   W.  P.  Fessenden,  Portland,  Maine. 

WASHINGTON,  November  13,  1861. 

Your  letter  of  the  10th  inst.  is  at  hand,  and  your  imprudence  in 
writing  to  me  will  now  impose  upon  you  the  infliction  of  a  long 
letter. 

First,  as  to  personal  matters;  I  arn  domiciled  with  our  good 
friend,  who  seems  to  love  you  as  though  you  were  her  own  son, 
Mrs.  Chipman,  at  470  Seventh  Street.  She  fancies  that  she  can 
satisfy  you  in  the  matter  of  a  room  or  rooms,  and  unless  you  are 
exceedingly  particular  you  will  be  pleased  with  the  company. 

You  ask  me,  Who  and  what  caused  the  removal  of  Fremont  ? 
I  answer,  the  primary  cause  of  the  removal  was  his  proclamation. 
I  learn  from  a  most  authentic  source,  a  member  of  the  cabinet, 
that  before  the  Administration  would  bestow  the  appointment  of 
major-general  upon  him  a  promise  was  exacted  from  him  that  he 
would  not  be  a  candidate  for  the  presidency.  Under  that  pledge 
he  was  appointed,  and  everything  went  "  merry  as  a  marriage-bell" 
until  the  proclamation  was  issued.  When  it  appeared,  the  embryo 
Presidents  in  the  cabinet  at  once  took  the  alarm,  and  required  him 
to  modify  it.  This  he  refused  to  do,  but  published  the  President's 
modification  instead.  Then  the  war  began,  and  a  regular  conspiracy . 
was  entered  into  to  destroy  his  influence  in  the  country  and  with 
the  army,  and  finally  to  depose  him.  Every  other  day  the  report 
was  published  that  he  was  removed,  gross  charges  were  made 
against  him  that  were  wholly  unfounded  in  fact ;  his  subordinate 
generals  were  stimulated  to  disobedience,  officers  were  sent  out  to 
act  in  confidential  positions  who  were  spies  upon  his  every  act,  and 
the  select  committee  of  the  House  of  Representatives  appointed 
to  investigate  the  frauds  in  thisv  department,  almost  all  of  whom 
were  original  enemies  of  Fremont,  were  easily  and  speedily  induced 
to  let  Cameron  go,  and  begin  on  him.  Yet  with  all  their  sifting  of 
testimony,  taking  it  from  the  mouths  of  disappointed  rival  contrac 
tors  in  an  ex  parte  manner,  and  with  no  opportunity  to  rebut  it,  a 


156  LIFE   OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1861. 

member  of  the  committee  tells  me  that  they  have  been  unable  to 
bring  home  the  perpetration  or  the  cognizance  of  a  single  one  of 
the  alleged  frauds  to  General  Fremont. 

Now  you  well  know  that  I  was  not  and  am  not  a  partisan  of 
Fremont.  I  told  you  and  others  in  July  that  I  doubted  his  capacity 
for  so  extensive  a  military  command  as  was  assigned  to  him.  I 
would  never  have  made  him  a  major-general  of  the  regular  army  ; 
but,  being  one,  I  intend  to  insist  most  strenuously  and  persistently 
that  he  shall  have  complete  justice  done  him,  no  matter  what  may 
be  the  effect  upon  me.  General  Fremont  has  doubtless  done  some 
very  impolitic,  unwise,  and  extravagant  things ;  but  I  assert  and 
can  prove  that  he  has  himself  done  or  caused  to  be  done-  no  impol 
itic  or  unwise  or  extravagant  thing  that  has  not  been  vastly  exceeded 
in  these  qualities  by  the  generals  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  un 
der  the  nose  and  with  the  sanction  of  the  Administration.  The 
truth  is,  all  the  frauds  perpetrated  at  St.  Louis,  according  to  the 
testimony  before  the  committee,  were  perpetrated  by  and  under 
General  Justin  McKinstry,  an  old  officer  of  the  regular  army,  be 
longing  to  the  Quartermaster's  Department,  who  was  sent  out  to 
St.  Louis  by  the  Administration.  I  do  not  question  that  Fremont 
made  some  unfortunate  selections  of  agents :  so  has  the  Secretary 
of  War,  Mr.  Seward,  Governor  Chase,  and  it  is  shrewdly  suspected 
that  the  "  father  of  the  faithful  "  has  sinned  in  this  way.  So  much, 
and  enough  you  will  say,  of  the  Fremont  imbroglio. 

The  truth  is,  we  are  going  to  destruction  as  fast  as  imbecility, 
corruption,  and  the  wheels  of  time,  can  carry  us.  The  administration 
of  the  Treasury  has  thus  far  been  a  success,  and  Chase,  though 
accused  of  having  no  heart,  has  certainly  a  good  head.  But,  if  he 
had  in  his  person  all  of  the  elements  of  greatness,  he  would  be  ut 
terly  powerless  before  the  flood  of  corruption  that  is  sweeping  over 
the  land  and  perverting  the  moral  sense  of  the  people.  The  army 
is  in  most  inextricable  confusion,  and  is  every  day  becoming  worse 
and  worse. 

Now,  my  dear  sir,  it  is  no  flattery  to  say  that  an.  awful  responsi 
bility  must  devolve  upon  you.  If  you  determine  to  probe  the  sore 
spots  to  the  bottom,  and  that  right  shall  be  done,  we  can  inaugu 
rate  a  new  order  of  things,  and  the  country  can  be  saved.  You 
have  followers — you  can  control  the  Senate.  The  wicked  fear  you, 
and  will  flee  before  you.  But,  if  you  rest  quietly  in  your  seat,  we 


1861.]  A  SENATOR  OF  THE  UMTED  STATES.  157 

shall  go  on  from  one  enormity  to  another,  the  evil  of  to-day  will  be 
urged  as  an  apology  for  greater  evil  to-morrow,  and  the  devil  will 
be  sure  to  get  us  in  the  end,  and  that  right  speedily.  As  for  my 
self  and  my  household,  I  am  determined  to  serve  the  Lord.  I  only 
regret  that  I  have  not  the  means  to  do  the  good  for  the  country  that 
is  in  your  power. 

I  congratulate  you  upon  the  fact  that  we  now  have  a  preacher 
here  with  brains  in  his  head,  and  a  heart  in  his  bosom,  whom  it  is  a 
delight  to  hear,  Rev.  William  H.  Channing.  I  shall  expect  you  to 
be  a  constant  attendant  with  me  upon  his  ministrations. 

We  have  been  giving  the  old  commodores  an  overhauling  about 
the  Gosport  Navy- Yard.  The  result  shows  that  they  destroyed  ten 
million  dollars'  worth  of  property  in  a  mere  fright.  We  take  up 
the  Harper's  Ferry  Armory  matter  to-morrow,  and  I  presume  the 
same  result  will  be  reached. 

Everybody  here  is  jubilant  over  the  victories  at  Beaufort  and  in 
Kentucky,  both  of  the  navy  ;  for  you  must  know  that  a  navy  lieu 
tenant  commanded  in  the  battle  at  Pikeville,  and  that  it  was  an  im 
promptu  army  that  he  was  at  the  head  of;  the  Department  only  yes 
terday  declining  to  furnish  Nelson  troops,  at  the  instance  of  May- 
nard  of  Tennessee,  who  so  told  me. 

With  peculiar  pleasure  Mr.  Grimes  received  news  of  the 
success  of  the  Port  Royal  Expedition.  An  officer  wrote  to 
him  : 

U.  S.  S.  WABASH,  PORT  ROYAL,  S.  C.,  November  15,  1861. 
I  have  never  ceased  to  remember  the  faith  you  expressed  in  the 
letter  you  wrote  to  me  concerning  the  Naval  School,  that  our  ships- 
of-war  might  be  relied  on  to  do  good  work  against  the  fortifications 
of  our  enemies,  and  that  the  chief  hope  of  the  nation  would  centre 
in  iron-clad  ships-of-war  for  coast-defense.  I  therefore  think  that 
you,  as  one  of  the  navy's  best  friends,  may  be  glad  to  hear  some 
thing  from  the  squadron,  which  with  only  wooden  walls  has  reduced 
the  strongest  earthworks  in  the  South,  and  captured  a  stronghold 
for  a  loyal  army  to  rest  upon.  The  Government  had  the  wisdom 
to  put  at  our  head  the  best  man  in  the  navy  and  to  clothe  him  with 
unusual  powers.  He  chose  this  place  of  attack,  and  brought  his 
squadron  and  the  transports  under  his  protection  into  the  roads  of 
Port  Royal,  from  which  all  the  aids  of  navigation  had  been  removed. 
The  defenses  of  the  place  were  carefully  reconnoitred,  and  the  at- 


158  LIFE   OF  JAMES  W.   GEIMES.  [1861. 

tack  made  with  a  vigor  and  nerve  worthy  of  the  navy's  best  days. 
The  gallant  bearing  and  confidence  of  our  chief  inspired  us  all,  and 
we  engaged  and  silenced  the  batteries  at  a  distance  of  less  than  six 
hundred  yards.  Ifc  would  have  done  your  heart  good  to  see  the 
rapid  and  precise  fire  of  our  heavy  guns.  The  enemy  expected  to 
repulse  us,  their  works  were  carefully  and  skillfully  constructed, 
they  had  heavy  rifled  cannon,  columbiads  of  the  largest  size,  and 
all  their  cannon  were  very  heavy.  The  engagement  was  altogether 
naval  on  our  side.  The  troops,  sorely  to  their  regret,  were  unable 
to  take  any  part  in  it,  or  strike  any  blow  to  aid  us.  We  had  been 
in  possession  of  the  forts  for  several  hours  before  a  soldier  landed. 
I  am  hardly  authorized  by  our  brief  acquaintance  to  write  to  you  so 
freely,  but  I  remember  with  so  much  pleasure  our  intercourse  at 
Annapolis,  and  was  so  much  gratified  by  the  kind  letter  you  wrote 
me,  that  I  will  not  deny  myself  the  pleasure  of  rendering  to  one 
of  the  navy's  truest  champions  this  greeting  from  the  spot  so  re 
cently  reclaimed  from  secession. 

68.— To  Commodore  Samuel  F.  Du  Pont. 

WASHINGTON,  November  23, 1861. 

I  have  waited  to  learn  the  particulars  of  your  grand  achieve 
ment  at  Port  Royal,  and  could  not,  if  I  would,  any  longer  refrain 
from  congratulating  you  upon  the  splendor  of  your  success.  And 
yet  I  was  well  satisfied  before  you  sailed  that  you  would  do  precise 
ly  what  you  have  done.  I  have  never  suffered  myself  to  doubt  for 
a  moment  the  skill,  the  pluck,  and  the  devotion  of  the  navy,  and 
have  never  hesitated  to  say  always  and  everywhere  that  it  would 
be  the  right  arm  of  the  public  defense,  and  that  this  unholy  rebel 
lion  was  to  be  put  down  more  by  the  navy  than  by  the  army. 

I  need  not  say  to  you,  for  you  already  know  it,  that  your  name 
is  fast  becoming  a  household  word  all  over  the  country,  and  that 
everybody  is  striving  to  be  foremost  in  doing  you  that  honor  your 
merit  so  justly  deserves.  I  think  that  the  only  other  officers  in 
your  fleet  that  I  personally  know  are  Captain  Davis  and  the  two 
Commanders  Rodgers.  I  beg  you,  if  convenient,  to  extend  ray  con 
gratulations  to  them.  Indeed,  if  I  could,  I  would  bid  "  All  hail !  " 
to  every  man  and  boy  in  your  fleet.  Be  assured  that  no  man  re 
joices  over  your  success  more  than  I  do,  and  no  man  will  rejoice 
more  than  I  shall  over  any  future  success,  as  well  on  your  personal 


1861.]  A  SENATOR   OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  159 

account  as  on  account  of  the  glory  your  deeds  reflect  upon  the 
navy,  and  the  peace  and  unity  which  I  pray  to  God  they  may  ulti 
mately  give  to  the  country. 

Commodore  Du  Pont  wrote  in  reply  : 

W  ABASH,  PORT  EOYAL  HARBOR,  December  2,  1861. 

Your  kind  and  gratifying  letter  reached  me  yesterday.  It  was 
especially  welcome  from  a  slight  circumstance  occurring  last  sum 
mer.  I  was  in  the  Navy  Department  when  Mr.  Fox  received  a  let 
ter  from  you  from  your  Western  home,  and  he  kindly  let  me  read  it. 
It  related  to  the  Hatteras  affair,  and  contained  comments  and  sug 
gestions  in  reference  to  any  future  naval  expeditions,  which  so  im 
pressed  me  that  I  thought  of  you  immediately  after  our  success 
here  ;  but,  being  too  much  pressed  to  write  to  you,  I  requested  Cap 
tain  Raymond  Rodgers  to  do  so,  and  I  hope  his  letter  reached  }TOU, 
that  you  may  see  our  remembrance  was  mutual. 

69.— Jo  Mrs.  Grimes. 

WASHINGTON,  November  24,  1861. 

I  am  now  indebted  to  you  for  two  letters,  one  of  yesterday  and 
one  to-day ;  T  am  greatly  indebted  to  you  for  them,  and  hope  you 
will  not  fail  to  "  keep  up  the  fire."  I  heard  to-day  the  ablest  dis 
course  I  think  that  I  ever  heard.  I  wish  you  could  have  heard  it ; 
it  would  have  done  your  heart  good.  This  evening  I  have  been 
spending  with  Mr.  Channing.  He  is  a  very  pleasant  man  in  private 
as  well  as  in  public.  He  has  a  full  house  of  very  intelligent  audi 
tors,  and  there  is  no  flagging  of  interest  among  them. 

I  had  a  long  letter  from  Captain  Rodgers,  of  the  United  States 
steamer  Wabash,  giving  an  account  of  affairs  at  Port  Royal.  He  is 
one  of  the  most  accomplished  men  I  ever  met,  and  is  said  to  be  the 
best  executive  officer  in  the  navy.  You  remember  what  I  always 
told  you  about  Captain  Du  Pont.  His  success  has  answered  my 
expectations.  Captain  Porter  goes  out  shortly  in  command  of  an 
expedition  against  New  Orleans. 

Hale  and  Johnson  are  both  gone,  and  I  am  "  running  the  com 
mittee  "  *  alone. 

December  1th. — You  will  see  by  the  proceedings  of  Congress 

1  Committee  to  inquire  into  the  abandonment  and  destruction  of  the  public 
property  at  Pensacola,  Norfolk,  and  Harper's  Ferry. 


160  LIFE   OF  JAMES  W.   GKIMES.  [1861. 

that  I  am  likely  to  have  more  business  to  do  than  anybody  else ; 
for  all  the  labor  of  the  two  committees,  of  the  District  of  Columbia 
and  of  the  Navy,  falls  upon  me. 

On  the  assembling  of  Congress,  Mr.  Grimes  at  once  advo 
cated  a  searching  inquiry  as  to  the  disasters  that  had  befallen 
the  public  arms,  and  moved  the  appointment  of  a  joint  com 
mittee  of  both  Houses  on  the  Conduct  of  the  War,  December 
5th-9th.  He  said : 

The  best  interests  of  the  country,  the  reputation  of  the  coun 
try,  of  the  army  and  of  the  officers  of  the  army,  require  that  there 
should  be  some  investigation.  Let  me  tell  Senators  that  this  is  no 
new  proceeding.  Investigations  like  this  are  coeval  with  the  Gov 
ernment.  In  1790,  during  the  administration  of  Washington,  a 
grand  expedition  was  fitted  out  to  penetrate  the  Northwest,  under 
the  command  of  General  St.  Clair.  That  campaign  was  disastrous, 
and  a  resolution  was  introduced  into  the  House  of  Representatives 
to  raise  a  committee  for  investigating  the  causes  that  led  to  that 
disaster.  A  committee  was  raised,  and  in  1792  a  report  was  made 
in  response  to  that  resolution.  On  July  9,  1813,  a  resolution  was 
introduced  for  a  committee  to  inquire  into  the  causes  which  led  to 
the  multiplied  failures  of  the  arms  of  the  United  States.  At  the 
next  session  this  resolution  was  modified  and  adopted,  and  an 
investigation  was  had.  Justice  to  the  officers,  to  the  soldiers,  and 
to  the  country,  demands  that  we  should  have  some  sort  of  investi 
gation  now,  and  know  where  the  blame  does  rest  for  the  disasters 
that  have  occurred. 

The  committee  was  appointed,  Hon.  Benjamin  F.  Wade, 
chairman,  and  rendered  considerable  service  in  exposing  abuses 
and  weeding  out  incompetent  officers. 

It  was  reported  that  a  colonel  of  the  regular  army,  who  com 
manded  the  reserve  at  Bull  Run,  July  21st,  was  intoxicated  on 
that  occasion.  A  court  of  inquiry  found  that  he  was  "  drunk 
to  a  certain  extent,"  but  not  enough  to  justify  the  calling  of  a 
court-martial  for  his  trial.  Asking  for  full  information  of  the 
case,  Mr.  Grimes  remarked,  December  5th : 

It  will  be  interesting  to  learn  how  drunk  a  man  may  be  to  jus 
tify  another  in  applying  that  opprobrious  epithet  to  him,  and  yet 


1861.]  A  SENATOR  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  161 

not  drunk  enough  to  warrant  his  trial  and  removal  from  command. 
The  country,  I  think,  would  like  to  know  the  names  of  the  astute 
officers  who  composed  this  remarkable  court.  It  may  be  desirable 
to  know  the  quantity  and  frequency  of  the  prescriptions  of  brandy 
that  were '  administered  to  Colonel  Miles  that  day,  and  which  the 
court  gravely  tell  us  they  consider  as  very  slight  extenuation  of 
the  guilt  attached  to  his  condition.  Such  was  the  finding  of  the 
court  in  relation  to  the  condition  of  the  man  who,  on  the  memora 
ble  21st  of  July  last,  exercised  the  most  important  military  com 
mand  next  to  that  of  the  commanding  general  in  the  field.  Let 
the  world  know  precisely  how  great  his  guilt  was,  and  why,  if 
guilty,  he  has  neither  been  ordered  before  a  court-martial  nor 
dropped  from  the  army  list. 

The  time  when  intemperate  officers  can  be  safely  appointed  to, 
or  retained  in,  either  the  army  or  navy,  has  gone  by.  The  people 
of  this  country  are  now  too  much  in  earnest  to  quietly  endure  the 
one  or  the  other.  These  are  no  times  to  indulge  in  that  sickly  sen 
timent,  sometimes  improperly  called  kindness  of  heart,  which  is 
unwilling  to  do,  or  dares  not  do,  justice  to  the  country  by  maintain 
ing  discipline  and  sobriety  in  the  army  and  navy.  The  people  are 
unwilling  to  intrust  the  great  interests  they  have  at  stake  in  this 
conflict  into  the  hands  of  those  who  rest  even  under  the  suspicion 
of  intemperance.  They  require  the  entire  consecration  of  the  best 
energies  of  their  servants,  mental  and  physical,  to  their  cause  ;  and 
they  will  not  send  out  their  sons  to  battle  under  the  leadership  of 
officers  whose  faculties  are  benumbed  by  excessive  indulgence.  It 
is  idle  to  suppose  that  an  army  commanded  by  officers  who  indulge 
in  or  wink  at  such  habits  can  command  the  respect  and  confidence 
of  the  country,  or  that  this  great  struggle  can  be  brought  to  a  suc 
cessful  issue  under  their  guidance.  For  myself,  I  declare  that  in 
my  feeble  way  I  will  hold  up  to  the  reprehension  of  a  just  public 
sentiment  any  man,  be  he  high  or  low,  the  head  of  a  bureau,  of  a 
department,  a  commander  in  the  army,  or  the  President  himself, 
who  shall  appoint,  or  retain,  or  seek  or  connive  at  the  appointment 
or  retention  of  any  man  in  office  who  is  of  intemperate  habits. 

Mr.  Grimes  introduced  a  bill,  December  9th,  to  further  pro 
mote  the  efficiency  of  the  navy,  and  secured  its  passage  on  the 
12th.  In  explaining  its  provisions,  he  said  : 


162  LIFE   OF  JAMES  W.   GKIMES.  [1861. 

The  necessity  of  a  reform  in  the  navy,  by  which  young,  active, 
enterprising  officers  shall  be  substituted  for  the  old  and  unseawor- 
thy,  seems  to  be  admitted  by  all.  The  experience  of  every  naval 
service  in  the  world  shows  that  old  officers,  however  valuable  for 
counsel  and  shore-duty,  are  generally  incompetent  to  perform  the 
arduous  duties  of  a  captain  or  commander  of  a  fleet  in  times  of 
active  hostilities.  In  times  of  peace,  when  the  ships  have  the  full 
complement  of  a  captain,  lieutenants,  masters,  passed-midshipmen, 
and  midshipmen,  and  when  their  duty  does  not  require  them  to 
appear  upon  deck  except  when  the  sun  shines  and  the  sea  is  smooth, 
these  old  gentlemen  may  fulfill  all  the  purposes  of  their  office ;  but 
in  times  like  these,  when  the  line  of  the  service  is  so  reduced  that 
but  one  lieutenant  can  be  allowed  to  a  ship,  instead  of  five  or  six, 
as  formerly,  it  is  not  reasonable  to  expect  that  they  can  endure  all 
the  privations  and  hardships  that  their  positions  as  commanders 
would  demand  of  them.  More  is  required  of  a  naval  than  of  a 
military  commander.  The  naval  officer  must  contend  against  the 
elements  as  well  as  against  the  public  enemy.  His  command  is 
always,  to  a  great  extent,  independent  of  others  ;  and  he  must 
rely  in  a  great  measure  upon  his  own  ship  for  his  means  of  attack 
and  defense.  He  must  be  a  thorough  sailor,  a  skillful  navigator 
and  gunner ;  he  must  have  enterprise  and  courage  ;  he  must  have 
the  power  to  inspire  his  crew  with  confidence ;  and,  in  order  to 
have  these  qualifications,  he  must  have  a  clear  head  and  a  sound 
body.  Some  old  officers  possess  all  these  qualities  in  an  eminent 
degree,  and  such  will  be  recalled  to  the  service.  But  there  are 
many  who  tread  the  deck  with  a  feeble  step,  and  the  country  re 
quires  that  all  such  should  give  place  to  younger  men. 

The  bill  provides  for  the  temporary  restoration  and  employment 
of  such  old  officers  as  may  be  deemed  qualified  for  duty,  with  the 
full  pay  of  their  respective  ranks ;  and  that  any  one  of  them,  who, 
upon  the  recommendation  of  the  President,  shall  receive  a  vote  of 
the  thanks  of  Congress  for  gallantry  in  action,  may  be  restored  to 
the  active  list.  This  provision  was  intended  as  an  incentive  to 
deeds  of  noble  daring,  and  as  a  reward  for  their  performance. 

Surely  there  ought  to  be  no  objection  to  that  provision  which 
authorizes  the  President  to  select  a  flag-officer  from  the  two  highest 
grades  of  officers.  The  highest  public  interests  require  that  this 
be  allowed,  and  allowed  at  once.  The  organization  of  the  navy  at 


1862.]  A  SENATOR   OF  THE   UNITED   STATES.  163 

present  is  analogous  to  that  of  a  regiment  in  the  army  without  field- 
officers,  the  oldest  captain  commanding.  It  would  be  quite  absurd 
to  organize  a  whole  army  upon  such  a  plan,  giving  the  command  of 
it  to  that  captain  whose  birth  was  nearest  the  flood ;  yet  the  navy 
is  organized  upon  precisely  that  plan.  The  bill  now  under  consid 
eration,  if  passed  into  a  law,  will  abolish  this  hoary-headed  absurd 
ity,  and  give  to  the  President  an  opportunity  to  select  as  the  com 
manders  of  our  fleets  men  in  the  prime  of  life,  with  minds  and  bod 
ies  in  full  vigor. 

Mr.  Grimes  was  watchful  and  prompt  to  detect  and  expose 
abuses  in  every  quarter.  For  the  delay  in  prosecuting  the  war, 
lie  said,  J.anuary  7th  : 

The  Senate  is  in  a  great  degree  responsible,  not  only  on  ac 
count  of  the  political  sentiments  inculcated  by  individual  members 
in  former  sessions,  but  by  the  course  adopted  at  the  July  session, 
when  they  allowed  majors,  captains,  and  lieutenants,  to  be  elevated 
from  the  line  of  the  army,  and  put  into  positions  of  brigadier  and 
major  generals  of  volunteers.  It  is  not  in  human  nature  to  suppose 
that  they  will  be  exceedingly  anxious  to  prosecute  this  war  to  a 
conclusion,  because  when  it  is  concluded  they  will  revert  to  their 
old  positions,  and  cease  to  enjoy  the  emoluments  and  rank  of  major 
and  brigadier  generals. 

As  to  the  way  in  which  Mr.  Davis  had  managed  West 
Point  and  the  army  during  the  time  he  was  Secretary  of  War, 
Mr.  Grimes  said,  January  15,  1863  : 

We  created  two  new  cavalry  regiments  some  five  years  ago. 
Mr.  Davis  selected  his  favorites  for  the  important  offices  in  those 
regiments.  He  indoctrinated  the  officers  of  the  army  with  the  idea 
that  they  must  be  impregnated  with  his  peculiar  notions,  else  they 
could  not  have  a  favored  position  in  the  army.  The  result  was, 
that  when  this  rebellion  broke  out  the  second  cavalry  regiment, 
which  used  to  be  called  "  Davis's  Own,"  was  almost  bereft  of  offi 
cers  ;  there  was  hardly  a  man  left  in  it  in  the  grades  of  colonel, 
lieutenant-colonel,  major,  or  captain. 

As  chairman  of  the  Committee  on  the  District  of  Columbia, 
Mr.  Grimes  gave  sedulous  attention  to  the-  interests  of  the  Dis 
trict,  and  secured  appropriate  legislation  for  the  correction  of 


164:  LIFE  OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1862. 

abuses  and  the  prosperity  and  order  of  the  national  capital.     He 
said  with  reference  to  the  jail  of  the  District,  January  10,  1862  : 

I  am  not  very  fresh  in  my  reading  of  history  ;  but,  from  recol 
lection  of  the  description  of  prisons  I  have  read  of,  I  think  there 
never  was  a  place  of  confinement  that  would  compare  with  the 
Washington  Jail  as  it  was  at  the  commencement  of  the  present 
session,  except  the  French  Bastile  and  the  dungeons  of  Venice. 
The  jail  was  erected  at  the  expense  of  the  United  States  a  great 
many  years  ago,  and  was  designed  to  accommodate  forty  or  fifty 
persons.  When  I  first  visited  it  a  few  days  before  the  session  of 
Congress,  there  were  confined  in  it  two  hundred  and  eighteen  per 
sons,  "  black  spirits  and  white,  blue  spirits  and  gray  "  intermingled, 
of  all  complexions,  colors,  ages,  of  different  sexes,  and  without  any 
particular  classification  as  to  offenses.  A  little  boy,  confined  for  a 
trivial  offense,  who  had  followed,  from  youthful  indiscretion,  a  regi 
ment  from  Connecticut  to  this  city,  was  incarcerated  in  the  same 
cell  with  three  men  who  were  committed  on  a  charge  of  murder. 
The  prison  is  in  better  condition  than  it  was  before  the  especial 
attention  of  Congress  was  called  to  it.  Many  persons  have  been 
removed ;  many  soldiers  who  had  been  put  in  for  trivial  military 
offenses  have  been  taken  out  by  order  of  the  provost-marshal ;  a 
good  many  fugitives  from  service,  or  persons  claimed  to  be  fugitives 
from  service,  owned  by  citizens  of  the  adjacent  States,  have  been 
removed  ;  but  there  are  at  this  time  about  one  hundred  and  seventy 
persons  in  the  jail,  more  than  three  times  as  many  as  it  is  designed 
to  accommodate. 

When  I  visited  the  jail  the  other  day,  I  had  hardly  entered  the 
threshold  before  a  colored  boy  stepped  up  and  tapped  me  on  the 
shoulder.  He  happened  to  know  who  I  was.  He  said  he  was  con 
fined  as  a  runaway.  I  asked  him  if  any  one  claimed  him.  "  No." 
"  Are  you  a  free  boy  ?  "  "  Yes."  Turning  round  to  the  jailer,  I 
asked  him  if  that  was  so.  He  said  it  was.  I  asked  him,  "  How  do 
you  know  it  to  be  so  ?  "  "I  know  it  to  be  so  because  two  men 
from  Maryland,  who  were  born  and  reared  where  this  boy  was  born 
and  reared,  stated  that  he  was  free  of  their  knowledge,  for  they 
had  known  him  from  the  time  he  was  born." 

Now,  I  want  such  cases  to  be  released.  I  do  not  believe  it  is 
my  duty  to  vote  money,  to  impose  taxes  upon  my  constituents,  to 
keep  a  slave-pen  here  in  the  capital  of  the  Union  for  the  purpose 


1862.]  A  SENATOR  OF  THE  UNITED   STATES.  1G5 

of  confining  a  free  boy,  who  may  be  thrown  in  by  one  of  your  Dis 
trict  justices  of  the  peace  or  constables. 

I  found  another  case.  A  white  man  who  was  committed  nearly 
six  months  ago  told  me  that  he  had  written  to  the  magistrate  who 
committed  him,  to  the  prosecuting  attorney,  and  to  other  parties 
in  this  city,  imploring  them  to  inform  him  for  what  offense  he  had 
been  committed ;  that  he  was  unable  to  ascertain  why  he  was  com 
mitted.  There  had  been  a  session  of  the  grand-jury,,  and  still  he 
was  held,  and  was  lying  upon  a  bed  of  sickness.  Upon  going  to 
the  record,  I  found  that  an  order  had  been  entered,  directing  that 
the  prisoner  should  be  discharged,  yet  the  order  had  not  been  car 
ried  into  execution.  That  the  man  was  sick  was  no  apolcgy  for 
retaining  him  in  jail.  He  should  have  been  sent  to  the  almshouse, 
which  we  have  provided  and  are  supporting  for  the  purpose  of  re 
ceiving  persons  who  may  be  in  his  condition. 

There  was  another  case.  A  young  colored  fellow,  who  came  as 
the  servant  of  an  officer  from  the  vicinity  of  Pittsburg,  was  thrown 
into  this  jail  in  August  last.  The  regiment  to  which  he  was  at 
tached  went  forward  toward  the  face  of  the  enemy.  There  was 
nobody  here  to  look  after  him.  There  is  no  doubt  as  to  his  being  a 
free  boy,  and  yet  he  was  there  on  the  first  day  of  this  month. 

There  are  other  cases.  They  have  in  this  District  and  in  Mary 
land  what  they  call  an  apprehension  fee.  They  have  a  law  which 
declares  that,  if  any  slave  wanders  a  certain  distance  from  the  resi 
dence  of  his  master,  he  may  be  taken  up  as  a  fugitive.  There  are 
persons  in  this  vicinity,  I  am  credibly  informed,  who  are  lying  in 
wait  around  your  city  and  the  surrounding  country,  in  the  hope 
that  they  can  find  some  poor  colored  man  or  woman  who  is  out 
picking  berries  or  visiting  a  friend,  and  who  will  wander  a  little 
farther  than  the  distance  established  by  law.  The  moment  they 
can  find  such  a  person  beyond  the  limited  distance,  these  harpies 
pounce  upon  him  or  her,  and,  when  the  master  tries  to  find  the  ser 
vant,  in  the  course  of  two  or  three  weeks  he  will  find  him  in  the 
Washington  Jail  ;  from  which  it  will  be  impossible  to  extricate  him, 
without  paying  a  large  sum  for  jailer's  fees,  for  justice's  fees,  and 
for  constable's  fees,  in  addition  to  this  apprehension  fee. 

I  do  not  desire,  and  I  do  not  think  that  the  Senate  or  the  coun 
try  desires,  that  the  Washington  Jail  shall  be  used  for  any  such  pur- 
Pose. 


166  LIFE   OF  JAMES  TV.   GRIMES.  [1862. 

Four  days  after  the  above  remarks,  the  Marshal  of  the  Dis 
trict  sent  a  communication  to  the  Senate,  upon  which  Mr. 
Grimes  said : 

The  communication  does  not  contain  the  truth  as  stated  to  me 
at  the  jail  personally  yesterday.  I  applied  for  admission  to  the 
jail.  I  was  refused.  Now,  a  communication  has  come  here  telling 
us  that  a  different  rule  prevails — not  the  rule  that  existed  yesterday 
at  two  o'clock.  I  want  this-matter  to  be  brought  to  the  attention 
of  the  Senate,  and  I  want  it  publicly  brought  to  the  attention  of 
the  President  of  the  United  States. 

Perhaps  the  Senate  itself  is  somewhat  to  blame  for  the  manner 
in  which  the  jail  has  been  kept ;  for  I  trace  a  great  many  of  the 
evils  existing  there,  and  the  failure  to  remove  them,  to  the  appoint 
ment  of  a  person  as  Marshal  of  the  District  who  was  made  such  by 
the  advice  and  consent  of  this  body.  The  President  of  the  United 
States  saw  fit,  in  the  plenitude  of  his  wisdom,  to  import  to  this  Dis 
trict  from  the  State  of  Illinois  Mr.  Ward  H.  Lamon,  and  to  appoint 
him  the  Marshal.  It  is  not  for  me  to  say  why  one  of  the  seventy 
thousand  people  of  this  District  was  not  selected  for  this  responsible 
position  ;  I  simply  know  the  fact  that  a  man  was  brought  here 
from  abroad,  who  had  no  interest  in  the  District ;  who  had  no  com 
munity  of  feeling  or  sympathy  with  the  people  of  the  District ;  who 
was  and  is  wholly  unfamiliar  with  the  duties  of  the  position.  Among 
other  important  duties  intrusted  by  law  to  the  marshal  is  the  con 
trol  of  the  jail.  A  humane  and  Christian  man  might  make  it  a 
Bethesda.  Mr.  Lamon  has  paid  no  attention  to  it  until  of  late,  and 
now  only  to  make  an  order  prohibiting  the  admission  of  all  persons 
for  the  purpose  of  inspection  or  otherwise,  without  a  special  permit 
from  him. 

Shortly  after  I  reached  the  city  on  the  1st  of  November  last, 
supposing  that  I  might  possibly  be  continued  as  a  member  of  the 
Committee  on  the  District  of  Columbia,  I  felt  it  to  be  my  duty  to 
inform  myself,  among  other  things,  of  the  true  condition  and  man 
agement  of  the  jail.  Accordingly,  I  have  visited  it  often.  I  have 
conversed  with  its  inmates,  examined  the  records  of  commitments, 
and  I  think  I  may  safely  say  that  I  have  been  instrumental  in  secur 
ing  the  discharge  of  several  innocent  persons.  Last  Friday  I  took 
occasion  to  state  to  the  Senate  some  of  my  observations  in  that  jail. 
On  the  day  following,  Mr.  Lamon  made  a  peremptory  order  that  no 


1862.]  A  SENATOR   OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  107 

person — not  even  members  of  Congress,  or  members  of  the  Com 
mittee  on  the  District  of  Columbia,  who  have  the  general  charge 
of  all  matters  relating  to  the*  District — should  be  admitted  to  the 
jail,  without  first  supplicating  and  securing  a  written  permission 
from  him,  or  unless  he  should  be  personally  present.  When  intelli 
gence  of  this  order  was  brought  to  me  yesterday  morning  by  a 
member  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  a  large  number  of  Sena 
tors  around  me  proffered  to  go  with  me  to  the  President  and  de 
mand  the  instant  dismissal  of  this  marshal — not  because  he  had 
been  strutting  through  the  streets  of  Illinois  and  Missouri  with  stars 
on  his  shoulders,  representing  himself  as  a  brigadier-general,  as 
detailed  by  a  select  committee  of  the  House  of  Representatives — 
not  because  he  had  purloined  a  regiment  of  troops  and  brought  it 
at  great  expense  from  St.  Louis  to  the  Potomac — not  because  he 
had  been  traveling  in  special  railway-trains  at  the  public  expense — 
although  for  these  reasons  he  ought  to  have  been  instantly  dis 
missed — but  because  of  his  manifest  and  acknowledged  dereliction 
of  duty  as  Marshal  of  the  District,  and  because  of  the  insulting 
character  of  the  order  he  had  made  in  regard  to  our  admission  to 
the  jail. 

Upon  reflection,  I  concluded  to  determine  with  positiveness  for 
myself  whether  such  an  order  had  been  made.  Accordingly,  yes 
terday  I  went  to  the  jail  and  sought  admission.  Entering  its  por 
tal,  I  told  the  jailer  that  I  wished  to  examine  it.  He  told  me  that 
I  could  not  be  permitted  to  do  so.  I  demanded  to  know  the  reason 
why  I  was  excluded.  He  answered  that  he  had  a  peremptory  order 
from  his  superior,  Marshal  Lamon,  forbidding  the  admission  of  any 
one  without  a  written  permission  from  him,  or  without  he  was  per 
sonally  present.  I  asked  him  if  this  rule  applied  to  members  of  the 
Senate  and  House  of  Representatives.  He  replied  that  it  did.  I 
then  asked  him  if  he  knew  me,  and  that  I  was  chairman  of  the 
District  Committee  of  this  body.  He  said  that  he  did,  but  that 
that  fact  made  no  difference  ;  the  rule  was  peremptory,  and  must  be 
enforced  against  all  alike. 

Upon  this  repulse  at  the  jail,  I  concluded  to  go  at  once  to  the* 
President  of  the  United  States,  to  state  to  him  the  facts  I  have  de 
tailed,  and  to  give  him  some  idea  of  the  expression  of  opinion  of 
those  around  me.  When,  for  the  first  time  in  six  months,  I  at 
tempted  to  approach  the  footstool  of  power  enthroned  at  the  other 


168  LIFE   OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1862. 

end  of  the  avenue,  I  was  told  that  the  President  was  engaged,  and 
his  servants  declined  to  convey  my  name  to  him.  I  allude  to  this 
subject,  not  because  I  suppose  that  the  influence  of  this  marshal 
extends  so  far  as  to  exclude  me  from  the  Executive  mansion,  as 
well  as  from  the  jail,  but  as  the  reason  why  I  state  publicly  here 
what  I  intended  to  state  privately  there. 

In  the  discipline  of  the  penitentiary  of  the  District  Mr. 
Grimes  recommended  a  reform,  so  that  prisoners,  for  good  con 
duct  while  in  prison,  should  receive  a  deduction  of  a  month  in 
each  year  from  their  term  of  sentence. 

Such  a  system  (he  said,  June  6th)  prevails  in  a  great  many 
States,  in  Ohio,  in  Iowa,  in  Indiana,  with  the  most  beneficial  results. 
It  is  an  inducement  to  a  prisoner  to  behave  well  and  work  well.  It 
is  no  pardoning  power,  but  a  curtailment  of  the  judgment  of  the 
court. 

70.— To  Commodore  S.  F.  Du  Pont. 

WASHINGTON,  Febiniary  9,  1862. 

I  was  sorry  to  learn,  a  few  days  ago,  that  you  felt  some  chagrin 
at  the  fact  that  the  resolution  tendering  to  you  and  to  the  officers 
under  your  command  the  thanks  of  Congress  for  your  exploit  at 
Port  Royal  had  not  been  acted  upon.  As  I  am  alone  responsible 
for  everything  in  relation  to  it,  I  will  tell  you  exactly  what  the 
facts  were. 

The  highest  honor  we  can  confer  at  present  upon  any  naval  offi 
cer  is  a  vote  of  thanks.  To  make  such  honors  worth  anything  they 
must  not  be  too  common  or  cheap.  Knowing  that  several  resolu 
tions  of  similar  import,  but  for  small  affairs,  were  to  be  offered,  I 
determined  to  forestall  the  action  of  the  Senate  by  setting  the  ex 
ample  of  referring  such  resolutions  to  the  Committee  on  Naval 
Affairs,  and  thus  get  the  control  of  them.  Accordingly,  I  intro 
duced  the  resolutions  of  thanks  to  you,  and  suffered  them  to  remain 
quietly  in  the  committee,  smothering  similar  resolutions  to  others, 
until  the  sentiment  of  the  Senate  on  such  subjects  should  become  a 
little  rectified.  In  the  mean  time,  the  bill  for  retirement  of  old  offi 
cers  became  a  law,  and  since  then  I  have  waited  for  the  President's 
recommendation,  which  would  also,  if  acted  upon,  place  you  per 
manently  on  the  active  list.  That  came  to  us  day  before  yesterday, 
and  yesterday  we  passed  the  resolutions  of  thanks  by  a  unanimous 


1862.]  A  SENATOR   OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  169 

vote.  There  will  be  no  difficulty  whatever  about  its  passage  through 
the  House  of  Representatives.  You  will,  I  trust,  perceive  that  so 
far  from  there  being  the  slightest  disposition  to  ignore  or  slumber 
over  the  merits  of  your  case,  I  have  acted  solely  with  a  view  to 
subserve  your  individual  interests,  and  at  the  same  time  to  advance 
the  good  of  the  service. 

We  are  now  all  rejoicing  over  Foote's  success  in  Tennessee. 
We  are  much  more  hopeful  than  we  have  been,  and  I  fancy  that  I 
can  see  the  end  to  the  rebellion.  The  army  is  sore  and  a  little  dis 
pirited  at  the  naval  successes,  while  they  achieve  none.  May  God 
bless  and  prosper  you  in  all  your  efforts  ! 

Commodore  Du  Pont  wrote  in  reply : 

W  ABASH,  POET  ROYAL,  February  23,  1862. 

Your  great  kindness  has  made  a  deep  impression  on  me.  It  has 
been  no  trait  of  mine  to  "  court  honor,"  and  I  can  truly  say  visions 
of  distinction  formed  no  part  or  lot  in  my  motives  of  action.  To 
serve  my  country,  do  my  duty,  and  meet  the  expectations  of  those 
who  had  given  me  the  opportunity,  have  been  the  incentives  upper 
most  in  my  mind.  Yet  I  believe  this  temperament  and  such  im 
pulses  are  in  no  way  inconsistent  with  feelings  of  profound  grati 
tude  and  pride  at  the  high  distinction  which  has  been  awarded  me, 
and  which  I  owe  to  your  kind  instrumentality. 

I  am  off  to-morrow  with  a  large  division  of  my  squadron  to  com 
plete  my  work  on  the  lower  coast,  and,  if  God  is  with  us,  in  some 
three  weeks  I  hope  to  hold  everything  by  an  inside  or  outside 
blockade  from  Cape  Canaveral  to  Georgetown,  South  Carolina.  Our 
hearts  have  been  gladdened  by  the  news  from  the  North.  Porter 
came  in  to-day  on  his  way  to  the  Gulf,  and  gave  us  the  account  of 
the  surrender  of  Fort  Donelson.  I  have  never  permitted  any  in 
vidious  feelings  of  rivalry  with  our  military  brethren,  but  we  are 
thrilled  in  our  esprit  de  corps  at  the  deeds  of  the  Navy,  and  I  am 
sure  they  must  be  agreeable  to  you,  as  offering  some  return  to  that 
disinterested  sympathy,  guidance,  and  support,  which  you  have  ex 
tended  to  that  branch  of  the  public  service  since  you  took  your  seat 
in  the  councils  of  the  nation. 

We  hear  fine  accounts  of  the  Northwestern  army,  and  Captain 
Rodgers  had  a  letter  from  some  officer  in  the  West,  who  spoke  of 
the  impression  made  by  the  Iowa  regiments.  I  thought  this  item, 


170  LIFE   OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1862. 

traveling  back  to  you  from  South  Carolina,  would  not  be  unaccept 
able. 

The  following  extract  is  from  a  letter  of  Commodore  Du 
Pont,  dated  "Wabash,  off  Fernandina,  March  6th : 

Captain  Davis  has  in  charge  for  you  a  rifle  captured  at  Fernan 
dina,  which  I  desire  you  to  do  me  the  honor  to  accept.  The  victory 
was  bloodless,  but  most  complete  in  results.  The  defenses  have 
astounded  us  by  their  capabilities,  scientific  location,  and  formida 
ble  character,  with  wonderful  immunity  from  danger.  Their  cannon 
are  heavy  and  fine ;  one  120-pounder  rifle-gun,  which  they  had 
slung  in  the  trucks  to  get  away  with,  but  dropped  on  the  beach,  we 
have  nothing  to  compare  with.  The  most  curious  feature  in  the 
operations  was  the  chase  of  a  train  of  cars  by  a  gunboat  for  one 
mile  and  a  half;  two  soldiers  being  killed,  the  passengers  rushed 
out  into  the  woods,  one  of  your  late  members  among  them,  Mr. 
Yulee  ;  he  passed  the  night  under  a  bush,  and  I  hope  had  a  blanket, 
for  it  was  the  coldest  of  the  season. 

Objecting  to  a  change  in  the  rules  of  the  two  Houses,  Mr. 
Grimes  said,  January  29th  : 

I  do  not  believe  that  it  is  proper  for  us  to  cripple  the  power  of 
a  minority.  I  have  been  in  a  minority  all  my  life  until  the  present 
time,  and  I  am  unwilling  to  say  that  when  we  get  into  executive 
session  a  two-thirds  vote  may  prevent  a  minority  from  expressing 
their  views,  or  confine  them  to  only  five  minutes.  I  believe  in  pub 
licity  in  our  debates. 

With  reference  to  the  construction  of  iron-clad  steam-gun 
boats  Mr.  Grimes  said,  February  4,  1862: 

I  believe  that  the  introduction  of  steam  into  naval  warfare  has 
revolutionized  the  whole  system  of  coast  defenses,  and  I  do  not 
want  any  better  evidence  of  it  than  the  success  of  the  rebels  in 
attacking  our  vessels  as  they  pass  up  and  down  the  Potomac. 
Nearly  eight  thousand  shots  have  been  fired  at  our  vessels  from 
their  fortifications  along  the  line  of  that  river,  and  only  one  has 
been  materially  injured,  and  only  three  or  four  have  been  damaged 
at  all.  One  of  these  gunboats,  made  sharp  at  the  ends,  and  thor 
oughly  encased  in  iron,  with  a  powerful  engine,  would  do  more  to 
defend  the  harbor  of  New  York  than  the  best  fortification  there 


1862.]  A  SENATOR   OF  THE   UNITED   STATES.  171 

that  cost  this  Government  a  million  or  two  millions  of  dollars.  I 
am  in  favor  of  this  measure,  not  solely  because  I  am  anxious  that 
these  vessels  shall  be  used  in  the  present  war,  but  because  I  believe 
they  will  more  successfully  defend  the  commerce  of  our  country, 
and  the  harbors  on  our  Atlantic  seaboard  (in  which  I,  although  a 
representative  of  a  remote  State,  am  as  much  interested  as  are  the 
people  living  immediately  along  the  Atlantic),  than  will  even  stone 
fortifications ;  and  I  would  much  more  cheerfully  vote  money  out 
of  the  national  Treasury  to  build  vessels  of  this  description,  and  to 
man  them,  and  place  them  in  your  harbors  for  coast  defense,  than 
I  would  to  build  stone- walls,  as  proposed  by  the  Committee  on 
Military  Affairs.  In  my  opinion,  it  is  the  only  kind  of  coast  defense 
that  gentlemen  of  the  Atlantic  States  will  ultimately  be  compelled 
to  rely  upon. 

For  the  disaster  to  the  Cumberland  and  the  Congress  in 
Hampton  Roads  (March  8th)  Mr.  Grimes  held  the  military 
branch  of  the  Government  responsible,  in  that  they  had  not 
early  organized  an  expedition  against  Norfolk,  and  captured  the 
navy-yard  and  machine-shop  there.  He  said,  March  llth  : 

In  no  degree  is  the  navy  responsible.  Upon  two  different  oc 
casions  the  navy  officers  have  offered  to  go  down  and  open  the 
blockade  of  the  Potomac,  and  upon  one  occasion  for  thirty-six  hours 
was  the  flotilla  under  steam,  prepared  to  go  down  ;  but  a  superior 
military  officer,  who  undertook  to  control  all  offensive  operations, 
refused  to  let  it  go. 

A  part  of  the  blame  for  this  disaster  is  perhaps  due  to  ourselves, 
because  we  have  not  at  an  earlier  day  passed  some  appropriations 
to  construct  iron-plated  ships.  I  congratulate  myself  that  one  of 
the  first  acts  I  did  when  I  came  to  Congress  was  to  introduce  a 
resolution  (January  19,  1861)  calling  for  information  in  regard  to 
iron-plated  ships,  initiating  the  very  measures  which  the  experience 
of  the  past  few  days  has  shown  that  it  is  necessary  to  adopt,  if  we 
will  protect  our  sea-coast  from  the  ravages  of  a  hostile  foe. 

He  said,  March  27th  and  28th : 

There  is  a  perfect  panic  in  our  Northern  commercial  cities.  New 
York  seems  to  think  that  in  a  few  days  the  Merrimac  is  going  to 
be  seen  sailing  up  Broadway  !  They  have  had,  perhaps,  some  rea- 


\ 


172  LIFE  OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1862. 

son  for  excitement,  growing  out  of  the  egress  of  the  Merrimac  from 
Elizabeth  River ;  but  they  ought  to  remember  that  the  Government 
has  done  something,  and  is  doing  something,  to  protect  the  com 
merce  of  the  country  and  these  commercial  cities  against  any  dan 
ger  that  may  arise  from  the  Merrimac  coming  out  again. 

It  is  well  enough  to  know  exactly  what  the  department  has 
done.  In  the  first  place,  we  have  the  Monitor.  She  has  been  test 
ed,  and  in  such  a  manner  as  no  English  or  French  vessel  has  been 
tested.  We  know  exactly  her  capacities  in  actual  warfare,  and  her 
sea-going  capacities.  We  have,  therefore,  some  basis  upon  which 
to  build  a  system.  If  we  go  on  and  improve  upon  that  founda 
tion  which  the  Monitor  and  her  success  seem  to  have  laid,  then 
we  can  establish  something  that  will  be  creditable  and  useful  to 
the  country.  The  Monitor  was  built  by  Mr.  Ericsson  at  his  own 
risk.  He  entered  upon  the  contract,  and  the  Government  did  not 
agree  to  receive  the  vessel  from  him  until  she  had  been  tested. 
She  was  on  the  way  round  to  be  tested  upon  the  batteries  at  Pig 
Point  and  on  the  Potomac,  when  the  Merrimac  came  out  from  her 
retreat.  Then  we  have  the  Mystic  and  the  Ironsides.  In  addition, 
the  Government  have  contracted  for  four  steamers,  iron-clad,  to  be 
built  by  Captain  Ericsson,  upon  the  general  plan  of  the  Monitor, 
but  larger  and  with  heavier  armament,  each  to  carry  two  fifteen- 
inch  guns,  to  be  delivered  in  four  months,  and  two  more  to  be  de 
livered  in  five  months,  and  another  to  be  covered  with  four-inch 
iron  ;  and,  in  addition,  they  have  entered  upon  the  armament  of  the 
Roanoke. 

I  have  stated  these  facts  in  order  to  satisfy  the  public  that  there 
is  not  any  very  great  danger  to  be  apprehended  from  the  Merrimac, 
and  that  we  shall  have  plenty  of  iron-clad  vessels  built  upon  a  plan 
which  we  know  must  be  successful. 

The  aspersions  cast  on  naval  officers  are  unjust  when  it  is  said 
that  they  were  opposed  to  the  introduction  of  steam-vessels  into 
the  navy.  It  is  equally  unjust  to  say  that  they  were  opposed  to  the 
introduction  of  iron-clad  vessels.  I  know  something  about  that.  I 
happened  to  be  one  of  the  first  members  of  this  body  who  suggest 
ed  the  subject,  and  I  tried  to  bring  the  attention  of  the  country  to 
the  necessity  of  having  iron-clad  vessels,  and  consulted  with  gentle 
men  of  eminence  in  that  profession,  and  I  did  not  meet  with  one 
who  was  not  enthusiastic  in  favor  of  the  proposition ;  and  it  is  due 


1862.]  A  SENATOR  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  173 

to  that  service  to  say  that  a  board  composed  of  Commodore  Smith, 
Captain  Davis,  and  Commodore  Paulcling,  were  the  men  to  whom 
the  plans  for  Ericsson's  steam-batten7  and  for  the  other  iron-clads 
that  the  Government  is  now  building  were  submitted,  and  that 
those  plans  met  their  full  approbation.  It  has  been  said  here, 
that  if  naval  officers  had  had  their  way  these  vessels  would  never 
have  been  constructed.  The  appropriation  bill  of  a  million  and  a 
half  dollars,  that  we  passed  at  the  extra  session,  was  drawn  by  a 
naval  officer,  was  sent  to  us  with  the  solicitation  of  a  naval  offi 
cer  that  we  should  pass  it,  and  as  soon  as  we  passed  it  the  whole 
question  was  referred  to  some  officers  of  the  line,  and  they  deter 
mined  as  to  the  character  of  the  vessels  we  should  construct,  arid 
are  now  imploring  us  to  abandon  wooden,  and  adopt  iron-clad  ves 
sels.  I  say  this  in  justice  to  the  officers  of  the  navy ;  and  my  ob 
servation  and  experience,  I  think,  go  as  far  as  anybody's  here. 

ACHIEVEMENTS    OF   THE    WESTERN   NAVAL   FLOTILLA. 

Mr.  Grimes  said,  March  13,  1862  : 

I  conceive  it  to  be  my  duty,  and  it  certainly  is  a  great  pleasure 
to  me,  to  call  the  special  attention  of  the  Senate  to  the  achieve 
ments  of  the  newly-created  naval  flotilla  on  our  Western  waters, 
and  to  the  gallant  part  borne  by  its  officers  and  men  against  armed 
rebels  in  Kentucky  and  Tennessee.  Surely,  no  one  could  more 
properly  be  proud  of  the  deeds  of  our  army  in  that  quarter  than  a 
Senator  from  Iowa.  Yet,  I  know  that  whatever  adds  to  the  glory 
of  our  navy  in  the  recent  conflicts  in  the  West  adds  also  to  the 
glory  of  the  army,  and  that  the  two  branches  of  the  service  are  so 
conjoined  that  no  rivalry  ought  to  exist  between  them,  except  a 
virtuous  emulation  in  the  performance  of  patriotic  duty.  No  ex 
amples  can  be  found  in  the  history  of  any  country  of  more  impor 
tant  results,  attained  in  an  equal  time,  in  an  untried  field  of  naval 
enterprise,  than  those  we  have  lately  witnessed  on  the  Ohio,  Mis 
sissippi,  Tennessee,  and  Cumberland  Rivers  ;  and  I  feel  assured  that 
the  successes  which  have  thus  far  been  achieved  will  be  surpassed 
by  the  same  forces  whenever  they  can  find  an  enemy  to  cope  with 
between  Cairo  and  New  Orleans. 

On  the  16th  of  May  last,  Commander  John  Rodgers  was  ordered 
by  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  to  proceed  to  Cincinnati  and  pur- 


174  LIFE   OF  JAMES  W.   GEIMES.  [1862. 

chase,  or  commence  the  construction  of,  several  gunboats  for  ser 
vice  on  the  Western  rivers.  Under  his  auspices  the  three  boats, 
Taylor,  Lexington,  and  Conestoga,  were  purchased  and  fitted  up 
for  war  purposes.  They  were  put  in  commission,  and  reached 
Cairo  after  some  delay,  arising  from  the  low  stage  of  water  in  the 
Ohio  River,  on  the  12th  of  August.  The  Taylor  carried  seven  guns, 
of  large  calibre,  the  Lexington  six,  and  the  Conestoga  four.  Here 
was  the  beginning  of  the  Western  flotilla.  We  all  remember  the 
unfavorable  criticisms  indulged  in  when  these  three  stern-wheel 
steamers,  with  oak  casings,  arrived  at  that  military  post.  Some 
said  they  would  be  shaken  to  pieces  by  the  recoil  of  their  own 
guns  ;  others  that  they  would  be  speedily  sunk  by  the  shore-guns 
of  the  rebels ;  while  not  a  few  were  alarmed  by  visions  of  Hollins's 
ram  butting  them  to  pieces  with  impunity.  From  the  day  they 
reached  their  destination  to  the  present  no  rebel  craft  has  shown 
itself  ten  miles  above  Columbus,  and  no  rebel  force  of  any  descrip 
tion  has  harbored  in  a  proximity  which  could  be  deemed  threaten 
ing  to  navigation,  or  to  the  cities  of  St.  Louis  and  Cairo.  A  few 
experimental  trips  dispelled  all  doubts  of  their  efficiency,  and  all 
fears  of  a  rebel  incursion  into  any  of  the  Northwestern  States, 
other  than  Missouri.  A  band  of  Jefferson  Thompson's  robbers  did, 
indeed,  make  a  demonstration  of  crossing  the  Mississippi,  in  Au 
gust  last,  from  the  town  of  Commerce,  Missouri ;  but,  at  the  first 
intimation  that  the  gunboats  were  coming,  they  fled  with  what 
booty  they  could  lay  their  hands  on,  pillaged  impartially  from  friends 
and  foes  on  the  Missouri  shore.  The  boon  of  security  to  the  peo 
ple  of  the  Northwestern  States  is  due  in  no  small  degree  to  these 
wooden  gunboats  ;  for,  however  numerous  and  brave  our  armies,  it 
would  have  been  impossible  with  them  alone  to  guard  all  points  on 
our  river-line.  Thus  our  people  were  not  only  protected  from  dan 
ger  of  invasion,  but  were  enabled  to  give  all  their  time  and  ener 
gies  to  preparation  for  those  offensive  movements  which  have  re 
claimed  so  much  important  territory  from  the  domination  of  the 
enemy. 

On  the  23d  of  September  Commodore  Rodgers  was  detached 
from  service  in  the  West,  and  Captain  A.  H.  Foote  was  ordered  to 
take  command  as  flag-officer.  Since  that  time  the  following  boats, 
with  iron-clad  bows,  have  been  built  or  prepared  for  service  :  St. 
Louis,  thirteen  guns ;  Carondelet,  thirteen  guns ;  Pittsburg,  thir- 


1862.]  A   SENATOR   OF  THE   UNITED   STATES.  175 

teen  guns ;  Louisville,  thirteen  guns ;  Cincinnati,  thirteen  guns  ; 
Essex,  five  guns  ;  Mound  City,  thirteen  guns. 

The  first  engagement  of  the  gunboats  with  the  enemy  took  place 
on  the  9th  of  September,  at  Lucas's  Bend,  in  the  Mississippi  River, 
a  short  distance  above  the  rebel  stronghold  at  Columbus.  In  that 
engagement  the  Lexington  and  the  Conestoga  silenced  two  shore- 
batteries,  dispersed  a  large  body  of  rebel  cavalry,  and  so  disabled 
the  rebel  gunboat  Yankee  that  she  has  not  been  heard  of  since. 
On  the  29th  of  October  the  Conestoga  proceeded,  with  three  com 
panies  of  Illinois  volunteers,  sixty-two  miles  up  the  Tennessee  River, 
to  Eddyville,  Kentucky,  where  they  jointly  attacked  and  routed  a 
rebel  encampment,  bringing  away  their  horses,  arms,  camp-equi 
page,  and  negro  slaves. 

There  could  hardly  have  been  an  occasion  where  the  presence 
of  an  efficient  naval  support  was  more  necessary  than  at  the  battle 
of  Belmont,  fought  on  the  7th  of  November  last ;  and  there  has 
been  no  conflict  during  the  war  where  this  support,  when  finally 
called  into  requisition,  was  more  effectively  and  opportunely  ren 
dered.  Nothing  but  the  well-directed  fire  of  grape  and  canister 
from  the  guns  of  the  Taylor  and  Lexington  saved  our  land-forces 
from  being  utterly  cut  to  pieces,  while  retiring  on  board  their  trans 
ports.  Every  effort  of  the  enemy  to  bring  his  artillery  to  bear  on 
our  columns  was  defeated  by  the  storm  of  iron  which  assailed  him 
from  the  boats.  His  pieces  were  dismounted,  and  his  horses  and 
men  swept  down  as  fast  as  they  were  placed  in  position. 

A  great  deal  has  been  said  about  the  origin  of  the  proposition 
to  take  possession  of  the  Tennessee  River.  The  credit  of  origi 
nating  the  idea  of  a  campaign  in  that  direction  has  been  claimed 
first  for  one  and  then  for  another  military  commander.  I  desire 
that  impartial  justice  may  be  done  to  every  man  ;  and,  acting  upon 
the  intention  to  do  justice,  I  must  be  permitted  to  say  that,  so  far 
as  I  can  learn,  the  project  of  turning  the  enemy's  flanks  by  pene 
trating  the  Tennessee  and  Cumberland  Rivers  originated  with  Com 
modore  Foote.1  The  great  rise  of  water  in  those  rivers  was  provi 
dential,  and  with  the  quick  eye  of  military  genius  he  saw  at  once 
the  advantage  that  it  might  secure  to  our  arms. 

The  fleet,  consisting  of  four  iron-clad  and  three  wooden  boats, 

1  He  telegraphed  General  Halleck,  January  28th,  proposing  an  attack  on  Fort 
Henry  with  the  gunboats  and  several  regiments. 


176  LIFE  OF* JAMES  W.  GRIMES.  [1862. 

proceeded  to  Fort  Henry  and  reduced  it  in  one  hour  and  twenty 
minutes,  Commodore  Foote  being,  as  is  his  wont,  in  the  fore-front 
of  the  battle.  It  appears  that  he  knew  before  leaving  Paducah  that 
he  should  take  Fort  Henry,  no  matter  what  might  be  the  force  or 
the  resistance  he  should  meet  there.  He  was  thoroughly  inspired 
with  the  great  idea  of  victory.  The  contingency  of  failure  did  not 
enter  into  his  calculations.  He  therefore  addressed  himself  to 
plans  for  reaping  the  fruits  of  victory,  rather  than  to  plans  for 
repairing  the  consequences  of  defeat.  Of  the  gallant  attack  on 
Fort  Donelson  no  one  need  be  reminded.  Subjected  as  our  vessels 
were  to  a  long-continued  and  hot  fire  from  three  rebel  batteries,  at 
four  hundred  yards'  distance,  they  continued  the  fight  for  one  hour 
and  thirty  minutes,  and  not  until  the  wheel  of  one  and  the  tiller- 
ropes  of  another  of  his  boats  were  shot  away  did  the  well-managed 
guns  of  the  commodore  cease  to  scatter  death  and  consternation 
among  the  foes  of  his  country.  Although  wounded  himself,  and 
his  gunboats  crippled,  yet,  with  the  glory  of  the  gallant  combat  on 
his  brow,  he  indulged  in  no  repinings  for  his  personal  misfortunes, 
or  laudation  of  his  successes,  but  like  a  true  Christian  hero  thought 
only  of  his  men. 

The  next  movement  of  Commodore  Foote  with  his  flotilla  was  to 
take  possession  of  Clarksville,  three  days  before  the  arrival  of  the 
land-forces,  though  that  fact,  for  some  unexplained  cause,  nowhere 
appears  in  the  official  reports  of  the  military  commander  of  the  de 
partment. 

On  the  21st  of  February,  1862,  Commodore  Foote  telegraphed 
to  General  Cullum,  the  chief  of  General  Halleck's  staff,  then  at 
Cairo,  as  follows  :  "  General  Grant  and  myself  were  about  moving 
on  Nashville,  when  General  Grant  to  my  astonishment  received  a 
telegram  from  General  Halleck,  *  not  to  let  the  gunboats  go  higher 
than  Clarksville.'  No  telegram  sent  to  me.  General  Grant  and  I 
believe  that  we  can  take  Nashville.  Please  ask  General  Halleck  if 
we  shall  do  it."  It  may  be  that  there  was  some  great  military 
reason  why  General  Grant  was  directed  "  not  to  let  the  gunboats 
go  higher  than  Clarksville,"  but  up  to  this  time  it  is  wholly 
unappreciable  by  the  public.  Had  they  been  permitted  to  go, 
as  proposed  by  Commodore  Foote,  Nashville  would  undoubt 
edly  have  capitulated  some  days  earlier  than  it  did,  and  an  im 
mense  amount  of  rebel  stores  been  captured,  and  he  would 


1862.]  A  SENATOR  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  177 

probably  have  intercepted  a  part  of  the  rebel  General  Johnston's 
army. 

I  ought  not  to  omit  to  mention  the  gallant  attack  by  a  part  of 
the  flotilla  upon  the  enemy  at  Pittsburg,  on  the  Tennessee  River, 
where  fifteen  hundred  rebel  infantry  and  cavalry  were  completely 
routed,  with  a  loss  of  twenty  killed  and  one  hundred  wounded. 

The  next  fact  of  importance  in  the  campaign  at  the  West,  and 
the  most  important  of  all,  was  the  evacuation  of  Columbus.  Why 
was  this  stronghold,  which  cost  so  much  labor  and  money,  aban 
doned  without  firing  a  shot  ?  It  is  not  for  me  to  underrate  the  ad 
vantages  of  position  secured  by  the  valor  of  our  troops  at  Fort 
Donelson  ;  yet  I  undertake  to  say,  from  the  knowledge  I  have  been 
able  to  obtain  of  the  defenses  -at  Columbus,  that  there  was  nothing 
in  the  mere  fact  of  the  capture  of  Donelson  and  Nashville,  and  ex 
clusive  of  our  command  of  the  river,  which  need  have  caused  the 
evacuation,  except  after  a  long  and  bloody  siege.  The  forts  at  Co 
lumbus  were  so  located  and  constructed  as  to  be  almost  impregna 
ble  to  an  assault  by  storm.  It  is  well  understood  that  Commodore 
Foote  was  opposed  to  giving  the  rebels  an  opportunity  to  leave 
Columbus.  He  felt  sure  of  his  ability,  with  his  gun  and  mortar 
boats,  to  shell  them  into  a  speedy  surrender,  but  was  compelled  to 
give  way  to  the  counsels  of  military  commanders.  When  we  cou 
ple  the  strategic  position  acquired  by  our  occupation  of  the  Ten 
nessee  and  Cumberland  Rivers  with  the  completion  of  the  mortar- 
boats,  and  the  absolute  command  of  the  river  given  us  by  the 
armored  gunboats,  there  remains  no  mystery  about  the  evacuation 
of  Columbus.  The  two  arms  of  the  public  service  are  equally  en 
titled  to  the  credit  of  frightening  the  rebels  from  their  strongest 
position  on  the  Mississippi  River,  if  not  the  strongest  in  their  whole 
military  jurisdiction. 

Yesterday,  the  intelligence  reached  us  that  the  Western  flotilla, 
composed  of  ten  gunboats  and  ten  mortar-boats,  had  started  for  new 
scenes  of  conflict,  to  achieve,  I  doubt  not,  new  and  yet  greater  tri 
umphs.  The  country  is  assured  that  whatever  can  be  accomplished 
by  gallantry  and  nautical  experience  will  be  performed  by  Commo 
dore  Foote  and  the  brave  officers  and  men  under  his  command. 
We  await  the  announcement  of  new  victories. 

I  have  thought  it  proper,  as  a  Western  Senator,  in  some  degree 
charged  with  the  examination  of  naval  affairs  by  this  body,  to  bear 


178  LIFE   OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1862. 

this  testimony  to  the  worth  of  that  branch  of  the  public  service  in 
the  Western  campaign,  and  to  the  noble  deeds  of  the  flag-officer  in 
that  command.  No  one  can  over-estimate  their  services  to  the  coun 
try,  and  to  the  Northwest  in  particular ;  and  in  the  name  of  that 
great  section,  and  of  the  whole  country,  I  thank  them  one  and  all, 
officers  and  men. 

But  I  would  avail  myself  of  this  occasion  to  accomplish  another 
purpose.  I  am  anxious  that  the  people  of  this  entire  country  may 
feel  that  the  exploits  of  the  Navy,  wherever  performed,  are  their 
exploits,  that  its  glory  is  their  glory,  and  that,  while  they  are  taxing 
themselves  to  support  it,  they  are  supporting  the  right  arm  of  the 
national  defense.  I  desire  the  citizen  of  the  most  remote  frontier 
to  feel  that  he  is  equally  protected  and  equally  honored  by  the  brave 
deeds  of  our  naval  officers  with  the  citizen  of  the  Atlantic  coast.  I 
wish  the  men  of  Iowa  and  Minnesota  to  know  that  they  are  as 
effectually  defended  in  their  liberties  at  home  and  in  their  l^onor 
abroad,  by  the  achievements  of  Du  Pont,  and  Goldsborough,  and 
Stringham,  and  Foote,  on  the  water,  as  they  can  be  by  any  victories 
won  by  our  armies  on  the  land. 

Mr.  President,  ours  must  be  a  great  maritime  nation.  Heaven 
has  ordained  that  it  should  be  such,  and  we  could  not  make  it  oth 
erwise  if  we  would.  We  have  a  coast,  both  on  the  Atlantic  and 
Pacific  Oceans,  which,  with  its  numerous  indentations,  is  many  thou 
sand  miles  in  extent,  occupied  by  a  hardy,  nautical  population,  and 
flanked  on  either  side  by  soils  and  climates  that  furnish  the  most 
valuable  productions  of  the  globe,  and  which  must  be  supplied  to 
other  nations.  On  the  north  we  have  a  succession  of  great  lakes, 
already  bearing  upon  their  bosoms  a  registered  commercial  tonnage 
of  nearly  half  a  million,  and  navigated  by  a  race  of  daring,  indus 
trious,  northern  seamen.  Unlike  any  other  maritime  nation,  ours  is 
traversed  by  navigable  rivers,  thousands  of  miles  in  length,  floating 
an  inland  commerce  unequaled  by  that  of  any  country  in  the  world, 
except,  possibly,  that  of  China,  and  capable  of  navigation  by  armed 
vessels  of  great  capacity.  With  a  country  of  such  extent,  a  soil 
and  climate  furnishing  such  productions,  and  a  population  along 
our  ocean,  gulf,  bay,  lake,  and  river  coasts,  accustomed  to  naviga 
tion,  who  does  not  see  that  ours  must,  from  the  very  necessities  of 
our  geographical  position,  and  the  conformation  of  our  continent, 
become  a  great  commercial  people  ?  Our  products  must  be  borne 


1862.]  A  SENATOR   OF  THE  UNITED  STATES. 

to  remote  nations  in  our  own  ships,  navigated  by  our  own  seamen, 
and  protected  wherever  they  go  by  our  own  vessels-of-war. 

I  know  not  with  whom  originated  the  phrase  "  The  Navy  is  the 
right  arm  of  the  public  defense ;  "  but  I  know  that  a  truer  senti 
ment  was  never  uttered.  In  my  opinion  it  will  always  be  in  this 
country  the  most  efficient  and  far  the  least  dangerous  arm  of  the 
public  service  by  which  to  maintain  the  national  integrity  and  de 
fend  the  national  honor.  History  teaches  us  that  every  nation  that 
has  depended  upon  a  navy  for  protection  has  been  comparatively 
free  by  the  side  of  those  which  placed  their  reliance  upon  armies. 
I  need  not  go  back  to  antiquity  to  prove  this.  I  point  to  Holland 
and  England  in  modern  times.  The  former,  while  she  continued  to 
be  the  greatest  naval  power  on  earth,  was  the  freest  government 
on  earth,  and  only  began  to  be  shorn  of  her  liberties  and  of  her 
territory  when  she  neglected  to  maintain  her  fleets.  England,  the 
most  liberal  of  all  governments  save  our  own,  is  in  no  small  degree 
indebted  for  her  present  position  to  the  fact  that  she  maintains  only 
a  small  military  force  in  the  British  Islands,  and  relies  upon  her 
wooden  walls  as  a  means  of  attack  and  defense.  She  puts  no  faith 
in  large  standing  armies,  and  will  not  until  her  people  shall  be  pre 
pared  to  surrender  their  freedom.  With  her  garrisoned  possessions 
encircling  the  globe,  her  entire  military  establishment  does  not  ex 
ceed  one  hundred  and  twenty  thousand  men.  France,  Austria, 
Russia,  and  Prussia,  maintain  large  standing  armies  on  their  soil ; 
and  in  those  countries  the  liberty  of  the  people  is  measured  by  the 
will  of  the  sovereign.  The  freedom  they  enjoy  is  the  gratuity  of 
emperors  and  kings  ;  the  servitude  they  endure  is  enforced  by  the 
presence  of  standing  armies. 

I  do  not  believe  that  anj^body  but  the  public  enemy  has  had 
anything  to  fear  from  the  numerous  and  well-appointed  armies  we 
have  raised  ;  yet  no  one  of  us  is  prepared  to  say  that,  with  an  army 
much  longer  isolated  from  home-scenes  and  home-ideas,  concen 
trated  in  large  bodies,  and  taught  the  duty  of  implicit  obedience  to 
their  superiors,  danger  to  our  free  institutions  might  not  arise.  No 
such  danger  can  arise  from  the  existence  of  a  navy,  however  large, 
or  however  commanded.  Seamen  are  cosmopolitan.  Always  em 
ployed,  and  generally  afloat,  they  never  become,  as  armies  some 
times  do,  as  dangerous  to  friends  in  time  of  peace  as  to  enemies  in 
time  of  war. 


180  LIFE  OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1862. 

I  might  go  on  and  show  that,  situated  as  all  our  large  cities  are 
upon  arms  of  the  sea  or  upon  navigable  rivers,  the  Navy  might  be 
made  more  efficient  in  suppressing  domestic  insurrections,  as  well 
as  in  repelling  foreign  invasion,  than  the  Army.  I  might  show, 
too,  that,  notwithstanding  much  that  has  been  said  by  professed 
statisticians,  the  support  of  a  navy  is  less  expensive,  in  comparison 
with  the  service  it  renders  to  a  maritime  nation,  than  that  of  an 
army.  But  I  shall  not  detain  the  Senate  by  attempting  to  enter 
upon  such  an  exposition  at  this  time. 

As  I  said  at  the  outset,  my  purpose  in  rising  to  address  the  Sen 
ate  at  this  time  was  to  call  the  attention  of  the  country  to  the  suc 
cessful  operations  of  the  Western  flotilla  ;  but  I  cannot  refrain  from 
alluding,  for  one  moment,  before  I  close,  to  the  successes  of  our 
Navy  elsewhere  in  this  war.  The  whole  southeastern  Atlantic 
coast  has  been  swept  by  the  fleet  of  the  gallant  Du  Pont,  and  is 
now  effectually  held  by  both  an  inside  and  outside  blockade.  The 
enemy  have  been  driven  from  the  waters  of  North  Carolina  by  Golds- 
borough,  their  whole  navy  in  that  quarter  destroyed,  and  their 
coast  towns  occupied.  Such  progress  has  been  made  in  the  Gulf  of 
Mexico,  that  I  venture  to  predict  that,  in  a  few  days  at  farthest,  in 
telligence  will  reach  us  that  the  forts  at  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi 
River  have  been  captured,  and  that  Farragut  and  Porter  are  now, 
or  soon  will  be,  in  possession  of  New  Orleans.  But  the  startling 
events  that  have  recently  occurred  in  Hampton  Roads  attract,  as 
they  ought,  the  attention  of  all.  It  would  be  well  for  us  to  reflect 
upon  what  those  events  have  clearly  demonstrated.  They  are — 

1.  That  in  modern  naval  warfare  wooden  sailing-vessels  are  per 
fectly  harmless  and  helpless. 

2.  That  the  strongest  stone  fortifications  can  be  no  obstruction 
to  the  entrance  of  iron-clad  vessels'-of-war  into  our  harbors;  and 
that  one  or  two  such  vessels,  unopposed  by  vessels  of  a  similar 
character,  can  hold  any  commercial  city  on  the  continent  at  their 
mercy. 

3.  That  we  can  now  commence  the  creation  of  a  proper  navy, 
upon  a  footing  of  comparative  equality  with  all  the  naval  powers 
of  the  world. 

No  man  sympathizes  with  the  relatives  and  friends  of  the  gal 
lant  dead  who  perished  on  the  Congress  and  Cumberland  more 
than  I  do.  Perhaps,  however,  their  loss  was  necessary  to  teach  us 


1862.]  A  SENATOR  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  181 

our  true  path  of  duty  to  the  country.  Let  us  not  suffer  more  valu 
able  lives  to  be  periled  upon  such  worthless  vessels  ;  and,  while  we 
deplore  the  loss  of  so  many  brave  men,  let  us  rejoice  that  so  many 
more  are  left  to  the  service  who  are  willing  to  do  and  die  for  their 
country.  Especially  let  us  give  thanks  for  the  brilliant  example  of 
courage,  seamanship,  and  patriotism,  furnished  to  the  country  and 
to  the  world  by  that  matchless  officer,  Lieutenant  John  L.  Worden, 
and  the  officers  and  men  under  his  command  on  board  the  Monitor. 
In  that  unexampled  engagement  of  Sunday  last,  after  a  terribly 
suffocating  and  dangerous  passage  from  New  York,  without  having 
slept,  with  an  undrilled  crew,  and  handling  an  untried  experiment, 
Lieutenant  Worden  and  his  crew  performed  prodigies  of  skill  and 
valor  that  will  render  all  on  board  the  Monitor  immortal.  They 
will  be  immortal  not  for  their  valor  alone.  Who  shall  undertake 
to  estimate  the  influence  that  battle  will  exert  upon  all  the  mari 
time  powers  of  the  earth  ?  Who  shall  undertake  to  tell  the  num 
ber  of  homes  to  which  the  news  of  its  successful  result  carried  quiet 
on  that  eventful  evening,  which  had  been  for  hours  disturbed  by 
the  most  distracting  fears  ?  Is  it  too  much  to  say  that  it  rescued 
our  commerce  and  our  commercial  cities  from  ravage,  and  in  one 
hour  revolutionized  all  systems  of  naval  architecture  and  naval  war 
fare  ?  Captain  Ericsson,  too,  may  well  be  proud  of  the  place  his 
name  will  occupy  in  the  history  of  nautical  science,  and  we  may 
well  be  proud  that  the  country  of  our  birth  is  the  country  of  his 
adoption. 

But  while  I  would  honor  the  gallant  living,  I  would  bear  my 
tribute  of  affectionate  respect  for  the  memory  of  the  heroic  dead 
who  fell  in  the  engagement  at  Hampton  Roads.  Let  the  remem 
brance  of  that  brave  young  officer,  whose  obsequies  are  now  being 
performed  in  another  part  of  this  city,  who,  when  his  vessel  was 
sinking  beneath  his  feet,  replied  to  a  summons  to  surrender  that  he 
would  never  give  up  the  flag  intrusted  to  his  keeping,  and  the  next 
moment  met  death  with  composure,  be  cherished  by  his  country 
men.  The  name  of  Smith,  already  illustrious  in  the  annals  of  the 
American  Navy,  will  be  added  to  the  bright  galaxy  of  those  who 
have  freely  laid  down  their  lives  at  the  call  of  their  country. 

The  speech  was  received  in  the  country  as  a  worthy  tribute 
to  valiant  achievements,  and  gave  especial  satisfaction  to  the 

Navy.     Captain  Foote  wrote  : 
13 


182  LIFE  OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1862. 

I  have  been  for  some  time  on  the  point  of  writing  to  you  to 
express  my  appreciation  of  the  ability  and  discrimination  with 
which  you  have  managed  the  interests  of  the  Navy,  and  for  your 
views  of  the  importance  to  the  country  of  this  arm  of  defense ;  but 
I  can  refrain  no  longer.  For  this  manifestation  of  interest  in  me, 
and  for  our  navy  officers,  together  with  the  Western  officers  and 
men  constituting  almost  the  entire  personnel  of  the  flotilla,  coming 
from  the  Senator  of  that  glorious  banner  State  of  dashing,  gallant 
officers  and  men  who  have  been  foremost  in  the  field,  I  most  grate 
fully  in  their  behalf  and  my  own  make  my  acknowledgments. 

Captain  Ericsson  wrote : 

It  would,  indeed,  prove  a  great  stimulus  for  exertion,  if  all  who 
labor  for  the  public  good  could  have  their  deeds  placed  before  the 
country  in  such  striking  and  eloquent  language  as  characterizes 
your  speech. 

The  wife  of  an  accomplished  naval  officer  wrote  : 

I  received  a  few  days  since  the  remarks  made  by  you  in  regard 
to  our  Western  naval  flotilla.  I  have  taken  great  pleasure  in  read 
ing  them,  and  lending  them  to  a  good  many  friends,  who  have  been 
equally  delighted  with  them.  Our  gallant  little  navy  has  covered 
itself  with  glory  in  this  war.  I  am  so  glad  that  it  has  had  an  op 
portunity  of  making  itself  known  and  appreciated  in  the  West, 
where  it  will  henceforth,  I  trust,  be  as  much  cherished  and  admired 
as  it  used  to  be  in  the  East.  The  action  of  the  Cumberland  and 
the  Monitor  seems  to  me  to  be  as  sublime  as  anything  that  we  read 
of  in  history,  and  I  can  never  think  of  the  going  down  of  that 
beautiful  vessel,  with  her  guns  firing  -and  her  colors  flying,  without 
the  tears  coming  to  my  eyes.  Please  accept  my  thanks  for  your 
beautiful  tribute  to  the  Navy,  and  for  giving  me  an  opportunity  to 
read  it. 

71. —  To  Captain  Samuel  F.  Du  Pont,  Flag- Officer. 

WASHINGTON,  March  15,  1862. 

I  beg  you  to  receive  my  thanks  for  your  kind  remembrance  of 
me  as  shown  by  the  valuable  rifle  sent  me  by  Captain  Davis.  The 
gun  of  itself  is  valuable,  but  the  fact  that  it  comes  from  you  ren 
ders  it  doubly  so.  You  may  be  assured  that  your  services  on  the 
South  Atlantic  coast  are  fully  appreciated  by  the  country. 


1862.]  A  SENATOR  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  183 

I  send  you  the  Globe  newspaper,  containing  some  remarks  of 
mine  in  the  Senate  on  the  operations  of  the  Western  flotilla  under 
Captain  Foote.  There  was  to  my  mind  a  manifest  intention  on  the 
part  of  the  military  commanders  to  do  Captain  Foote  injustice ;  and, 
although  I  have  no  acquaintance  with  him,  I  was  resolved  to  see 
"  the  record  made  right,"  as  not  only  an  act  of  justice  to  him,  but 
also  to  the  service.  T  flatter  myself  that  the  sentiment  here  is  now 
with  Foote ;  I  know  that  it  is  wholly  so  in  the  Senate.  He  intend 
ed  to  attack  the  rebel  forts  at  New  Madrid,  on  the  Mississippi  Riv 
er,  to-day. 

Upon  hearing  of  the  victory  of  the  national  arms  at  Fort 
Donelson,  Tennessee,  February  15th,  Mr.  Grimes  addressed  a 
congratulatory  letter  to  General  Charles  F.  Smith,  and  received 
the  following  reply : 

SAVANNAH,  TENN.,  March  13,  1862. 

Your  kind  and  complimentary  note  of  the  24th  ult.,  addressed 
to  me  at  Paducah,  was  not  received  by  me  until  this  morning.  I 
fear  that  yourself  and  others  overrate  the  value  of  my  services  re 
cently  ;  I  did  not  suppose  I  was  doing  anything  remarkable  ;  how 
ever,  I  am  not  the  less  sensible  of  the  kindness  and  manliness  you 
have  exhibited  toward  one  so  entirely  a  stranger  to  you  as  myself. 
I  am  deeply  grateful  to  you,  believe  me.  As  I  know  it  will  gratify 
your  State  pride,  it  affords  me  great  pleasure  to  say  that,  although 
all  of  the  Iowa  regiments  acted  creditably,  the  behavior  of  the  Sec 
ond  was,  during  the  assault  of  the  15th,  as  fine  an  exhibition  of 
soldierly  conduct  as  it  has  ever  been  my  fortune  to  witness. 

I  am  here  with  a  large  force  on  a  rather  delicate  mission,  which 
will  be  developed  in  a  few  days.  Again  thanking  you  for  your  man 
liness  and  kindness,  I  remain 

Very  truly  your  friend  and  servant, 

C.  F.  SMITH. 

The  Hon.  JAMES  W.  GKIMES,  Washington. 

A  few  weeks  afterward  General  Smith  died  at  his  post.  In 
advocating  a  pension  to  his  widow,  Mr.  Grimes  paid  the  follow 
ing  tribute  to  his  memory  : 

I  should  do  injustice  to  my  own  feelings,  and  to  the  gallant 
men  of  my  State  who  composed  a  part  of  General  Smith's  division, 


184:  LIFE   OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1862. 

and  who  were  led  so  valiantly  by  him  in  action,  if  I  did  not  say  a 
single  word  in  advocacy  of  this  bill.  General  Smith  was  nearly 
forty  years  in  the  service  of  the  United  States.  He  was  recognized 
everywhere  by  everybody  and  at  all  times  as  one  of  the  most  skill 
ful,  one  of  the  bravest  and  most  gallant  men  we  ever  had.  I  have 
heard  officers  say  that  it  seemed  to  them,  who  had  seen  him  in 
action  in  Mexico  and  in  this  country,  that  when  the  action  came, 
and  he  saw  powder  burning,  he  had  a  divine  inspiration  upon  him. 
At  Donelson  he  was  wounded  by  a  ball,  and  inflammation  proceeding 
from  that  wound  was  the  cause  of  his  death.  Yet  so  anxious  was 
he  that  his  officers  and  men  should  not  know  that  he  had  been 
wounded,  that  he  carefully  concealed  it,  and  it  was  not  known 
except  to  a  few  until  after  his  death,  and  even  his  widow  was  not 
made  conscious  of  it  until  weeks  after  he  had  died.  It  is  to  the 
widow  of  that  man  who  has  led  your  soldiers  for  forty  years,  who 
has  exhibited  such  bravery  upon  every  field,  who  was  brevetted 
three  times  in  Mexico  for  his  gallantry,  who  was  everywhere  con 
sidered  one  of  the  most  accomplished  officers  the  public  service  had, 
that  I  desired  to  give  this  pension,  even  if  it  may  be  considered  a 
little  more  liberal  than  we  can  afford  to  give  to  the  widows  of  all 
our  brigadier  and  major  generals  hereafter ;  for  I  apprehend  there 
will  be  very  few  cases  so  meritorious. 

Mr.  Grimes  moved  an  inquiry,  April  14th,  as  to  what  reor 
ganization  of  the  army  in  its  personnel,  or  otherwise,  may  be 
necessary  to  promote  the  public  welfare  and  bring  the  rebellion 
to  a  speedy  and  triumphant  end ;  and  made  a  speech  against  the 
surrender  of  slaves  by  the  army,  exposing  the  abuses  of  several 
commanders  in  that  matter,  and  advising  the  employment  of 
slaves  in  the  military  service  of  the  United  States.  Mr.  Sumner 
called  it  a  persuasive  speech,  and  said  that  he  was  grateful  to  the 
Senator  from  Iowa  for  the  frankness  with  which  he  exposed 
and  condemned  the  recent  orders  of  several  of  the  generals. 

SPEECH    ON   THE    SURRENDER    OF    SLAVES   BY   THE    ARMY, 

April  14,  1862. 

It  is,  of  course,  to  be  expected  that  there  will  be  great  differ 
ences  of  opinion  among  the  friends  of  the  Government  as  to  the 
manner  in  which  the  present  war  should  be  conducted.  Such 


1862.]  A  SENATOR  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  185 

differences  are  the  natural  results  of  our  various  domestic  institu 
tions,  systems  of  education,  modes  of  thought,  degrees  of  civilization, 
and  of  individual  opinions  of  the  necessities  of  our  situation.  But 
there  are  certain  great  fundamental  principles  upon  which,  one 
would  think,  all  ought  to  agree.  We  certainly  ought  to  do  nothing 
and  suffer  nothing  to  be  done  calculated  in  any  degree  to  repel  or 
paralyze  the  efforts  of  our  friends  at  home,  who  are  doing  every 
thing  in  their  power  to  encourage  and  sustain  the  soldiers  in  the 
field.  While  inculcating  the  necessity  of  the  strictest  obedience 
to  military  duty,  it  should  be  constantly  borne  in  mind  that  ours 
are  a  citizen  soldiery,  soon  to  return  to  the  bosom  of  civil  society, 
and  that  the  performance  of  no  un  soldierly  duty  should  be 
required  of  them  that  would  be  calculated  to  impair  their  self- 
respect,  diminish  their  regard  for  their  officers,  incite  them  to  rebel 
against  discipline,  or  taint  their  reputations  at  home.  It  must 
not  be  expected  that  the  natural  instincts  of  humanity  will  be 
stifled  by  military  orders,  and  surely  our  soldiers  should  not  be  re 
quired  to  assist  in  the  perpetration  of  acts  against  which  every 
enlightened  sentiment  of  their  hearts  revolts.  One  would  think 
that  all  men  would  agree  in  pronouncing  that  a  cruel  and  despotic 
order,  which  repeals  the  divine  precept,  "  Inasmuch  as  ye  did  it  not 
to  one  of  the  least  of  these  ye  did  it  not  to  me,"  and  arbitrarily  for 
bids  the  soldier  to  bestow  a  crust  of  bread  or  a  cup  of  water  upon 
a  wretched,  famishing  fugitive  escaping  from  our  own  as  well  as 
from  his  enemy.  Yet,  I  grieve  to  say  there  are  those  high  in  rank 
in  the  service  of  the  United  States  who  have  sought  to  break  down 
the  spirit  of  manhood,  which  is  the  crowning  glory  of  true  soldiers, 
by  requiring  them  to  do  acts  outside  of  their  profession  which  they 
abhor,  and  to  smother  all  impulses  to  those  deeds  of  charity  which 
they  have  been  taught  to  believe  are  the  characteristics  of  Christian 
gentlemen. 

It  was  known  to  the  country  at  an  early  day  after  the  commence 
ment  of  the  war,  that  some  military  commanders  were  abusing  the 
great  power  intrusted  to  them,  and  were  employing  the  Army  to 
assist  in  the  capture  and  rendition  of  fugitive  slaves,  not  in  aid  of 
any  judicial  process,  but  in  obedience  to  their  own  unbridled  will. 
The  effect  of  this  assumption  of  unauthorized  power  was  to  incite 
the  soldiery  to  disobedience,  and  to  arouse  the  people  to  the  neces 
sity  of  proper  legislative  restraints.  It  was  in  compliance  with  the 


186  LIFE   OF  JAMES  W.   GKIMES.  [1862. 

popular  sentiment  on  this  subject  that  Congress  enacted  the  addi 
tional  article  of  war,  which  was  approved  on  the  13th  of  March  last, 
and  which  declared  that  "all  officers  or  persons  in  the  military  or 
naval  service  of  the  United  States  are  prohibited  from  employing 
any  of  the  forces  under  their  respective  commands  for  the  purpose 
of  returning  fugitives  from  service  or  labo^  who  may  have  escaped 
from  any  persons  to  whom  such  service  or  labor  is  claimed  to  be 
due,  and  any  officer  who  shall  be  found  guilty  by  court-martial  of 
violating  this  article  shall  be  dismissed  from  the  service." 

It  was  intended  by  this  article  to  prevent  the  military  service 
from  becoming  odious  to  the  people  who  support  the  war,  and 
degrading  to  those  who  have  voluntered  to  fight  under  our  banners. 
It  simply  declares  that  the  Army  of  the  United  States  shall  not  be 
perverted  from  the  legitimate  use  for  which  it  was  raised,  while  it 
interferes  in  no  degree  with  the  claim  of  any  man  to  a  person 
alleged  to  be  a  slave ;  it  leaves  questions  of  that  character  to  be 
settled,  and  rights  of  that  description  to  be  enforced,  by  other  than 
the  military  authority.  The  intention  of  those  who  voted  for  this 
article  was  not  to  abridge  any  man's  rights,  but  to  leave  every  one 
to  his  legal  remedies  as  though  no  war  existed. 

How  is  this  new  article  of  war  enforced  ?  It  has  been  promul 
gated  to  the  army  it  is  true.  It  may  not  be  openly  and  avowedly 
violated.  Soldiers  may  not  hereafter  be  required  to  actually  per 
form  the  humiliating  office  of  fastening  manacles  upon  the  limbs  of 
persons  said  to  be  slaves,  nor  to  escort  them  to  the  residences  of 
their  masters ;  but  the  experience  of  the  last  few  days  has  taught 
us  that,  notwithstanding  the  new  article  of  war,  our  military  officers 
suffer  their  camps  to  be  invaded  by  armed  detachments  of  slave- 
hunters,  without  the  support  of  any  process  of  law,  who  there 
attempt  to  shoot,  maim,  and  kill  with  impunity  those  whom  they 
claim  to  be  slaves,  while  our  soldiers  are  required  to  stand  indiffer 
ently  by  and  witness  the  inhuman  work. 

How  long,  think  you,  will  this  method  of  dealing  with  the  rebels 
be  endured  by  the  freemen  of  this  country  ?  Are  our  brothers  and 
sons  to  be  confined  within  the  walls  of  the  tobacco-warehouses  and 
jails  of  Richmond  and  Charleston,  obliged  to  perform  the  most 
menial  offices,  subsisted  upon  the  most  stinted  diet,  their  lives 
endangered  if  they  attempt  to  obtain  a  breath  of  fresh  air,  or  a 
beam  of  God's  sunlight  at  a  window,  while  the  rebels,  captured  by 


1862.]  A  SENATOR  OF  THE   UNITED   STATES.  187 

these  very  men,  are  permitted  to  go  at  large  upon  parol,  to  be  pam 
pered  with  luxuries,  to  be  attended  by  slaves,  and  the  slaves 
guarded  from  escape  by  our  own  soldiers  ? 

In  the  month  of  February  last,  an  officer  of  the  Third  Regiment 
of  Iowa  Infantry,  stationed  at  a  small  town  in  Missouri,  succeeded 
in  capturing  several  rebel  bridge-burners,  and  some  recruiting- 
officers  belonging  to  Price's  army.  The  information  that  led  to 
their  capture  was  furnished  by  two  or  three  remarkably  shrewd  and 
intelligent  slaves,  claimed  by  a  lieutenant-colonel  in  the  rebel  army. 
Shortly  afterward  the  master  dispatched  an  agent  with  instructions 
to  seize  the  slaves  and  convey  them  within  the  rebel  lines,  where 
upon  the  Iowa  officer  seized  them  and  'reported  the  circumstances 
to  headquarters.  The  slaves  soon  understanding  the  full  import 
of  General  Halleck's  celebrated  Order  No.  3,  two  of  them  attempted 
an  escape.  This  was  regarded  as  an  unpardonable  sin.  The  Iowa 
officer  was  immediately  placed  under  arrest,  and  a  detachment  of 
the  Missouri  State  militiamen,  in  the  pay  of  the  Government  and 
under  the  command  of  General  Halleck,  were  sent  in  pursuit  of  the 
fugitives.  The  hunt  was  successful.  The  slaves  were  caught  and 
returned  to  their  traitor  master,  but  not  until  one  of  them  had  been 
shot  by  order  of  the  soldier  in  command  of  the  pursuing  party. 

Mr.  President,  how  long  shall  we  permit  such  conduct  as  this 
to  go  unrebuked  ?  Does  any  one  suppose  that  the  people  will  qui 
etly  submit  to  the  imposition  of  taxes  to  support  a  State  militia  in 
the  field  that  is  to  be  employed  in  the  capture  of  slaves  for  the 
benefit  of  officers  in  the  rebel  army  ?  Is  it  supposed  that  the  Sen 
ators  from  Iowa  will  silently,  patiently  permit  the  gallant  officers 
from  that  State  to  be  outraged  in  the  manner  I  have  described  ? 

It  is  quite  time  that  some  definite  policy  should  be  established 
for  the  treatment  of  escaped  slaves ;  and  I  am  of  the  opinion  that 
Congress  has  been  grossly  derelict  in  permitting  the  evil  to  go  so 
long  unregulated  and  unchecked.  We  have  almost  as  many  diverse 
systems  of  dealing  with  this  class  of  persons  as  we  have  military 
departments.  In  one,  fugitive  slaves  have  been  pursued,  flogged, 
and  returned  to  their  masters  by  our  army ;  in  another,  they  have 
been  simply  pursued  and  returned  without  flogging ;  in  another, 
they  have  been  pursued  and  shot  in  the  attempt  to  return  them  ;  in 
another,  they  have  been  termed  "  contraband,"  and  received  within 
our  lines  in  the  mixed  character  of  persons  and  property.  In  the 


188  LIFE  OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1862. 

absence  of  any  authoritative  declaration  of  Congress,  none  of  these 
modes  may  be  held  to  be  in  conflict  with  law,  other  than  the  law  of 
common-sense  and  common  decency.1 

It  is  obvious  that  the  article  of  war  which  I  have  quoted  does 
not  meet  the  case  presented  by  Major-General  Halleck  in  his  Or 
der  No.  3.  That  celebrated  manifesto  declares  in  substance  that 
all  persons  from  the  enemy's  country  shall  be  excluded  from  our 
lines.  The  plain  purpose  of  the  order  is  to  prohibit  fugitive  slaves 
escaping  from  the  rebellious  district,  and  thereby  securing  freedom. 
It  was  doubtless  competent  for  General  Halleck  to  issue  such  an 
order,  and  it  is  equally  competent  for  Congress,  which  has  made 
and  continues  to  make  articles  of  war  for  the  government  of  the 
army  and  navy,  to  countermand  it.  And  it  ought  to  be  counter 
manded.  I  will  not  pause  to  discuss  the  humanitarian  features  of 
the  question.  Public  policy,  no  less  than  popular  feeling,  demands 
that  Order  No.  3  be  forever  erased.  There  never  was  a  war  waged 
in  the  history  of  the  world  where  the  means  of  acquiring  informa 
tion  of  the  enemy's  position  and  numbers  were  more  ample  than 
here,  and  there  never  was  one  where  the  commanding  officers  have 
suffered  more  from  lack  of  such  information.  Order  No.  3  proposes 
to  incorporate  the  fatuity  and  blindness  which  remained  unwritten 
in  other  military  departments  into  an  historical  record  and  a  public 
advertisement.  It  proposes  to  warn  all  persons  against  bringing 
information  of  the  enemy's  movements  to  our  camps,  under  penalty 
of  being  turned  back  to  receive  such  punishment  as  the  enemy  may 
choose  to  inflict  for  betraying  them,  or  for  running  away  and  be 
traying  combined.  No  organization  of  secret  service  can  meet  all 
the  requirements  of  an  army  operating  in  an  enemy's  country,  un 
less  aided  by  some  portion  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  country. 
What  folly,  then,  to  wall  out  and  repel  the  very  inhabitants  who 
might  bring  us  the  information  we  most  need,  and  who  have  every 
where  shown  an  eagerness  to  do  so  ! 

It  is  the  undoubted  right  and  the  duty  of  every  nation,  when 
engaged  in  a  righteous  war — and  no  other  than  a  righteous  war  is 
justifiable  at  all — to  avail  itself  of  every  legitimate  means  known 

1  "Tip  to  that  date  (July,  1862),  neither  Congress  nor  the  President  had  made 
any  clear,  well-defined  rules  touching  the  negro  slaves,  and  the  different  generals 
had  issued  orders  according  to  their  own  political  sentiments." — Memoirs  of  Gen 
eral  W.  T.  Sherman,  written  by  Himself,  vol.  i.,  p.  265. 


1862.]  A  SENATOR  OF  THE  UNITED   STATES.  189 

to  civilized  warfare  to  overcome  its  enemies.  What  will  be  thought 
by  posterity  of  this  nation,  if,  in  the  present  emergency,  we  not 
only  fail  to  employ  the  agencies  which  Providence  seems  to  have 
placed  at  our  disposal,  but  actually  seek  every  opportunity  to  exas 
perate  and  drive  from  our  support  those  who  are  anxious  to  serve 
us  ?  Were  the  Russian  nobles  now  engaged  in  a  rebellion  against 
their  Government,  would  we  not  regard  their  emperor  as  guilty  of 
the  greatest  folly,  if  he  not  only  declined  to  enlist  the  serfs  of  his 
empire  to  aid  in  suppressing  the  insurrection,  but  repelled  them 
from  his  service  and  allowed  his  generals  to  return  them  to  his  re 
bellious  nobles,  to  be  used  by  them  in  overthrowing  his  authority  ? 
And  can  any- one  tell  me  the  difference  between  the  case  I  have  put 
and  our  own  ? 

The  whole  history  of  the  world  does  not  exhibit  a  nation  guilty 
of  such  extreme  fatuity  as  has  marked  the  conduct  of  our  Govern 
ment  in  its  treatment  of  the  colored  population  since  the  present 
war  began.  It  seems  to  be  impossible  to  convince  ourselves  that 
war,  with  all  of  its  attendant  responsibilities  and  calamities,  really 
exists,  and  that  future  generations  will  not  hold  those  guiltless  who 
refuse  to  use  any  of  the  means  which  God  has  placed  in-their  hands 
to  bring  it  to  a  speedy  and  successful  termination.  History  will 
pronounce  those  men  criminal  who,  in  this  crisis  of  the  nation's  fate, 
consult  the  prejudices  of  caste  or  color,  and  regard  the  interests  of 
property  of  paramount  importance  to  the  unity  of  the  nation. 

It  is  useless  to  attempt  to  blink  out  of  sight  the  great  issues 
before  us — issues  that  must  be  settled,  and  settled  by  us.  It  were 
wiser  and  more  manly  to  meet  them  squarely  and  at  once.  We 
are  in  the  midst  of  the  greatest  revolution  that  ever  occurred  in 
ancient  or  modern  times.  Such  armies  as  are  now  marshaled  in 
hostile  array  on  this  continent,  in  point  of  numbers,  equipment, 
and  expense,  have  been  hitherto  unknown  in  the  annals  of  man 
kind.  We  are  imposing  burdens  in  the  form  of  taxes  that  will  be 
felt  by  unborn  generations.  We  are  suffering  much  now  ;  we  ex 
pect  and  are  willing  to  suffer  more.  And  why  ?  Because  we  de 
sire  to  preserve  the  integrity  of  our  nation ;  because  we  believe 
that  Heaven  designed  us  to  be  one  people  with  one  destiny ;  the 
freest  and  happiest  on  earth.  It  was  to  preserve  that  unity  of  our 
national  existence  that  our  sons  and  brothers  have  gone  forth  to  do 
battle.  For  this  it  was  that  the  gallant  men  of  Iowa  have  freely, 


190  LIFE  OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1862. 

triumphantly,  laid  down  their  lives  at  Wilson's  Creek,  Blue  Mills, 
Belmont,  Fort  Donelson,  Pea  Ridge,  and  Pittsburg.  And  shall 
we,  after  these  great  sacrifices  of  life  and  treasure,  hesitate  about 
employing  any  of  the  instrumentalities  in  aid  of  the  country  that 
are  known  to  civilized  warfare  ?  Shall  we  not  be  recreant  to  our 
high  trust  if  we  doubt  or  delay  in  this  particular  ? 

This  war  will  go  on  until  rebellion  is  subdued.  Upon  this  point 
there  need  be  no  controversy.  Rely  upon  it,  the  Northwestern 
States  will  submit  to  no  temporizing  or  compromising  policy. 
They  are  too  much  in  earnest ;  they  have  suffered  too  much  already ; 
they  know  too  well  what  they  would  be  compelled  to  suffer  in  the 
future  to  allow  treason  to  go  unpunished.  It  is  because  they  desire 
to  prevent  the  recurrence  of  the  rebellion  that  they  demand  that  it 
shall  now  be  thoroughly  crushed  out.  Among  things  necessary  to 
be  done  to  fully  accomplish  this  purpose,  we  must  conquer  and  hold 
all  the  forts  and  strong  positions  on  the  South  Atlantic  and  Gulf 
coasts.  How  shall  they  be  garrisoned  when  captured  ?  This  is  a 
question  we  shall  soon  be  compelled  to  answer ;  and  I  am  prepared 
for  its  solution.  I  answer  it  unhesitatingly  that  we  should  garrison 
them,  in  wfcole  or  in  part,  by  soldiers  of  African  descent ;  that  in 
stead  of  returning  slaves  to  their  rebel  masters  to  fight  against  us, 
we  should  employ  them  in  our  own  military  service. 

I  know  very  well  that  this  proposition  encounters  at  once  all 
the  prejudices  that  have  been  engendered  by  differences  of  race, 
education,  and  social  position  ;  but  let  us  look  at  it  a  moment  sober 
ly  and  practically.  It  is  assumed  as  admitted  by  all  that  the  South 
ern  forts  must  be  captured  and  strongly  garrisoned  for  some  years 
to  come.  They  are  situated  in  a  warm  and  enervating  climate,  and 
the  particular  location  of  nearly  all  of  them  renders  them  more  than 
usually  unhealthy,  even  for  that  section  of  the  country.  In  addition 
to  the  forts  already  established,  we  shall  be  compelled  to  build  new 
ones.  The  rebels  rely  upon  the  diseases  of  their  climate  to  deci 
mate  our  Northern  army  in  the  summer  and  autumnal  months  ;  and 
their  confidence  is  well  placed.  Our  troops  will  wither  before  the 
fevers  of  the  Gulf  coast  as  vegetation  does  before  the  blast  of  the 
sirocco.  Now,  we  have  in  our  midst  thousands  of  hardy,  athletic 
colored  men,  fitted  by  nature  to  endure  the  heat  and  miasma  of 
the  tropics,  and  some  of  them  accustomed  to  it,  who  are  panting 
to  be  employed  in  the  capacity  of  soldiers.  Many  of  them  having 


1862.]  A  SENATOR  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  191 

been  in  a  state  of  bondage,  have  been  abandoned  by  their  masters, 
and  are  now  thrown  upon  us  for  support.  Some  of  them  were 
forced  by  our  enemies  into  their  military  service,  and  have  deserted 
from  it.  They  implore  our  protection,  and  we  must  give  it,  if  we 
would  not  become  a  "  scorn  and  derision  "  among  the  nations  of 
the  earth.  They  have  shown  on  divers  occasions,  both  on  sea  and 
land,  that  they  belong  to  a  warlike  race.  They  are  obedient  and 
teachable.  They  can  be  subsisted  much  cheaper  than  white  sol 
diers,  can  perform  more  labor,  and  are  subject  to  fewer  diseases  in 
a  warm  climate. 

Now,  with  these  facts  before  us,  shall  we  refuse  to  employ  them  ? 
What  substantial  reason  can  be  given  for  not  doing  so  ?  Is  it  be 
cause  they  have  not  the  proper  capacity  for  command  ?  Then  give 
them  white  officers,  as  is  done  by  the  British  Government  to  the  same 
race,  by  the  French  Government  to  the  Arabs,  and  by  the  Russian 
Government  to  the  Tartars  and  other  semi-barbarous  soldiers  within 
that  empire.  Is  it  because  they  do  not  possess  the  average  courage 
of  soldiers  ?  In  addition  to  the  testimony  in  disproof  of  this,  fur 
nished  a  few  days  ago  by  the  Senator  from  Massachusetts  (Mr.  Wil 
son),  I  refer  you  to  your  vessels-of-war,  where  you  have  hundreds 
of  these  men  employed,  and  none  more  valiant.  Is  it  because  they 
are  not  obedient  to  command  ?  The  whole  history  of  the  race  shows 
the  contrary,  for,  if  there  is  any  one  thing  for  which  they  are  re 
markable  more  than  another,  it  is  their  confiding  submission  to  the 
will  of  their  superiors.  Is  it  said  that  we  have  white  soldiers  enough 
for  all  of  our  purposes  ?  True,  we  have  a  large  army,  composed 
of  men  of  unsurpassed  valor  and  patriotism,  who,  if  we  require  it, 
will  sacrifice  their  lives  for  their  country,  whether  by  the  sword  or 
by  disease ;  but  I  would,  if  I  could,  recall  a  portion  of  them  to  their 
homes  and  to  the  industrial  pursuits  of  life.  Am  I  told  that  the 
enrollment  of  a  few  colored  soldiers  will  be  regarded  by  the  Army 
as  humiliating  to  them  ?  Mr.  President,  those  public  men  fail  to 
comprehend  the  character  of  American  soldiers  who  suppose  that 
they  are  fighting  for  mere  military  glory,  or  that  in  this  critical  hour 
they  are  controlled  by  ignoble  prejudice  against  color  or  race. 
They  are  citizens  and  taxpayers  as  well  as  soldiers.  They  want 
the  rebellion  speedily  crushed  and  the  supreme  authority  of  the 
law  established,  leaving  social  and  political  questions  to  be  set 
tled  afterward.  They  feel  that  the  desertion  of  every  colored  sol- 


192  LIFE   OF  JAMES  W.   GEIMES.  [1862. 

dier,  artificer,  or  laborer,  from  the  rebellious  States,  withdraws  aid 
and  support  from  the  rebellion,  and  brings  it  so  much  nearer  to  an 
end.  They  cannot  understand,  nor  can  I,  that  refined  casuistry  that 
justifies  us  In  converting  the  enemy's  horse  or  ox  to  our  use,  and  in 
turning  their  inanimate  engines  of  destruction  against  themselves, 
but  denies  to  us  the  right  to  turn  their  slaves,  their  animate  hostile 
engines  in  human  form,  to  the  same  purpose.  They  cannot  imagine 
why  it  is  that  some  gentlemen  are  so  willing  that  men  of  the  Afri 
can  race  should  labor  for  them,  and  so  unwilling  that  they  should 
fight  for  them. 

What  a  wonderful  difference  of  action  and  sentiment  there  is  on 
this  subject  between  the  officers  of  the  Army  and  Navy !  While 
officers  of  the  Army  have  disgraced  themselves,  annoyed  and  in 
censed  their  subordinates,  dishonored  the  country,  and  injured  the 
public  service,  by  the  promulgation  of  their  ridiculous  orders  about 
slaves,  no  officer  of  the  Navy,  thank  God,  has  ever  descended  to 
follow  their  example.  Their  noble,  manly,  generous  hearts  would 
revolt  at  the  idea  of  having  imposed  upon  them  the  humiliating 
duty  of  capturing  and  returning  fugitive  slaves.  They  serve  their 
country,  not  rebel  slave-owners.  They  think  that  duty  to  the  coun 
try  requires  them  to  avail  themselves  of  the  services  of  these  people, 
instead  of  driving  them  back  to  their  masters,  or  suffering  them  to 
starve  ;  and  they  act  upon  this  conviction.  At  the  taking  of  Hat- 
teras,  one  of  the  large  guns  of  the  Minnesota  was  wholly  rr.anned 
and  worked  by  persons  called  "  contrabands,"  and  no  gun  on  the 
ship  was  better  served.  These  people  are,  it  is  well  known,  re 
markable  for  the  proficiency  they  soon  acquire  as  cannoneers.  On 
the  same  ship  is  a  boat's  crew,  every  one  of  whom,  including  the 
cockswain,  is  a  colored  man,  and  there  are  none  more  skillful,  or  ren 
der  more  satisfactory  service  to  the  officers  of  the  vessel.  The 
whole  country  knows  the  services  rendered  by  them  to  Commodore 
Du  Pont  and  to  the  vessels  under  his  command.  They  have  acted 
as  pilots,  and  in  the  most  important  positions,  and  I  have  the  au 
thority  of  the  two  superior  officers  of  that  fleet  for  saying  that  they 
have  never  been  deceived  or  misled  by  any  one  of  them.  I  am  con 
vinced  that  our  expedition  to  the  South  Atlantic  coast  would  not 
have  been  so  perfect  a  success  as  it  has  been  but  for  the  slaves  found 
there,  and  who  were  employed  by  our  naval  officers.  There  are 
more  or  less  of  them  on  all  our  vessels-of-war.  They  are  effi- 


1862.]  A  SENATOR  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  193 

cient    men,  and   their   presence   produces   no  discord   among   the 
crews. 

Mr.  President,  I  wish  to  be  distinctly  understood.  I  advocate 
no  indiscriminate  arming  of  the  colored  race,  although  I  frankly 
confess  that  I  would  do  so  were  it  necessary  to  put  down  the  rebel 
lion.  I  do  not  favor  this  proposition  merely  because  of  its  anti- 
slavery  tendency.  I  approve  it  because  it  will  result  in  a  saving 
of  human  life,  and  in  bringing  the  rebellion  to  a  speedier  termina 
tion.  It  is  my  business  to  aid  in  bringing  this  war  to  a  close  by 
conquering  an  unconditional  peace  in  the  least  expensive  and 
speediest  manner  possible.  Acting  upon  this  idea  of  my  duty,  and 
believing  that  humanity  and  the  best  interests  of  the  country  re 
quire  the  enrollment  of  a  few  colored  regiments  for  garrisoning  the 
Southern  forts,  I  shall  vote,  whenever  an  opportunity  shall  be  afforded 
me,  for  converting  a  portion  of  the  colored  refugees  into  soldiers, 
instead  of  forcing  them  back  into  servitude  to  their  rebel  masters 
and  their  rebel  government.  We  may  hesitate  to  do  this.  Our 
hesitation  will  cost  us  the  valuable  lives  of  many  of  our  own  race 
who  are  near  and  dear  to  us.  Our  hesitation  to  use  the  means 
which  Providence  seems  to  have  placed  in  our  hands  for  crushing 
the  rebellion  may  carry  desolation  to  many  a  loyal  hearthstone. 
But  we  must  adopt  this  policy  sooner  or  later,  and,  in  my  opinion, 
the  sooner  we  do  it  the  better.  The  rebels  have  this  day  thousands 
of  slaves  throwing  up  intrenchments  and  redoubts  at  Yorktown, 
and  thousands  of  them  performing  military  duty  elsewhere;  and 
yet  we  hesitate  and  doubt  the  propriety  of  employing  the  same 
race  of  people  to  defend  ourselves  and  our  institutions  against  them. 
Mr.  President,  how  long  shall  we  hesitate  ? 

Parker  Pillsbury  wrote  to  Mr.  Grimes  from  Concord,  IN".  H., 
April  26th : 

Your  whole  speech  breathes  a  spirit  of  humanity  and  love  of 
justice,  honorable  to  your  heart.  Almost  forty  years  ago,  I  used 
to  walk  barefooted,  and  before  daylight,  by  your  father's,,house  on 
my  way  to  see  the  musters.  I  recollect  you  as  a  smaller  boy  than 
myself,  in  more  comfortable  conditions.  I  only  desire  to  give  you 
the  good-speed  of  an  humble,  but,  I  trust,  honest,  earnest  lover  of 
liberty  and  of  man,  of  every  man.  I  have  not  forgotten  your  brave 
letter  to  Franklin  Pierce,  when  he  undertook  to  play  President  over 


194:  LIFE   OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1862. 

the  country,  and  work  the  tyrant  in  and  over  Kansas.  My  mission 
is  (as  for  twenty  years  past)  to  demand  freedom  for  every  slave, 
not  as  a  "military  necessity,"  but  in  the  name  of  humanity,  and 
according  to  the  laws  of  the  living  God. 

Dissatisfied  with  vacillating  counsels  in  carrying  on  the  war, 
and  advocating  a  definite  policy,  Mr.  Grimes  said,  May  20th  : 

I  am  not  so  anxious  to  tax  the  people  until  I  have  some  distinct 
line  of  policy  laid  down  by  the  President,  and  by  those  in  authority 
in  this  Government.  The  time  has  arrived  when  we,  as  the  Senators 
of  the  States,  when  the  members  of  the  House,  as  the  representa 
tives  of  the  people,  and  when  the  people  themselves,  have  a  right  to 
expect  and  demand  that  there  should  be  some  definite  line  of  policy 
established.  How  is  it  now  ?  In  one  military  district  we  have 
one  sort  of  order  enforced ;  in  another  military  district,  because  it 
does  not  suit  the  views  of  particular  men  who  have  the  ear  of  the 
Executive,  it  is  countermanded,  and  another  order  submitted ;  and 
nobody  knows  what  is  the  true  policy  of  the  Government  in  any 
district.  Is  it  not  due  to  us,  is  it  not  due  to  our  constituents, 
whom  we  propose  to  tax  heavily,  that  there  should  be  something 
submitted  to  the  people  as  to  what  that  line  of  policy  shall  be  ?  If 
the  President  reserves  to  himself,  and  possesses,  as  he  seems  to 
intimate,  the  prerogative,  I  want  to  know,  for  one,  and  as  the  repre 
sentative  of  a  sovereign  State  Idemand  to  know,  how  that  preroga 
tive  is  to  be  exercised. 

Other  matters  demand  our  attention  quite  as  much  as  the  tax 
bill ;  and  in  behalf  of  the  people  that  I  represent  I  want  to  know 
what  is  to  be  the  policy  of  the  Government.  Less  than  eight 
months  ago  five  regiments  of  as  gallant  and  true  men  as  ever 
shouldered  a  musket  went  into  the  Army  of  the  United  States  from 
my  State  with  the  full  complement  of  men.  Within  the  last  ten 
days  they  have  been  brigaded  into  one  brigade,  and  the  total  num 
ber  of  efficient  men  now  is  less  than  one  thousand.  Is  not  that  a 
striking  fact  worthy  of  our  contemplation  ?  Are  we  to  content 
ourselves  with  merely  imposing  additional  burdens  upon  the  people 
in  the  way  of  taxation,  and  take  no  steps  to  supply  those  ranks  ? 

Mr.  Grimes  said,  May  21st,  with  reference  to  numerous 
bills  to  confiscate  the  property  and  free  the  slaves  of  rebels : 


1862.]  A  SENATOR  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  195 

I  am  in  favor  of  a  confiscation  bill.  I  am  in  favor  of  a  stringent 
one.  I  am  willing  to  vote  for  the  most  stringent  one  that  I  can 
constitutionally  vote  for.  I  want  the  best  one  I  can  get.  And,  the 
sooner  we  pass  it,  the  sooner  the  public  mind  will  be  satisfied  upon 
the  subject. 

Weary  of  the  hesitancy  of  the  Administration  to  employ 
colored  persons  in  the  military  service,  Mr.  Grimes  submitted 
the  following  resolution  June  18th : 

Resolved  (as  the  opinion  of  the  Senate),  That  it  is  the  right 
and  duty  of  the  Government  to  call  all  loyal  persons  within  the 
rebellious  States  to'  its  armed  defense  against  the  traitors  who  are 
seeking  its  overthrow. 

On  the  9th  of  July  he  offered  an  amendment  to  the  militia 
bill,  that  there  should  be  no  exemption  from  military  duty  on 
account  of  color  or  lineage,  and  said : 

I  am  now  more  anxious  to  vote  than  to  speak. 

Rev.  George  B.  Cheever,  D.  D.,  of  New  York,  wrote  to  him, 
May  22d,  that  he  was  encouraged  by  the  firmness  and  severity 
with  which  he  had  denounced  the  pro-slavery  policy  of  the  Gov 
ernment. 

Moving  to  abolish  the  grog-ration  in  the  naval  service,  which 
was  two  dips  a  day,  and  to  give  in  lieu  of  it  a  commutation  of 
five  cents,  Mr.  Grimes  said,  June  13th : 

I  am  informed  that  hardly  any  difficulty  has  grown  up  during 
this  war  on  board  of  a  single  one  of  our  vessels,  that  has  not  been 
traced  directly  to  the  fact  that  spirituous  liquors  were  allowed  on 
board  the  ship.  A  great  many  difficulties  have  occurred  both  with 
the  regular  officers  and  with  the  volunteer  officers,  but  in  almost 
every  instance  it  has  been  traced  to  that  source,  and  I  believe  that 
the  men  are  satisfied  that  it  should  be  abolished.  From  what  I  can 
learn,  I  think  that  is  the  universal  sentiment ;  but  so  long  as  we 
allow  liquor  to  be  taken  on  board,  and  allow  a  few  to  have  the 
privilege,  a  great  many  others  will  be  induced  by  the  example  to 
take  it  too.  By  abolishing  the  whiskey -rat  ion  we  shall  take  away 
one  of  the  strongest  reasons  why  parents  are  unwilling  that  their 
minor  sons  should  enlist  in  the  naval  service.  I  desire  that  this 


196  LIFE  OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1862. 

law  shall  apply  to  the  officers  as  well  as  to  the  men,  that  no  dis 
tilled  spirituous  liquors  shall  be  allowed  on  board ;  for,  so  long  as  it 
is  known  to  the'  men  that  the  officers  are  allowed  by  the  Govern 
ment  to  indulge  in  this  practice,  it  will  promote  insubordination 
and  trouble  on  shipboard. 

72.— To  Mrs.   Grimes. 

WASHINGTON,  May  4,  1862. 

I  have  just  returned  from  church ;  heard  a  good  sermon  from 
Dr.  Channing,  better  than  I  ever  heard  from  him,  I  think.  The 
congregation  is  enlarging,  and  I  am  inclined  to  think  that  he  will 
finally  succeed  in  building 'up  a  good  society  here. 

I  met  Miss  Donelson  yesterday.  She  returned  from  Port  Royal 
three  days  ago.  She  speaks  very  favorably  of  the  docility,  obe 
dience,  and  faithfulness,  of  the  blacks  at  that  place. 

You  observe  that  Mr.  Wells  has  issued  a  circular,  directing 
"  contrabands,"  as  he  calls  them,  to  be  enlisted  in  the  naval  service. 
This  must  be  finally  followed  up  by  an  army  order,  sooner  or  later, 
and  then  comes  the  end  of  slavery.  I  regard  the  employment  of 
colored  persons  in  the  Army  and  Navy  as  of  vastly  more  impor 
tance  in  putting  an  end  to  slavery  than  all  of  the  confiscation  acts 
that  could  be  devised  by  the  ingenuity  of  man. 

I  wish  I  were  at  home  with  you,  wandering  about  the  garden,  as 
I  should  be  at  this  hour. 

May  Wth. — This  letter  (of  Commodore  Du  Pont)  will  convince 
you  of  what  I  always  told  you,  that  Du  Pont  is  a  remarkably  dis 
creet,  judicious,  practical  man,  with  generous,  noble  impulses,  and 
withal  a  Christian  gentleman. 

This  morning  I  drew  up  and  passed  through  the  Senate  a  bill 
for  the  benefit  of  Robert  Small,  giving  him  and  his  associates  one- 
half  of  the  value  of  the  steamer  Planter,  and  also  one-half  of  the 
value  of  all  the  arms,  munitions,  etc.,  on  board  at  the  time  she  was 
captured.  The  amount  to  be  distributed  among  him  and  his  asso 
ciates  will  be  about  fifteen  thousand  dollars. 

The  President  has  to-day  rescinded  Hunter's  proclamation.  The 
result  will  be  a  general  row  in  the  country.  All  the  radical  Repub 
licans  are  indignant  but  me,  and  I  am  not,  because  I  have  expected 
it,  and  was  ready  for  it.  They  did  not  anticipate  it,  though  I  have 
told  them  all  along  that  it  was  sure  to  come.  But  the  end  must 


1862.]  A  SENATOR   OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  197 

come,  protracted  by  the  obstinacy  and  stupidity  of  rulers  it  may  be, 
but  come  it  will  nevertheless. 

May  22d. — I  have  a  long  letter  from  Captain  Porter  at  New 
Orleans,  and  one  from  Commodore  Foote,  and  one  from  his  wife, 
also.  Confiscation  got  the  "  go-by  "  to-day,  not  by  my  vote,  how 
ever. 

Stanton  has  been  on  the  "  rampage  "  again,  and  called  out  the 
militia.  There  has  never  been  any  danger  here. 

June. — I  was  never  so  busy  before.  I  have  an  immense  amount 
of  real  business  thrust  upon  me,  and  I  doubt  if  there  is  any  one  in 
the  Senate  who  does  more. 

I  waked  up  the  other  day,  and  found  myself  quite  unexpectedly 
famous,  for  having  abolished  the  grog-ration  in  the  Navy,  and  for 
bidding  any  spirituous  liquors  to  be  taken  on  board  of  ships-of-war. 
I  inclose  a  letter  from  Commodore  Foote  to  Lieutenant  Wise  (son- 
in-law  of  Mr.  Everett),  which  I  thought  you  might  like  to  preserve, 
both  on  account  of  the  compliment  and  the  autograph,1  I  have 
been  making  another  speech  on  naval  matters,  and  am  compli 
mented  on  it.  I  have  also  engineered  a  bill  through  the  Senate 
for  the  better  government  of  the  Navy  upon  modern  and  humani 
tarian  principles. 

Rev.  John  Marsh,  D.  D.,  Secretary  of  the  American  Tem 
perance  Union,  New  York,  wrote  to  Mr.  Grimes,  June  28th : 

A  thousand  thanks  to  you  for  getting  the  spirit-ration  removed 
from  the  Navy ! 

1  Commodore  Foot-*  to  Lieutenant  Wise. 

CLEVELAND,  June  19,  1862. 

MY  DEAR  WISE  :  I  have  written  six  letters  in  my  bed  this  morning,  and  am 
exhausted  ;  but  you  have  been  so  kind  to  me,  and  so  accommodating  to  our  flotilla 
in  its  darkest  days,  that  I  must  say  a  word  in  acknowledgment. 

Mr.  Everett  called  on  me,  and  I  told  him  how  much  the  country  owed  you  for 
invaluable  services  in  the  Ordnance  Bureau,  etc.,  which  elicited  the  remark  that  he 
was  happy  to  hear  such  testimony  from  me.  Your  brother  is  a  noble  fellow,  and 
stood  up  to  his  arduous  duties  in  a  way  that  should  insure  him  any  berth  he  wants 
in  case  the  flotilla,  as  it  should  be,  is  turned  over  to  the  Navy  Department. 

Do  thank  Mr.  Grimes  from  me  for  his  resolution  to  stop  the  grog-ration,  and  keep 
the  ardents  out  of  our  ships.  It  will  even  add  to  his  reputation  as  the  true  friend 
to  the  Navy.  I  am  proud  that  he  who  advocated  my  vote  of  thanks  should  also 
have  introduced  the  resolution  to  banish  liquor  from  our  ships. 

Your  faithful  friend,          A.  H.  FOOTE. 
14 


198  LIFE   OF  JAMES  W.   GEIMES.  [1862. 

Admiral  Du  Pont  wrote,  September  12,  1862  : 

You  will  be  pleased  to  hear  that  the  doing  away  with  the  spirit- 
ration  has  met  with  perfect  acquiescence 

The  establishment  of  a  national  armory  and  arsenal  on  Rock 
Island,  which  Mr.  Grimes  regarded  as  the  place  of  all  others  on 
the  continent  for  it,  was  largely  due  to  his  exertions.  He  intro 
duced  a  bill,  July  12, 1861,  and  after  the  lapse  of  a  year  secured 
an  appropriation  for  the  object.  In  the  course  of  debate,  other 
points  being  proposed  for  the  location  of  the  arsenal,  namely, 
Alton,  Quincy,  Springfield,  and  Keokuk,  he  said : 

In  1816  the  Government  located  a  fort  on  Rock  Island,  in  the 
Mississippi  River.  In  1836  the  fort  was  abandoned,  and  from  that 
time  seven  hundred  and  two  acres  of  land  on  that  island  have  been 
reserved  by  the  Government  for  military  purposes,  and  intended  by 
the  Ordnance  men  and  those  familiar  with  the  military  administra 
tion  for  this  object,  and  for  no  other.  There  is  a  water-power  there 
unequaled  by  any  on  this  continent,  unless  it  be  that  of  Niagara 
Falls.  The  whole  volume  of  the  current  of  the  Mississippi  River 
can  be  used  for  mechanical  purposes,  if  the  Government  sees  fit ; 
and  that  was  one  of  the  reasons  why  it  was  originally  reserved  for 
the  specific  purposes  of  an  arsenal  and  armory.  We  do  not  ask  for 
an  armory  in  Iowa.  We  expect  to  be  sufficiently  benefited  by  the 
establishment  of  an  arsenal  on  Rock  Island,  in  the  State  of  Illinois. 
It  will  be  more  accessible  to  the  people  of  the  western  half  of 
Wisconsin,  and  to  the  people  of  Minnesota,  than  it  would  be  at 
Quincy,  or  at  any  other  point  below ;  and  to  the  people  of  Iowa, 
and  two-thirds  or  one-half  of  the  people  of  Illinois.  The  bill  I  have 
introduced  (February  20,  1862)  authorizes  the  President  to  expend 
one  hundred  thousand  dollars  in  clearing  the  way,  and  preparing 
for  the  erection  of  a  proper  armory  at  this  point. 

Mr.  Grimes  was  jealous  for  the  honor  and  credit  of  the  Navy ; 
claimed  that  it  was  doing  as  much  for  the  country,  and  was  en 
titled  to  as  much  consideration,  as  the  Army,  that  greater 
advances  had  been  made  in  the  manufacture  of  arms  in  the 
Navy  Department  than  in  the  War  Department,  and  that 
there  should  be  some  equality  in  the  relative  rank  and  pay  of 


1862.]  A  SENATOR  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  199 

officers  in  each  service.  He  advocated  establishing  the  grade  of 
rear-admiral,  and  said,  July  2,  1862 : 

If  ever  a  great  exigency  may  arise  when  the  Government  may 
need  an  officer  of  the  higher  grade,  or  when  any  of  these  rear- 
admirals  may  act  so  as  justly  to  entitle  them  to  the  compliment  of 
a  higher  grade,  we  shall  have  it  in  our  power  to  give  them  a  higher 
grade. 

Referring  to  this  measure  as  justified  by  events,  he  said, 
March  3, 1863 : 

We  have  had  six  rear-admirals  appointed  (nine  was  the  limit 
allowed  by  law).  We  established  at  that  time  a  ladder  by  which 
they  might  climb  up  to  that  distinguished  rank.  We  said  to  them  : 
If  you  will  distinguish  yourselves  in  this  particular  service,  if  you 
will  achieve  some  great  conquest  in  this  part  of  the  country  or  in 
that  part  of  the  country,  you  shall  be  made  a  rear-admiral,  you  shall 
have  the  highest  honor  belonging  to  your  profession  which  the 
country  can  bestow.  And  what  is  the  result?  Why,  we  have 
admirals  who  command  the  admiration  and  respect  of  the  whole 
country.  Reference  has  been  made  to  some  naval  officers  of  very 
considerable  merit  who  are  now  serving  in  the  capacity  of  acting 
admirals.  It  was  a  matter  of  favor  that  they  were  permitted  to  be 
acting  admirals.  They  were  given  fine  commands.  They  were 
told :  Go,  and  take  this  place  ;  go,  and  open  the  Mississippi  River, 
distinguish  yourselves,  win  your  laurels  and  you  shall  receive  them. 
These  places  have  been  kept  open  as  incentives  to  emulous  deeds, 
to  noble  daring,  to  the  performance  of  high  duties  on  the  part  of 
your  officers. 

Mr.  Grimes  advocated  appointments  to  the  Marine  Corps  from 
graduates  of  the  Naval  Academy,  for  the  purpose  of  securing 
men  fully  competent  for  the  duties  of  that  service,  and  also  to 
give  every  part  of  the  country  a  fair  representation  in  it.  In  the 
course  of  debate  upon  this  subject,  May  12,  1862,  allusion  being 
made  to  the  Federal  patronage  in  'New  York  and  Iowa,  he  said : 

The  Senator  from  New  York  mentioned  Iowa  as  one  of  the 
States  that  had  got  its  full  share.  In  the  Navy  Department  I 
think  it  has  during  this  Administration  got  everything  we  have 
asked  for  and  that  it  was  entitled  to,  and  I  think  we  have  asked 


200  LIFE  OF  JAMES   W.   GRIMES.  [1862. 

for  nothing  more.  But  it  is  refreshing,  for  a  gentleman  from  New 
York,  where  they  have  a  navy-yard  that  employs  three  thousand 
men,  and  a  custom-house  that  employs  three  thousand  more,  and 
an  arsenal  at  Watervliet  that  employs  twenty-three  hundred  men, 
and  a  navy-yard  again  at  Oswego  that  employs  I  do  not  know 
how  many  more,  and  the  West  Point  Academy,  for  which  we  ap 
propriate  several  hundred  thousand  dollars  a  year,  to  bring  that 
State  in  contrast  with  the  State  of  Iowa,  where  we  have  three  land- 
offices  with  six  land-officers,  each  with  a  salary  of  five  hundred  dol 
lars  a  year,  one  marshal,  one  United  States  judge  with  a  salary  of 
eighteen  hundred  dollars  a  year,  and  one  clerk.  These  are  all  the 
Federal  officers  we  have  in  Iowa,  and  I  thank  God  for  it.  We 
do  not  want  any  more  Federal  officers  in  my  State. 

He  repeated  what  lie  had  said  in  the  Thirty -sixth  Congress 
with  reference  to  a  United  States  marine  hospital  at  Burling 
ton,  Iowa,  and  remarked,  February  7th  : 

It  would  be  supposed  that  I  would  have  some  interest,  perhaps, 
in  keeping  up  the  establishment,  as  the  persons  appointed  to  office 
there  are  my  friends,  and  have  been  appointed,  perhaps,  slightly 
under  my  influence.  But  it  is  of  no  earthly  benefit  to  the  Govern 
ment,  and  ought  to  be  abolished,  and  I  want  to  avail  myself  of  this 
occasion  to  set  an  example  of  self-sacrifice,  of  disinterested  patriot 
ism,  to  gentlemen. 

73.— To  Captain  8.  F.  Du  Pont. 

WASHINGTON,  June  14,  1862. 

Your  letter  in  behalf  of  two  officers  in  your  squadron  is  at  hand 
....  The  difficulty  arises  from  the  displacement  of  those  who  have 
been  continuously  in  the  service,  and  the  apparent  impossibility  of 
stopping  restorations  with  a  few  of  the  most  worthy  ones.  About 
a  score  of  them  have  been  before  us,  and  the  Senate  has  finally  dis 
posed  of  the  matter.  The  officer  who  in  my  opinion  has  the  least 
merit,  was  the  only  one  who  was  strongly  urged  and  insisted  upon ; 
all  the  others  were  made  to  hang  upon  the  decision  in  his  case. 
This  would  not  have  been  fair  (though  I  told  the  Seriate  what  my 
opinion  was  on  the  subject),  had  not  the  question  been  decided 
squarely  upon  its  real  merits,  viz.,  whether  any  one  ought  to  be 
restored,  who  had  resigned  and  gone  into  civil  life,  if  the  restora- 


1862.]  A  SENATOR   OF  THE  UNITED   STATES.  201 

tion  would  injure  those  who  had  remained  all  of  the  time  in  the 
service.  It  is  doubtless  true  that  the  result  was  influenced  by  the 
fact  that  we  have  been  besieged  during  the  session  by  persons  in 
the  interest  of  those  who  seek  to  be  restored,  and  whose  names 
would  probably  have  been  sent  to  us,  had  we  acted  favorably  upon 
those  who  were  sent  in.  The  number  in  favor  of  confirmation  was 
very  small  indeed,  not  half  a  dozen  ;  but  you  will  understand  that 
this  decision  was  not  predicated  at  all  upon  the  merits  of  the  offi 
cers  themselves. 

You  are  misinformed  as  to  the  action  of  the  Senate  on  the  vote 
of  thanks  to  Farragut's  fleet-officers.  The  President  sent  two 
recommendations,  one  embracing  Farragut  and  his  officers  and  men, 
which  the  committee  advised  the  Senate  to  adopt,  and  it  was 
adopted  ;  and  the  other,  recommending  a  vote  of  thanks  to  the 
commander  of  each  vessel,  specifying  each  officer  by  name.  This 
last  the  committee  has  not  acted  upon,  and  will  probably  take  no 
notice  of. 

We  have  just  had  the  naval  bill  under  consideration.  I  had  put 
on  amendments : 

1.  Abolishing  spirit-ration  after  1st  September,  and  allowing 
no  spirituous  liquors  to  be  carried  on  board,  save  for  medical  stores, 
and  giving  each  man  five  cents  per  day  in  lieu  of  it. 

2.  Making  board  of  visitors  at  Naval  Academy  a  mixed  com 
mission  from  civil    and    naval  life,  and  making  an    appropriation 
for  mileage,  as  in  the  case  of  the  Military  Academy. 

3.  Authorizing  ten  naval  cadets  to  be  appointed  each  year,  to 
be  selected  from  the  sons  of  officers  and  men  in  the  military  and 
naval  profession,  who  have  distinguished  themselves. 

4.  Giving  commodore's  secretary  fifteen  hundred    dollars   per 
annum  and  one  ration.     And  sundry  other  amendments  in  which 
you  probably  take  no  particular  interest. 

We  hope  to  leave  here  soon.  I  shall  hope  to  hear  from  you 
often  at  my  Western  home. 

74. — To  Commodore  Samuel  F.  Du  Pont. 

WASHINGTON,  June  29,  1862. 

Your  very  kind  letter  inviting  me  to  visit  you  at  Port  Royal  was 
received  yesterday,  for  which  I  am  greatly  indebted  to  you.  At 
first,  rny  friend  Mr.  Fessenden,  of  Maine,  and  myself  about  deter- 


202  LIFE   OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1862. 

mined  to  accept  your  invitation,  but  my  anxiety  to  see  my  home, 
where  I  have  not  been  since  last  October,  has  constrained  me  to 
forego  the  pleasure  which  I  am  sure  a  visit  to  your  fleet  would 
afford  me.  Should  you  be  in  that  vicinity  in  the  autumn,  I  hope  I 
may  be  able  to  make  the  trip. 

We  hope  to  adjourn  next  week.  I  shall  return  to  Iowa  thor 
oughly  armed  by  your  kind  aid,  prepared  to  kill  all  the  deer,  grouse, 
and  other  game  that  I  may  be  able  to  hit. 

I  have  sent  you  the  bill  for  the  government  of  the  Navy,  as  it 
passed  the  Senate ;  also  the  grade  bill  as  reported  to  the  Senate. 
I  am  sorry  to  say  that  I  am  the  only  member  of  the  Naval  Com 
mittee  who  really  desires  to  pass  the  bill  to  establish  new  grades, 
etc.  By  agreeing  to  two  or  three  absurd  amendments,  I  finally  suc 
ceeded  in  "  badgering "  it  through  the  committee,  and  got  it  re 
ported  to  the  Senate,  with  the  understanding  that  every  member 
of  the  committee  might  vote  as  he  pleased ;  hoping  and  believing 
that  I  can  carry  it  by  dint  of  impudence  and  will. 

The  following  extract  from  a  letter  of  Admiral  Du  Pont 
shows  what  naval  gentlemen  thought  of  Mr.  Grimes's  labors  in 
behalf  of  the  Navy  : 

W  ABASH,  POET  EOYAL,  September  12,  1862. 

Since  Congress  adjourned  I  have  frequently  desired  to  write 
you,  waiting  for  a  quiet  hour  to  do  so.  That  hour  has  not  come, 
and  I  will  no  longer  delay  expressing  my  warm  appreciation  of 
your  labors  in  behalf  of  the  Navy  during  the  last  session.  I  believe 
this  to  be  emphatically  the  opinion  of  the  whole  service.  These 
labors  have  had  their  reward  in  one  sense :  never  before  has  so 
much  and  such  important  legislation  been  carried  through — I  do 
not  mean  in  one  session — in  a  period  of  twenty  years.  In  reference 
to  the  great  change  of  all — the  creation  of  the  grade  of  admiral — 
there  seems  but  one  opinion.  I  never  heard  an  officer,  while  fancy 
ing  something  might  have  been  better  here  or  there  for  his  grade, 
who  did  not  always  wind  up  by  saying  :  "  But  we  have  admirals  ; 
thank  God  for  that ! "  I  feel  deeply  grateful  to  you  personally, 
though  still  more  on  public  grounds,  for  carrying  this  great  measure 
through. 

In  view  of  the  excessive  multiplication  of  generals,  Mr.  Grimes 
introduced  a  resolution,  March  10th,  that  in  the  opinion  of  the 


1862.]  A  SENATOR  OF  THE   UNITED  STATES.  203 

Senate  no  persons  should  be  commissioned  as  generals  of  divi 
sions  or  brigades,  except  such  as  exhibited  superior  competency 
in  the  command  of  men,  or  gallantry  in  action  against  the  enemy. 
He  said,  March  28th,  and  in  the  course  of  debate  subsequently : 

I  wish  the  Senate  and  the  country  to  know  that  at  this  time 
there  have  been  appointed  one  hundred  and  eighty  brigadier-gener 
als.  The  expenses  of  the  appointment  to  the  United  States  are 
one  million  dollars  a  year.  The  necessities  of  the  Army  and  the 
country  do  not  require  one-half  of  this  number.  We  went  through 
the  Mexican  War  with  only  three  generals  in  the  field.  Brigades 
and  divisions  were  then  commanded  by  colonels  ;  regiments  by 
captains,  in  some  instances  by  first-lieutenants.  The  comparative 
expense  of  conducting  that  war  was  nothing  at  all  by  the  side  of 
the  expense  we  are  now  incurring.  In  addition  to  this  number  of 
brigadiers — and  I  think  the  number  ought  to  appall  every  lover  of 
his  country — we  have  twenty  major-generals  ;  and  all  the  staffs  are 
upon  a  corresponding  magnitude,  and  attended  with  a  corresponding 
expense.  Brigadier  and  major  generals  in  our  service  have  more 
aides  and  a  larger  staff  than  the  generals  of  any  other  government  in 
the  world.  I  have  taken  the  trouble  to  investigate  the  matter  a  lit 
tle,  and  to  look  at  the  practice  of  other  armies.  I  have  the  official 
"  Army  Register  "  of  Great  Britain  and  that  of  France  here  under 
my  desk.  Of  course  every  general  officer  wants  to  have  a  brilliant 
staff;  he  wants  to  surround  himself  with  as  many  aides  as  possible. 
It  gives  eclat  to  the  officer ;  it  is  very  convenient  under  many  cir 
cumstances  ;  but  it  will  be  exceedingly  inconvenient  for  the  people 
of  this  country  to  pay  the  salaries  which  are  to  be  allowed  to  those 
officers.  From  the  fact  that  they  are  not  regarded  as  useful  in 
other  armies,  I  think  it  is  a  proper  inference  that  they  are  not  needed 
in  this. 

We  have  to-day  the  largest  army,  the  best-fed  army,  the  best- 
clothed  army,  the  best-paid  army  on  the  globe.  I  am  not  going 
to  say  how  it  is  commanded.  In  a  few  months  this  question  and 
some  other  questions  of  economy  will  come  home  to  us,  when  our 
constituents  shall  be  called  upon  to  pay  the  direct  taxes  to  support 
these  brigadier  and  major  generals,  and  their  adjuncts  and  assistants. 

He  afterward  introduced  a  bill  to  limit  the  number  of  brig 
adiers  to  two  hundred,  and  said : 


204  LIFE  OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1862. 

I  have  made  several  ineffectual  attempts  to  do  something  tow 
ard  curtailing  the  number  of  general  officers  in  the  Army,  or  at  least 
preventing  the  continued  increase  of  them.  We  are  told  every- day 
that  this  is  going  to  be  a  financial  war  more  than  a  war  to  be  fought 
upon  the  battle-field.  If  so,  we  should  attempt  to  curtail  some  of 
the  expenses  of  the  Government.  We  have  now  between  two  hun 
dred  and  three  hundred  brigadier-generals,  while  the  French  Army, 
with  a  force  of  about  seven  hundred  thousand  men,  has  only  one 
hundred  and  sixty  on  the  active  list.  And  yet  we  are  constantly 
increasing  them,  and  by  the  appointment  not  of  men  who  have  dis 
tinguished  themselves  upon  the  battle-field,  not  of  men  who  have 
shown  gallantry  in  action,  not  of  men  who  have  had  military  edu 
cations,  not  of  men  who  have  shown  skill  in  the  handling  of  troops, 
but  mere  political  appointments,  men  who,  so  far  as  we  know,  have 
not  the  slightest  military  capacity.  Why  continue  to  increase 
them,  while  the  line  of  service  is  being  decreased  ?  Each  regiment, 
when  it  went  into  the  field,  embraced  somewhere  from  eight  hun 
dred  to  a  thousand  men ;  but  they  have  been  greatly  depleted. 
Take,  for  instance,  some  of  the  regiments  from  my  State.  The  Sev 
enth  Iowa  lost  nearly  three  hundred  at  the  battle  of  Belmont,  up 
ward  of  one  hundred  at  Donelson,  at  Pittsburg  Landing  nearly  two 
hundred  more,  and  from  disease  another  hundred  or  two,  so  that  it 
is  actually  reduced  to  somewhere  in  the  neighborhood  of  two  hun 
dred  men.  The  Second  is  reduced  in  the  same  way  ;  so  are  the 
Eighth,  Twelfth,  and  Fourteenth,  from  the  same  causes.  You  can 
embrace  a  dozen  such  fragments  of  regiments  in  one  brigade,  and, 
instead  of  increasing  the  number  of  brigadier-generals,  it  is  our  in 
terest  and  our  duty  to  decrease  them.  I  have  been  told  by  two 
generals  of  the  Army,  who  have  no  interest  either  in  the  increase 
or  in  the  decrease  of  the  number,  who  are  skillful  officers,  whose 
opinion  I  rely  upon,  that  there  is  not  the  slightest  necessity  for 
more  than  one  hundred  brigadier-generals. 

Now,  there  are  some  thirty  appointments  yet  unconfirmed.  The 
moment  you  fix  a  limit,  we  shall  not  have  the  appointments  taken 
up  at  the  heel  of  a  day's  session,  when  everybody  is  tired  out,  when 
everybody  wants  to  go  to  dinner,  when  there  is  a  very  thin  Senate, 
and  when  appointments  are  rushed  through,  against  which  there 
might  be  objections.  Some  of  the  appointments,  we  know,  are  not 
going  to  be  confirmed ;  a  good  many  of  them  probably  ought  not 


1862.]  A  SENATOR   OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  205 

to  be  confirmed.  Such  places  will  be  filled  by  the  gallant  men  who 
deserve  promotion.  Another  effect  will  be  to  influence  the  Presi 
dent  to  strike  from  the  list  of  brigadier-generals  such  men  as  have 
been  found  by  experience  to  be  incompetent  for  command.  The 
Senator  from  New  York  (Mr.  Harris)  objected  to  this,  because  he 
regarded  it  as  a  sort  of  strait-jacket  to  be  put  upon  the  President. 
He  might  just  as  well  regard  every  law  that  we  pass  upon  the  sub 
ject  in  that  light.  So  far  from  this  being  a  strait-jacket,  and  any 
impeachment  of  the  President,  I,  as  a  friend  of  his,  insist  that  the 
Senate  should  pass  the  bill,  in  order  to  take  away  from  him  the  im 
portunities  with  which  he  is  now  beset,  to  have  this  man  and  that 
man  appointed  a  brigadier.  Every  one  of  these  brigadier-generals 
costs  the  Government  about  twelve  thousand  dollars  a  }Tear.  That 
is  something.  I  confess  that  it  is  a  very  small  consideration.  I  am 
in  favor  of  this  proposition  on  that  account,  it  is  true ;  but  princi 
pally,  that  it  will  exercise  a  restraining  influence  upon  executive 
power ;  it  will  cause  the  performance  of  the  duty  which  I  think 
the  commander-in-chief  ought  to  exercise ;  and  it  will  cause  the 
Senate  to  inquire  more  thoroughly  into  the  conduct  of  these  men. 
So  far  as  the  appointment  of  gallant  men  is  concerned,  fixing  the 
number  at  two  hundred  will  afford  ample  opportunity  to  give  all 
the  gentlemen  who  distinguish  themselves  the  stars. 

Mr.  Grimes  had  the  utmost  confidence  in  President  Lincoln 
as  a  discreet,  prudent,  kind-hearted,  and  benevolent  man,  but 
looked  with  distrust  upon  all  increase  of  executive  power,  even  in 
his  hands.  In  the  exigencies  of  the  country  he  held  the  authority 
of  Congress  and  of  the  law  inviolate,  and  never  lost  his  jealousy 
of  unlimited  power  or  official  assumption.  He  said,  July  1, 
1862: 

I  am  willing  to  vote  for  more  men.  I  am  willing  to  stay  here 
until  December  and  vote  for  them  as  needed.  I  am  willing  to  be 
called  back,  upon  five  or  ten  days'  notice  from  the  President,  to 
give  all  the  additional  men  or  money  that  may  be  needed  ;  but,  in 
my  opinion,  it  is  the  duty  of  Congress  to  keep  the  control  of  the 
number  of  men,  and  of  the  amount  of  money,  that  shall  be  voted  for 
war-purposes,  as  well  as  for  other  purposes.  Various  circumstances 
are  occurring  which  show  that  it  is  the  imperative  duty  of  Congress 
to  exercise  a  watchful  care  and  supervision  over  the  management 


206  LIFE   OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1862. 

of  the  Executive  Departments  of  this  country.  I  am  not  disposed 
to  ignore  my  rights  or  my  duties.  I  want  to  give  to  the  Govern 
ment  all  the  support  that  it  needs,  but  I  want  to  vote  that  support. 
I  am  disposed  to  give  it  in  a  constitutional,  legitimate,  and  legal 
way,  and  in  no  other. 

The  multiplication  of  army  officers,  of  a  high  grade,  before 
they  had  won  distinction  in  the  field,  or  even  seen  service,  was 
obnoxious  to  his  judgment.  He  called  attention  to  a  very  great 
abuse  in  the  appointment  of  aides-de-camp,  upon  the  recommen 
dation  of  generals  in  the  regular  Army,  without  the  advice  and 
consent  of  the  Senate,  and  said  : 

I  wish  to  stop  it  where  it  is. 

"When  the  President  sent  in  a  certain  bill  to  the  Senate, 
however  much  Mr.  Grimes  may  have  approved  its  provisions, 
he  promptly  said,  July  14,  1862 : 

I  do  not  recognize  the  right  of  the  President  to  send  a  bill  in 
here. 

Mr.  Grimes  spent  a  day,  December  12th,  in  the  soldiers'  hos 
pitals  about  Washington,  and  acquainted  himself  with  the  details 
of  their  management.  Prompt  and  watchful  to  observe  and  ex 
pose  abuses,  he  said,  December  18th : 

Some  of  the  medical  officers  are  humane  gentlemen.  On  the  other 
hand,  some  are  mere  brutes,  and  will  not  answer  you  a  question  civil 
ly,  unless  you  tell  them  that  you  are  in  influential  position,  and  then 
fear  alone  prompts  them  to  give  you  the  information  they  ought  to 
be  willing  to  give  to  any  gentleman.  If  you  have  a  man  at  the 
head  of  your  medical  department  who  will  put  the  hand  of  power 
on  such  a  man,  turn  him  out,  and  substitute  a  good  man  for  him, 
then  you  will  have  your  Medical  Bureau  conducted  properly ;  you 
cannot  do  it  by  legislation." 

Disapproving  the  course  of  some  of  the  members  of  the  cabi 
net,  and  regarding  their  influence  as  adverse  to  the  policy  of 
emancipation  and  to  the  vigorous  prosecution  of  the  war,  Mr. 
Grimes  was  one  of  a  committee  of  nine,  with  Mr.  Collamer  and 
other  Senators,  who  presented  a  paper  to  the  President,  Decem- 


18G2-'3.]         A  SENATOR  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  207 

ber  18th,  recommending  such  selections  and  changes  in  his  cab 
inet  as  would  secure  to  the  country  unity  of  purpose  and  action. 

Complaint  being  made  of  the  presence  of  United  States 
troops  at  the  polls  in  some  of  the  election  precincts  at  the  No 
vember  election  in  Delaware,  Mr.  Grimes  favored  an  inquiry 
into  the  matter,  and  said,  December  23d : 

I  have  offered  the  resolution  without  consultation  with  any 
human  being,  upon  my  own  volition.  The  Senators  from  Dela 
ware  have  stated  that  a  portion  of  the  Army  has  been  employed  in 
attending  the  polls  in  that  State,  and  have  perpetrated  violence 
upon  certain  of  the  citizens.  Now,  if  sent  for  the  purpose  of  pre 
serving  quiet,  I  think  they  were  sent  for  a  laudable  purpose.  If 
they  have  perpetrated  violence,  T  want  to  know  it,  and  I  want  the 
Secretary  of  War  and  the  military  authorities  to  apply  the  correc 
tion.  I  do  not  wish,  as  one  of  the  representatives  of  a  sovereign 
State,  to  shrink  from  any  investigation  in  connection  with  that  sub 
ject. 

A  proposal  was  introduced  in  both  Houses  of  Congress,  in 
December,  1862,  to  grant  aid  to  the  State  of  Missouri  to  eman 
cipate  the  slaves  in  that  State.  Mr.  Grimes  said,  January  30, 
1863: 

I  feel  that  the  purpose  that  is  sought  to  be  attained  is  a  very 
laudable  one — a  very  patriotic  one.  I  am  the  representative,  in 
part,  of  a  State  that  is  as  much  interested  in  having  emancipation 
decreed  in  Missouri  as  any  other  State  in  this  Union.  I  am  per 
sonally  very  much  interested,  for  I  live  near  the  border  of  the 
State  of  Missouri ;  and  I  am  willing  to  do  as  much  as  I  believe  I 
can  constitutionally  and  properly  do,  and  as  much  as  I  think  the 
people  of  my  State  will  justify  me  in  doing,  in  order  to  accomplish 
this  purpose.  In  ordinary  times,  when  war  did  not  exist,  I  could 
not  justify  a  vote  in  favor  of  an  appropriation  of  one  million  dollars 
out  of  the  Treasury  to  emancipate  slaves  in  Missouri,  nor  one  dollar. 
I  can  only  justify  my  vote  now,  upon  the  idea  that  slavery  is  the 
cause  of  the  war,  and  that  by  its  removal  we  shall,  in  some  measure, 
shorten  the  continuance  of  the  war.  I  am  willing  to  go  before  the 
people  of  my  State,  and  undertake  to  justify  an  appropriation  of 
ten  million  dollars,  to  create  freedom  and  only  freedom  in  Missouri, 


208  LIFE   OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1863. 

from  and  after  1865.  I  am  willing  to  take  the  responsibility  of 
giving  that  vote,  and  stand  the  test  before  the  freemen  of  Iowa. 
But  I  am  unwilling  to  vote  more.  It  may  be  that  the  slaves  are 
worth  more.  I  have  a  great  many  doubts  on  that  subject.  It  may 
be  that  we  may  be  benefited  by  abolition  in  Missouri  more  than 
ten  million  dollars.  I  have  a  great  many  doubts  on  that  sub 
ject.  It  may  be  that  the  Legislature  of  Missouri  will  be  unwill 
ing  to  accept  a  less  sum.  I  have  very  many  doubts  on  that  sub 
ject.  They  are  anxious  to  get  as  many  millions  as  possible ;  but  I 
think,  when  they  discover  that  we  are  willing  to  give  them  im 
mediately  ten  millions,  and  that  that  is  the  wThole  amount  we  are 
disposed  to  give,  they  will  be  perfectly  willing  to  accept  it. 

A  bill  appropriating  twenty  millions  passed  the  Senate,  Feb 
ruary  12th,  but  failed  in  the  House.  Mr.  Grimes  voted  against  it. 

In  relation  to  President  Lincoln's  Emancipation  Proclama 
tion,  Mr.  Grimes  remarked,  February  28th : 

A  great  deal  has  been  said  about  the  effect  of  the  President's 
proclamation  of  September  last.  We  have  been  told  that  it  is  hav 
ing  a  most  disastrous  effect  upon  the  people  of  the  country,  and 
especially  upon  the  armies  of  the  country ;  that  its  tendency  has 
been  to  demoralize  the  soldiers.  I  am  not  authorized  to  speak  for 
any  other  State  than  that  of  which  I  am  one  of  the  representatives 
in  this  chamber ;  nor  am  I  authorized  to  speak  for  any  other  por 
tion  of  the  Army  than  that  gallant  portion  that  my  State  furnishes. 
I  desire  to  say,  and  I  say  it  knowing,  as  well  as  any  man  can 
know,  the  sentiment  of  the  people  he  represents,  that,  instead  of  the 
proclamation  having  had  the  effect  attributed  to  it,  it  had  precisely 
the  contrary  effect.  It  came  to  us  while  I  was  canvassing  the  State 
of  Iowa  preceding  the  last  October  election,  and  it  was  hailed  by 
the  loyal  men  of  all  parties,  who  were  anxious  to  put  down  this 
rebellion,  as  one  of  the  most  efficient  means  of  bringing  it  to  a  suc 
cessful  conclusion.  The  soldiers  of  Iowa  have  hailed  it  with  accla 
mation.  They  have  accepted  it,  as  the  citizens  of  the  State  have ; 
and  they  are  willing  to  use  that  or  any  other  means,  in  order  to  pre 
serve  the  Union  in  its  glory  and  consistencjr.  The  motto  of  my 
State  at  home,  in  the  field,  everywhere,  is  "  Onward  and  upward !  " 


1861-'3.]         A  SENATOR  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  209 

THE   UNITED   STATES   MILITARY   ACADEMY. 

Mr.  Grimes  was  a  friend  to  this  institution.  He  said,  July 
12,1861: 

I  believe  it  is  the  universal  testimony  of  this  country,  and  of 
citizens  of  foreign  countries  who  have  been  brought  in  contact  with 
officers  educated  there,  that  some  of  the  most  accomplished  officers 
the  world  has  ever  seen  have  been  produced  in  that  institution.  I 
do  not  believe  that  there  is  any  army  in  the  world  that  has  more 
accomplished  officers  than  we  have  in  the  American  Army,  who  have 
been  educated  at  West  Point.  That  institution  has  been  under  the 
charge  of  the  Engineer  Corps.  You  know  how  that  corps  is  consti 
tuted.  It  is  the  elite  of  the  service.  Those  who  graduate  at  the 
head  of  their  classes  are  assigned  to  that  particular  department. 
They  are  men  selected  on  account  of  their  intellectual  qualifica 
tions,  their  application,  and  the  ability  by  which  they  have  dis 
tinguished  themselves  while  at  the  Academy. 

It  is  proposed  to  change  this,  and  open  the  Academy  to  the 
superintendency  of  anybody  who  may,  for  the  time  being,  be  con 
nected  with  our  Army.  I  am  opposed  to  it.  I  would  not  object  so 
much  to  open  the  superintendency  to  the  three  scientific  corps  of 
the  Army,  the  two  Engineer  Corps,  and  the  Ordnance  Corps ;  but 
I  do  insist  that  we  shall  confine  it  to  those  three. 

He  said.  January  7,  1862  : 

There  never  was  a  greater  mistake  than  that  under  which  gen 
tlemen  seem  to  labor  when  they  suppose  that  West  Point  is  the 
nursery  of  treason.  The  facts  show  the  reverse.  The  proportion 
of  persons  appointed  from  civil  life  who  turned  out  to  be  disloyal 
was  much  greater  than  of  those  educated  at  the  Military  Academy. 
Nearly  one-half  of  those  appointed  from  civil  life  were  disloyal, 
while  not  quite  one-third  of  those  educated  at  the  Academy. 

In  a  debate  upon  the  bill  making  appropriations  for  the  sup 
port  of  the  Academy,  January  15,  1863,  he  said : 

I  have  received  many  letters  from  my  constituents  urging  me  to 
vote  against  this  bill.  I  do  not  propose  to  do  so,  and  I  desire  to 
state  in  one  word  why  I  shall  not. 

The  great  want  of  an  educated  soldiery  in  this  country  was  first 
discovered  during  our  Revolutionary  War  ;  and  he  who  will  read  the 


210  LIFE  OF  JAMES  W.   GEIMES.  [1862. 

letters  of  General  Washington  will  discover  that  in  almost  every 
letter  to  the  Continental  Congress  he  urged  the  necessity  of  secur 
ing  engineer  officers.  It  was  in  accordance  with  his  desire  that 
they  secured  through  their  representatives  in  France  and  the  other 
Continental  governments  in  Europe  engineer  officers  to  come  here, 
who  acted  as  engineers  during  the  Revolutionary  War.  During 
his  administration  and  that  of  his  successor,  efforts  were  made  to 
establish  a  military  academy  upon  the  plan  of  the  military  acade 
mies  then  in  existence  in  France,  but  I  believe  none  was  established 
until  1803,  during  the  administration  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  when  our 
present  school  at  West  Point  was  established. 

True,  you  cannot  make  a  good  commander  out  of  every  one  sent 
to  West  Point ;  but  while  we  condemn  and  pass  judgment  upon 
West  Point,  or  the  character  exhibited  by  one  particular  man  of  its 
graduates,  who  happens  to  be  in  the  command  of  a  large  army,  we 
forget  the  other  six  hundred  men  from  that  Academy  in  subordi 
nate  positions,  who  are  looking  after  your  artillery  corps,  fabricating 
and  looking  after  your  ordnance  and  missiles  of  war,  attending  to 
your  quartermaster  and  your  commissary  departments,  who  are 
skilled  in  all  the  details  of  those  different  departments,  and  are 
keeping  regularity  and  order  throughout. 

It  may  be  that  the  time  will  come — and  I  should  like  to  see  it 
come — when  military  schools  shall  be  established  in  the  different 
States.  Whenever  the  States  shall  establish  these  schools,  and 
they  turn  out  scholars  fit  to  occupy  the  positions  now  given  to 
graduates  of  the  Military  Academy,  I  would  at  once  say,  Let  these 
young  students  go  before  a  board  of  military  officers,  and,  when 
they  have  passed  an  examination,  let  them  be  received  into  the 
Army,  and  let  West  Point  be  dispensed  with.  But  are  we  prepared 
to  do  it  now  ?  Is  there  a  single  school  of  that  description  in  any 
of  the  States?  I  know  of  none.  There  are  some  private  schools 
where  scholars  are  taught  in  the  manual  of  arms ;  but  no  such 
foundation  for  a  military  education  is  laid  as  is  necessary  for  an 
officer  who  goes  into  your  Artillery,  Engineer,  or  Ordnance  Corps. 

Mr.  Grimes  advised  the  early  return  of  the  Naval  Academy 
to  Annapolis,  and  said  with  reference  to  proposals  for  locating 
it  elsewhere,  June  16,  1862  : 

Let  me  warn  my  friends  from   New  England   that  the  worst 


1862.]  A  SENATOR  OF  THE   UNITED  STATES.  211 

policy  for  them  is  this  constant  attempt  to  draw  all  the  institutions 
of  the  country  up  into  the  Northeastern  States.  There  is  a  feeling 
now  in  the  public  mind,  in  some  sections,  in  the  Northwest  particu 
larly,  that  they  are  being  made  in  too  great  a  degree  tributary  to  the 
New  England  States ;  that  you  have  all  the  arsenals,  the  armories,  the 
navy-yards,  custom-houses,  officers,  everything  almost,  up  in  that 
section.  I  do  not  entertain  any  of  this  feeling ;  I  want  to  guard 
against  it ;  and  I  want  to  crush  out  that  sentiment  as  far  as  possible ; 
but  the  attempt  to  draw  these  institutions  there  tends  to  increase 
this  sentiment  in  other  sections.  It  is  not  the  true  policy  of  any 
portion  of  this  country  to  try  to  monopolize,  or  to  have  the  idea  go 
out  that  they  are  trying  to  monopolize  the  power  and  wealth  of  the 
country  in  a  particular  locality,  or  in  a  particular  cluster  of  States  ; 
and  it  is  not  for  the  interest  of  those  States  that  that  idea  should 
be  propagated,  because  we  all  desire  to  preserve  this  Union  just  as 
long  as  possible.  The  very  way  to  break  it  up  is,  to  get  the  opinion 
entertained  in  other  States  that  some  of  the  States  are  using  the 
patronage  and  wealth  of  the  country  for  their  particular  advance 
ment  and  emolument,  and  not  for  the  common  good.  We  all  know 
that,  from  the  fact  that  the  New  England  and  Atlantic  States  were 
settled  much  before  the  others,  there  has  been  an  accumulation  of 
these  offices.  We  have  our  arsenals,  armories,  navy-yards,  and 
military  school,  all  clustered  within  a  radius  of  two  hundred  miles. 
There  are  three  navy-yards  within  a  radius  of  two  hundred  miles, 
perhaps  four ;  for  I  think  that  will  include  Philadelphia.  Now, 
what  I  want  to  impress  on  the  minds  of  Senators  is  this  :  that,  every 
thing  else  being  equal,  it  would  be  for  the  interest  of  the  Govern 
ment  to  place  your  Naval  Academy  and  some  of  your  other  institu 
tions  beyond  those  States.  Everything  else  being  equal,  it  would 
be  for  the  interest  of  the  Government,  and  for  the  interest  of  the 
New  England  States,  and  New  Jersey,  and  New  York,  to  keep 
your  Academy  at  Annapolis,  rather  than  to  take  it  to  Newport  or 
Perth  Amboy. 

Favoring  the  appointment  of  boys  to  the  Naval  Academy, 
who  were  sons  of  officers,  seamen,  marines,  or  soldiers,  Mr. 
Grimes  said,  July  2d  : 

The  purpose  is  principally  on  account  of  the  effect  that  it  is 
calculated  to  have  upon  the  men.  I  know  many  likely  young  boys, 


212  LIFE  OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES  [1862. 

sons  of  boatswains,  carpenters,  forward  officers,  about  your  navy- 
yards.  It  would  be  a  consolation  to  those  officers  to  know,  when 
they  go  into  battle,  to  uphold  the  flag  of  the  country,  that  there  is 
a  provision  by  which  these  sons  of  theirs  may  secure  an  appoint 
ment,  and  finally  become  officers,  and  that  the  bestowment  of  these 
places  is  not  to  be  restricted  entirely  to  the  sons  of  politicians. 
The  purpose  was  to  encourage  the  men  in  both  services,  the  military 
and  the  naval,  by  holding  out  this  inducement,  saying  to  them,  We 
will  not  only  take  care  of  your  widow,  but  we  will  educate  your 
boy.  And  we  have  provided  that  the  President  shall  have  three 
appointments  to  the  Naval  Academy  from  the  boys  who  have  en 
listed  as  boys  in  the  naval  service,  to  be  conferred  on  such  as  the 
one  who  distinguished  himself  on  board  the  Varuna  at  the  mouth 
of  the  Mississippi,  and  another  little  boy  who  distinguished  himself 
on  the  Cumberland,  when  she  went  down  in  Hampton  Roads.  It 
is  a  very  small  boon.  We  have  now  in  the  service  of  the  United 
States  thirty  thousand  seamen,  and  I  do  not  know  how  many 
soldiers — five  hundred  thousand  perhaps — and  we  merely  authorize 
the  President  by  this  bill  to  select  ten  from  the  sons  of  these  men, 
and  agree  that  they  shall  have  an  education  at  the  Naval  Academy. 
The  department  wanted  the  limit  of  age  fixed  at  sixteen.  It  was 
extended  to  seventeen  in  opposition  to  their  wishes.  In  the  Eng 
lish  service  they  allow  no  boy  to  enter  over  fifteen,  and  it  is  stated 
to  be  the  fact  that  no  man  makes  a  good  officer  or  a  good  sailor 
who  enters  after  he  is  sixteen  years  of  age. 

Mr.  Grimes  advocated  the  removal  of  the  navy-yard  at  Phila 
delphia  a  mile  and  a  half  down  the  Delaware  River  to  League 
Island,  especially  with  reference  to  the  necessities  of  an  iron  navy. 
He  considered  it  the  place  of  all  others  for  that  purpose.  The 
island  is  made  by  the  disemboguement  of  the  Schuylkill  into  the 
Delaware.  He  made  a  speech  in  favor  of  the  measure,  June  24th, 
in  which,  after  contrasting  the  navy-yards  of  Great  Britain  and 
France  with  those  of  this  country,  he  showed  that  for  capacity 
of  site,  insular  position,  fresh  water,  depth  of  water,  suscepti 
bility  of  defense,  proximity  to  the  coal  and  iron  fields  of  Penn 
sylvania,  and  proximity  to  a  manufacturing  city  with  a  large 
mechanical  population,  no  place  on  the  continent  could  fairly 
compete  with  League  Island  for  a  great  iron-navy  yard.  In 


1862.]  A  SENATOR   OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  213 

subsequent  debates  he  vigorously  supported  its  advantages  over 
other  locations,  and  his  influence  powerfully  contributed  to  its 
acquisition  by  the  Government.  In  the  language  of  Hon.  G.  V. 
Fox,  "  his  name  is  fixed  to  League  Island  as  a  perpetual  record." 
Mr.  Grimes  said,  January  24,  1863 : 

I  am  not  here  as  the  representative  of  any  State  that  can  be 
directly  or  indirectly  interested  in  a  navy-yard,  except  as  to  the 
general  interests  which  my  constituents  may  feel  in  our  maritime 
defenses.  I  believe  that  I  can  approach  this  subject  without  any 
prepossessions  in  favor  of  any  place,  or  any  prejudices  against  one. 
If  I  had  prepossessions  in  favor  of  any  one,  I  think  they  would  be 
in  favor  of  my  native  New  England ;  but  there  are  considerations 
connected  with  this  question  of  gpeat  importance  to  the  welfare  of 
the  country,  and  we  ought  not  to  regard  it  as  a  simple  question  be 
tween  League  Island  and  New  London,  or  Pennsylvania  and  Con 
necticut,  but  look  at  it  in  a  statesmanlike  view,  and  see  what  will 
probably  be  the  consequences  of  the  vote  we  may  give  on  this  sub 
ject  to  the  country  at  large.  The  best  interests  of  the  country  and 
of  the  Navy  require  that  we  should  accept  some  place  remote  from 
the  seashore,  where  an  iron  vessel  can  be  cleaned,  as  it  passes  from 
the  sea,  and  that  shall  be  unapproachable  by  a  hostile  force.  If  we 
reject  League  Island,  we  shall  regret  it,  and  the  country  will  for 
ever  regret  it.  Could  Great  Britain  secure  to  herself  such  a  fresh 
water  river  as  the  Delaware,  and  such  a  site  on  its  banks  for  a 
naval  station  as  League  Island,  she  would  willingly  give  one  of 
her  most-valued  possessions. 

Mr.  Grimes  gave  his  influence,  January  24, 1862,  to  constitute 
*the  States  of  Missouri,  Iowa,  Kansas,  and  Minnesota,  the  ninth  cir 
cuit  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States,  on  the  ground 
that,  though  embracing  a  smaller  population  than  any  other 
circuit  in  the  United  States,  these  four  States  were  increasing 
very  rapidly  in  population,  and  that  they  had  simplified  their 
code,  had  dispensed  with  the  old  systems  of  practice,  and  adopted 
a  nearly  uniform  system  different  from  other  States  with  which 
it  had  been  proposed  to  unite  them.  The  measure  failed  at  the 
time,  but  subsequently  became  a  law,  approved  July  15,  1862. 

Mr.  Grimes  voted  in  favor  of  issuing  the  United  States  Trea&- 
15 


214  LIFE   OF  JAMES  W.   GEIMES.  [1862-'3. 

ury  notes,  commonly  called  greenbacks ;  but  upon  the  direct 
question  of  making  them  a  legal  tender  did  not  vote  (February 
13,  1862). 

Disapproving  the  establishment  of  banks  without  a  specie 
basis  for  their  circulation,  and  not  regarding  the  bill  providing 
for  national  banks  as  expedient  or  wise,  he  voted  against  it.  He 
supported  an  amendment,  which  failed,  requiring  the  banks  to 
keep  in  coin  an  amount  equal  to  one-fourth  of  their  notes  (Feb 
ruary  10,  12,  1863).  In  the  next  Congress,  he  supported,  May 
10,  1864,  also  ineffectually,  an  amendment  requiring  each  bank 
to  keep  on  hand  one-fourth  of  the  coin  received  for  interest  on 
its  bonds,  until  specie  payments  should  be  resumed. 

Upon  the  subject  of  the  national  debt,  he  said,  May  31, 1862 : 

I  want  to  say,  for  fear  the  constant  repetition  of  the  remark  by 
various  Senators  may  be  regarded  as  an  acquiescence  in  the  doctrine 
by  all  the  members  of  the  Senate,  that  I  am  utterly  opposed  to  the 
theory  of  those  gentlemen  who  say  they  do  not  desire  that  any 
sinking-fund  should  be  established,  or  any  method  devised  by  which 
the  ultimate  payment  of  the  public  debt  that  is  now  created  shall 
be  projected.  I  think  I  can  see  very  distinctly  what  is  going  to  be 
one  of  the  effects  of  this  war,  especially  if  the  theories  announced 
on  this  floor  are  to  prevail :  that  we  are  to  have  a  Government  that 
is  to  be  controlled  by  the  moneyed  men  and  stock-jobbers  of  the 
country.  That  is  what  I  am  afraid  of.  We  have  to-day  given  a 
very  significant  vote,  in  my  opinion,  on  that  subject.  We  have  de 
clared  that  all  the  bonds  that  are  issued  by  the  United  States  shall 
be  forever  exempt  from  State  taxation.  And  we  shall  create,  before 
the  end  of  another  year,  fifteen  hundred  million  dollars  of  indebt- ' 
edness. 

The  people  that  I  represent  decided  about  six  years  ago,  when 
they  established  a  new  constitution,  that  no  debt  should  be  cre 
ated  unless  there  was  a  provision  coupled  with  the  act  creating  it 
by  which  steps  should  be  taken  for  its  speedy  repayment ;  and  it 
is  their  expression  of  opinion  on  this  subject  that  I  desire  to  repre 
sent,  as  well  as  my  own.  I  feel  exactly  in  regard  to  the  creating 
of  public  indebtedness,  as  the  gentleman  who  is  now  President  said 
a  few  years  ago  the  people  of  this  country  felt  in  regard  to  slavery. 
He  said  they  were  perfectly  satisfied  when  they  believed  it  \vas  in 


1862.]  A  SENATOR  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  215 

the  process  of  utter  extinction  ;  and  so  will  I  feel,  and  so  will  the 
people  that  I  represent  feel.  They  will  be  satisfied  in  paying  taxes 
if  they  believe  they  are  not  only  carrying  on  this  war,  but  gradually 
getting  out  of  the  debt ;  because  the  agricultural  people  that  I  rep 
resent  are  not  interested  in  the  continuance  of  a  large  public  debt. 
On  the  contrary,  they  want  to  have  us  recur  to  the  first  principles 
of  the  founders  of  this  Government,  and  be  entirely  exempt  from 
debt. 

75  —  To  Eon.  8.  P.  Chase,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 

BUKLINGTON,  July  29,  1862. 

I  have  now  been  at  home  ten  days.  Permit  me  to  tell  you 
what  conclusions  I  have  reached  from  my  intercourse  with  the  peo 
ple  of  Iowa. 

The  people  are  far  in  advance  of  the  Administration  and  of 
Congress  in  their  desire  for  a  vigorous  prosecution  of  the  war. 
They  are  unanimous  for  the  confiscation  bill,  and  execrate  every 
man  who  opposed  its  passage,  or  who  now  opposes  its  stringent 
execution.  There  is  but  little  disposition  to  enlist  until  it  is  known 
what  the  course  of  the  Administration  is  to  be  on  this  subject. 

I  need  not  tell  you  that  the  expressions  of -confidence  in  the 
management  of  the  President,  his  prudence,  sagacity,  etc.,  are  in  a 
measure  enforced,  and  proceed  from  the  confessed  necessity  of  sup 
porting  him  as  the  only  tangible  head  of  the  loyal  Government, 
and  not  from  any  real  confidence  in  his  wisdom.  Rely  upon  it,  if 
things  drift  along  as  at  present,  no  volunteers  will  take  the  field, 
and  the  tax  law  will  become  so  odious  that  it  will  require  a  larger 
army  to  enforce  it  than  to  put  down  the  rebellion.  Sixty  days  will 
determine  whether  we  are  longer  to  have  a  Government,  and  the 
Administration  must  decide  it.  It  is  folly  to  disregard  the  senti 
ment  of  the  country  in  such  a  time  as  this — it  is  worse  ;  it  is  wick 
edness.  Either  Mr.  Lincoln  disregards  it,  or  else  he  willfully  keeps 
himself  in  ignorance  of  it.  Good  men,  the  best  we  have,  are  be 
ginning  to  utter  expressions  of  despair ;  and  they  are  not  cowed 
by  fear  of  the  strength  of  the  enemy,  but  by  apparent  weakness 
of  our  friends.  I  beg  you  not  to  be  misled  by  the  proceedings  of 
war-meetings  in  our  large  towns.  Volunteers  will  come  when  a 
"  war  policy  "  is  declared  and  acted  upon,  and  not  to  any  consider 
able  extent  before.  Speeches  and  resolutions  will  not  bring  them. 


216  LIFE  OF  JAMES  W.   GEIMES.  [1862. 

I  thought  I  comprehended  somewhat  the  popular  sentiment  be 
fore  I  left  Washington.  In  this  'I  was  mistaken.  It  is  far  more 
ardent  and  extreme  than  even  .Tever  supposed.  It  is  nonsense  to 
attempt  to  frighten  the  masses  by  the  story  that  rigorous  measures 
will  "nail  up  the  door  against  reconciliation  of  contending  sec 
tions."  We  have  too  much  at  stake,  the  Government  is  of  too 
much  Value,  too  much  of  the  best  blood  of  the  nation  is  calling  to 
us  for  vindication,  to  justify  us  in  neglecting  any  methods  to  put 
the  rebellion  down  known  to  civilized  warfare.  Would  to  God 
every  man  connected  with  the  Administration  could  travel  incog 
nito  through  the  country,  and  get  the  true  expression  of  the  people 
on  these  subjects !  Instead  of  getting  a  knowledge  of  that  senti 
ment  from  impartial  sources,  it  now  comes  to  the  President  and  his 
cabinet  from  newspapers  edited  by  men  in  office,  from  applicants 
for  place,  from  sycophants,  and  from  cowards  who  dare  not  tell  a 
man  in  power  what  he  knows  to  be  the  truth,  if  he  supposes  it 
will  be  unpleasant  to  him. 

I  pray  and  hope,  but  I  confess  that  my  hope  is  becoming  daily 
fainter  and  fainter.  I  know  you  will  pardon  this  intrusion  upon 
you.  I  felt  that  it  was  a  necessity  that  I  should  let  out  my  soul  on 
this  subject,  and  I  know  no  one  else  to  write  to  but  you.  I  have 
written  very  frankly,  but  very  honestly.  I  hope  the  country  is  not 
in  so  bad  a  condition  as  I  fear  it  to  be  in.  In  my  opinion,  if  wis 
dom  rules  the  hour  at  Washington,  a  rigorous  confiscation  war  pol 
icy  will  first  be  declared,  and  then  a  conscription  of  one  hundred 
thousand  men  made  at  once.  Men  will  not  volunteer  into  the  old 
regiments.  One  volunteer  in  an  old  regiment  is  worth  three  fresh 
men  in  a  new  regiment.  A  conscription  of  one  hundred  thousand 
men  would  be  of  more  value  to  the  country  than  three  hundred 
thousand  volunteers,  and,  of  course,  cost  only  one-third  as  much. 
But  why  should  I  advise  ? 

76.— To  Mrs.   Grimes. 

INDIANOLA,  IOWA,  October  6,  1862. 

I  have  received  your  various  letters,  and  I  believe  they  have 
done  me  great  good  by  moving  me  to  renewed  exertions  in  behalf 
of  the  good  cause.  I  am  enthusiastically  received  wherever  I  have 
been,  and  have  everywhere  addressed  large  crowds.  This  is  a 
Quaker  county.  A  large  number  have  said  that  they  would  not 


1862.]  A  SENATOR  OF  THE  UNITED   STATES.  21 7 

vote  at  the  coming  election.  I  had  a  very  large  number  of  them 
at  my  meeting  yesterday  in  the  public  square  in  this  town,  and  I 
am  told  that  after  the  meeting,  with  one  solitary  exception,  they 
avowed  their  resolution  to  vote. 

The  President's  proclamation  is  everywhere  well  received.  We 
shall  easily  carry  the  State,  and  elect  all  our  Congressmen — and  a 
very  able  delegation  it  will  be.  No  State  will  be  better  represent 
ed  in  the  next  Congress  than  Iowa. 

YT.r-Tb  Hon.   W.  P.  Fessenden. 

BURLINGTON,  October  12,  1862. 

I  have  been  absent  nearly  four  weeks  canvassing  the  State,  and 
only  returned  last  evening.  I  knew  of  the  death  of  your  son  * 
before  I  left  home.  I  attempted  on  two  occasions  to  write  to  you, 
but  failed  to  send  or  even  complete  either  letter.  I  know  the 
anguish  that  you  must  feel,  and  I  feared  that  I  would  but  open 
your  wounds  afresh.  I  think  that  the  last  conversation  I  had  with 
you  in  Washington  was  in  your  room,  and  about  Samuel.  You 
know  very  well  what  I  thought  of  him.  I  always  thought  that 
there  were  the  elements  of  great  success  in  him,  and  that  he  would 
one  day  be  a  credit  to  himself,  his  family,  and  to  the  country.  If  I 
knew  how  to  do  it  I  would  condole  with  you.  You  know  that  you 
have  my  deepest  sympathy  in  your  affliction. 

I  have  ceased  to  write  or  talk  about  the  generals  and  the  Admin 
istration.  The  men  of  brains  are  still  overslaughed  and  ignored, 
and  it  would  seem  that  they  are  to  continue  to  be. 

Our  election  takes  place  day  after  to-morrow.  I  have  traveled 
nearly  four  weeks,  speaking  every  day.  I  think  we  shall  elect  all 
six  of  our  Congressmen,  and  they  will  all  be  capital  men.  My  wife 
sends  love.  When  I  came  home  she  was  full  of  praises  of  your  tax- 
bill  speech,3  pronouncing  it  the  best  she  had  seen  from  you.  I  tried 
to  laugh  her  out  of  it,  but,  woman-like,  she  adheres  to  that  opinion. 
Did  you  ever  hear  any  one  else  say  that  ? 

78.— To  Hon.  S.  P.  Chase. 

BURLINGTON,  October  20,  1862. 

We  have  carried  the  State  triumphantly.  We  elect  all  of  our  six 
Congressmen.  Without  the  aid  of  the  army  vote,  our  majority  will  be 

1  Mortally  wounded  at  Bull  Run,  Virginia,  August  30,  1862.  2  June  6,  1862. 


218  LIFE   OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1862. 

greater  than  ever  before ;  with  that  added,  it  will  be  overwhelming. 
We  took  the  bull  by  the  horns  and  made  the  proclamation  an  issue. 
I  traversed  the  State  for  four  weeks,  speaking  every  day,  and  the 
more  radical  I  was  the  more  acceptable  I  was.  The  fact  is,  we 
carried  the  State  by  bringing  up  the  radical  element  to  the  polls. 
The  politicians  are  a  vast  distance  behind  the  people  in  sentiment. 

7-9. — TO  Admiral  Du  Pont. 

BUBLINGTON,  Ocbol&r  20,  1862. 

I  found  your  very  interesting  letter  of  the  12th  September 
awaiting  my  return  to  my  home  last  week,  after  a  month's  absence 
in  the  interior  of  the  Sta.te. 

I  judge,  from  what  I  see  in  the  newspapers,  that  before  this 
reaches  you,  you  will  be  making  preparations  to  attack  Charleston. 
May  God  speed  and  protect  you !  I  doubt  not  that  an  attack  will 
be  attended  with  great  risk  to  our  vessels  and  men ;  still,  with  the 
complete  and  thorough  preparation  that  I  know  you  will  make,  and 
the  enterprise  that  I  know  you  and  your  officers  will  exhibit,  I  am 
prepared  to  prophesy  success.  And  what  a  glorious  triumph  it 
will  be !  It  will  thrill  every  loyal  heart  with  delight.  I  wish  it  were 
possible  for  the  Navy  to  take  it  unaided  by  the  Army ;  but  that 
cannot  be  expected. 

I  am  in  no  wise  deserving  of  the  kind  compliments  you  lavish 
upon  me.  I  get  credit  for  a  geat  deal  of  knowledge  upon  naval 
subjects,  from  the  simple  fact  that  I  am  surrounded  by  the  most 
profound  ignorance.  A  very  small  light  in  such  utter  darkness 
attracts  attention,  and  seems  to  excite  surprise,  especially  when 
the  little  ray  proceeds  from  the  region  that  this  does.  For  you 
know  that  up  to  my  time  it  was  supposed  that  all  information  in 
relation  to  your  branch  of  the  public  service  was  confined  to  a  select 
"  guild  "  about  the  Atlantic  cities,  no  man  from  the  interior  having 
presumed  to  know  anything  about  it.  If  I  have  been  of  any  real 
service,  it  has  been  in  breaking  down  and  eradicating  that  idea,  and 
in  assisting  to  nationalize  the  Navy,  in  making  the  frontiersman 
as  well  as  the  longshoreman  feel  that  he  was  interested  in  it,  and 
partook  of  its  glory. 

Washington,  November  21st. — I  have  seen  photographs  of  you 
about  the  book-stores,  no  one  of  which  satisfies  me.  I  saw  one  in 
Mr.  Fox's  room  to-day,  that  comes  up  to  my  idea  of  your  present 


1862.]  A  SENATOR  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  219 

appearance,  and  if  you  are  in  possession  of  extra  copies,  and  have 
no  indisposition  to  confer  such  a  favor  upon  me,  I  would  be  exceed 
ingly  pleased  to  receive  one.  Will  you  be  kind  enough  to  say  to 
Captain  Rodgers,  that  if  he  will  permit  me  I  will  ask  the  same  of 
him?  In  two  or  three  years  I  shall  retire  to  my  home  in  the  far 
West,  to  spend  the  remainder  of  my  days.  It  will  be  pleasant  to 
me  and  to  my  wife,  who  takes  quite  as  much  interest  in  the  Navy 
as  I  do,  to  carry  with  us  to  our  retreat  the  "  counterfeit  present 
ments  "  of  the  gentlemen  I  have  known  belonging  to  your  service 
who  have  illustrated  the  history  of  our  country. 

80. — To  a  Midshipman  at  the  Naval  Academy. 

BTJBLINGTON,  October  28,  1862. 

I  have  received  your  letter,  and  by  the  same  mail  one  from  H . 

In  the  pressure  of  my  business  I  must  make  this  letter  answer  as 
the  acknowledgment  of  both.  I  watch  with  a  great  deal  of  solici 
tude  the  progress  that  the  Iowa  boys  are  making  at  the  Naval 
School.  I  am  as  anxious  as  your  parents  are  that  you  should  each 
and  every  one  of  you  succeed  and  be  ornaments  of  your  profession. 
I  shall  hail  your  success  with  delight.  But  you  all  use  one  expres 
sion  that  I  do  not  like.  You  speak  of  your  anxiety  and  your  desire 
to  "  keep  up  "  with  your  class.  You  ought  to  set  your  mark  higher 
than  that.  You  should  aim  not  only  to  "  keep  up,"  but  to  keep 
ahead  of  your  class,  you  should  lead  and  not  follow.  Be  satisfied 
with  no  rank  in  your  class  below  the  first.  You  should  strive  for 
that  position — not  merely  for  the  honor  of  it,  that  should  be  a 
secondary  consideration — but  because  the  habits,  methods,  and  dis 
cipline,  that  will  be  necessary  to  enable  you  to  take  that  high  rank 
will  prepare  you  for  future  successes  through  life,  and  will  inspire 
you  with  a  noble  ambition  to  occupy  distinguished  positions,  and 
the  ability  to  fill  them  creditably  to  yourself  and  your  friends. 

You  are  all  blessed  with  good  constitutions.  You  can  safely 
submit  to  the  confinement  and  labor  that  will  be  required  of  you. 
You  all  have  the  requisite  natural  capacity.  Nothing  is  necessary 
to  complete  success  at  the  Academy  but  indomitable  energy  and 
perseverance.  I  do  not  expect  too  much  of  you  in  the  outset.  I 
have  told  your  parents  that  they  must  be  satisfied  with  a  low 
report  the  first  month  from  each  of  you,  but  that  if  you  have  proper 
application  to  study,  the  firm  resolution  to  please  them,  and  honor 


220  LIFE  OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1862. 

yourselves,  your  monthly  reports  will  grow  better  and  better.  Re 
member  that  you  are  now  laying  the  foundations  of  your  whole 
course.  Skip  nothing  ;  understand  thoroughly  all  that  you  go  over ; 
and  your  future  studies  will  become  comparatively  easy.  Remem 
ber,  my  dear  boys,  that  I  have  a  deep  interest  in  you,  I  desire  your 
welfare.  I  hope  you  will  each  give  me  further  cause  to  be  proud 
of  our  noble  State  of  Iowa.  May  God  bless  you  all  who  claim  Iowa 
as  your  home ! 

Mr.  Grimes  introduced  a  bill  with  reference  to  letters  of 
marque,  and  explained  his  own  views  upon  the  subject,  July 
12th-15th : 

Here  is  a  proposition  to  call  to  our  aid  the  militia  of  the  seas, 
to  assist  in  upholding  the  constituted  authorities.  Were  I  the  Sec 
retary  of  the  Navy,  or  the  President  of  the  United  States,  I  would 
not  recommend  it.  I  do  not  believe  abstractly  in  the  doctrine  of 
privateering.  I  am,  however,  representing  those  who  desire  that 
this  measure  should  pass.  There  are  at  this  time  some  ten  or 
twelve  valuable  iron  steamers  lying  at  Bermuda,  Nassau,  and  at 
other  points  in  the  vicinity  of  the  West  Indies,  under  the  British 
flag,  but  prepared  at  any  time,  whenever  they  can  see  a  favorable 
moment,  to  haul  down  that  flag,  and  raise  the  Confederate  flag,  and 
become  privateers  against  the  commerce  of  the  United  States.  So 
large  an  amount  of  the  American  Navy  is  compelled  to  watch  those 
vessels,  that  to  some  extent  the  resources  of  the  Navy  are  crippled. 
It  is  solely  for  the  purpose  of  allowing  private  citizens  to  take  their 
risk  in  capturing  these  private-armed  vessels  of  the  Confederates, 
that  this  bill  is  sought  to  be  passed. 

In  introducing  it,  I  am  not  representing  myself  or  my  own  opin 
ions,  but  the  opinions  of  the  Administration,  who  desire  this  privi 
lege,  if  an  emergency  should  arise ;  and  I  am  willing  to  trust  them. 
If  I  had  the  power,  I  would  abolish  all  privateering,  and  rely  upon 
the  armed  vessels  of  my  Government.  I  think  one  of  the  greatest 
political  errors  ever  perpetrated  by  the  Government  of  the  United 
States  was,  the  rejection  of  the  proposition  of  the  Paris  Treaty  ;  but 
it  was  rejected :  and  now  when  we  have  proposed  to  come  in,  and 
become  a  part  of  it,  it  is  understood  that  we  have  been  repelled. 
We  therefore  have  the  authority  to  use  privateers. 


1863.]  A  SENATOR  OF  THE  UNITED   STATES.  221 

The  bill  failed  at  this  session,  but  a  law  was  passed  at  the 
close  of  the  next  session  authorizing  letters  of  marque.  The 
unfriendly  acts  of  England  and  France,  especially  Napoleon's 
armed  intervention  in  Mexico,  had  given  a  threatening  aspect  to 
our  foreign  relations.  "With  some  modification  of  the  views 
previously  expressed,  Mr.  Grimes  said,  February  IT,  1863 : 

I  have  a  few  words  to  say  to  the  Senate  on  the  bill  now  under 
consideration.  I  shall  be  brief,  and  endeavor  to  speak  to  the  sub 
ject  in  hand. 

What  real  objection  can  be  urged  against  the  policy  of  granting 
letters  of  marque,  that  may  not  be  urged  against  the  employment 
of  the  militia  upon  land  ?  I  can  imagine  none.  Do  not  vessels 
carrying  letters  of  marque  have  our  commission?  Do  they  not 
sail  under  our  flag  ?  Are  they  not  manned  by  our  countrymen  ? 
Are  they  not  responsible  to  our  laws  ?  Must  not  their  captures  be 
condemned  under  our  admiralty  laws  and  in  our  courts  ? 

Doubtless,  the  nations  of  Europe  who  were  parties  to  the  Treaty 
of  Paris,  in  1855,  and  who  rely  wholly  upon  standing  armies  for 
their  support,  would  be  pleased  to  enter  into  treaty  stipulations 
with  us,  by  which  we  also  would  place  our  entire  reliance  upon  a 
regular  army.  Shall  we  gratify  them  in  this  regard  also  ?  Shall 
we  abandon  our  militia,  because  they  do,  and  impoverish  ourselves 
by  the  support  of  immense  standing  armies  ?  If  we  will  not,  if  we 
adhere  to  our  traditionary  policy,  and  rely  upon  the  citizen  soldiery 
as  the  cheapest  and  best  national  protection,  why  shall  we  not  also 
adhere  to  our  ancient  policy  in  regard  to  letters  of  marque  and  the 
"  militia  of  the  seas  ?  "  Because  England  and  France,  compelled  as 
they  are  to  support  immense  navies,  find  it  convenient  to  establish 
a  new  rule  for  their  future  guidance,  shall  we,  at  their  politic  sug 
gestion,  subject  ourselves  to  new  rules  and  to  additional  burdens  ? 
They  are  able  to  support  large  navies.  They  are  compelled  to  sup 
port  them.  Their  very  proximity  to  each  other  constrains  them  to 
do  so.  They  can  well  say  to  weaker  naval  powers,  and  especially 
to  those  possessing  a  large  commercial  marine,  needing  protection 
in  time  of  war,  that  the  practice  of  issuing  letters  of  marque  should 
be  abolished.  But  can  we  afford  to  say  so  ?  Can  we  afford  to  de 
clare  that  when  war  shall  exist  between  us  and  any  foreign  nation, 
our  whole  merchant  marine  shall  rot  at  our  wharves,  and  no  private 


222  LIFE  OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1863. 

vessel  be  commissioned  to  go  forth  as  an  armed  volunteer  upon  the 
sea  to  meet  our  nation's  enemy  ?  Ask  the  merchants  of  New  Eng 
land  and  New  York  if  they  can  afford  it. 

The  attempt  is  made  to  render  this  well-settled  practice  of  issu 
ing  letters  of  marque  by  nations  in  time  of  war  odious,  by  calling 
vessels  to  which  they  are  issued  "  privateers,"  "  semi-pirates," 
"  marine  highwaymen."  With  what  justice  can  these  epithets  be 
applied  to  them,  when  they  sail  under  our  flag,  carry  our  commission, 
and  are  amenable  to  our  laws  ?  It  is  said  that  they  receive  the 
compensation  for  their  services  in  the  booty  they  capture.  This  is 
true  in  part,  and  it  is  true  also  of  every  ship-of-war  that  floats  or 
that  ever  floated,  belonging  to  Great  Britain  or  to  the  United 
States.  By  our  laws,  one-half  of  the  value  of  all  property  of  an 
enemy  captured  on  the  sea  is  the  lawful  prize  of  the  captors.  Has 
that  fact  caused  our  naval  officers  to  tarnish  their  reputation,  or  that 
of  their  profession,  by  unmanly  acts  of  cupidity  or  barbarity  ?  If, 
indeed,  it  be  true  that  such  application  of  the  proceeds  of  captured 
property  is  immoral,  and  if  it  be  true  that  the  receiver  of  goods 
improperly  obtained  is  as  guilty  as  he  who  obtains  them,  it  would 
require  the  nicest  casuistry  to  determine  that  we  ourselves,  who 
receive  one-half  of  the  value  of  the  captured  goods  in  the  one  case, 
are  not  morally  as  guilty  as  the  privateer  who  receives  the  whole 
value  in  the  other.  The  immorality  of  the  act  would  hardly  be 
lessened  by  a  division  of  the  spoils.  The  truth  is,  there  is  no  moral 
principle  involved  in  this  matter.  What  difference  does  it  make 
whether  my  vessel  is  captured  by  a  seventy-four-gun  ship,  with  an 
admiral  in  command,  or  by  a  fishing-smack,  armed  with  a  blunder 
buss,  provided  both  are  governed  by  the  same  laws,  and  are  respon 
sible  to  the  same  authority  for  the  exercise  of  the  power  which  cap 
ture  gives  to  them  ?  How  does  the  division  of  the  proceeds  of  the 
capture  among  the  captors  affect  me,  or  the  legality  or  the  morality 
of  the  capture  itself? 

We  are  told  that  this  proposition  is  against  the  public  senti 
ment  of  the  age ;  that  it  will  encourage  uncivilized  warfare.  All 
warlike  acts  are  uncivil.  War,  in  its  best  conditions,  is  only 
organized,  legal  barbarism.  Still,  war  is  necessary.  Does  it  make 
any  difference  to  me,  whether  I  meet  in  hostile  array  a  recent 
volunteer,  or  an  antagonist  all  his  life  trained  to  martial  deeds, 
provided  each  fights  under  the  same  banner,  carries  a  commission 


1863.]  A  SENATOR  OF  THE  UNITED   STATES.  223 

issued  by  the  same  authority,  and  is  bound  by  the  same  laws  of 
war  ?  In  what  manner  can  civilization  or  Christianity  be  affected, 
one  way  or  the  other  ? 

Private-armed  vessels  carrying  letters  of  marque  are  in  effect 
national  vessels.  They  are  not  let  loose  against  merely  unarmed 
commerce  for  its  destruction.  They  are  to  be  the  pickets  of  the 
great  naval  armada  of  the  nation.  They  are  to  procure  informa 
tion,  convey  intelligence,  annoy  the  enemy,  cripple  his  resources, 
attack  his  small  armed  ships,  assist  in  maintaining  blockades,  and 
in  this  way  materially  aid  to  enforce  peace.  In  the  Revolutionary 
War,  as  well  as  in  the  War  of  1812-'15,  American  privateers  at 
tacked  and  destroyed  armed  vessels  of  the  British  Navy.  Will  we 
say  that  it  may  never  be  done  again  ? 

It  is  said  1  that  we  can  readily  secure  all  the  advantages  that 
might  be  derived  from  the  passage  of  this  bill,  by  authorizing  the 
Secretary  of  the  Navy  to  purchase  all  the  vessels  he  chooses,  and 
receive  them  into  the  regular  Navy.  The  proposition  is  wholly 
impracticable.  In  the  first  place,  it  would  put  in  the  hands  of  the 
Secretary  of  the  Navy  the  power  to  determine  the  policy  of  the 
Government,  and  the  means  of  carrying  that  policy  into  execution. 
In  the  next  place,  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  does  not  possess,  and 
we  cannot  bestow  upon  him,  the  means  to  purchase,  fit  out,  man, 
officer,  repair,  and  control  such  a  number  of  vessels  as  might  be 
desirable,  and  probably  would  be  required  for  this  service.  It  will 
hardly  be  necessary  to  attempt  to  demonstrate  this.  The  pay  of 
the  agents  alone  who  would  be  required  to  conduct  a  business  of 
such  magnitude  would  soon  bankrupt  the  Treasury.  Not  more 
impracticable  is  the  proposition  to  authorize  the  Secretary  of  the 
Navy  to  hire  vessels,  to  be  used  as  war-ships  for  a  limited  time. 
To  the  suggestion  that  a  bounty  or  reward  for  the  capture  of 
an  enemy's  vessel  should  be  offered,  it  is  a  sufficient  answer  that 
such  a  proceeding  would  be  against  the  law  of  nations,  unless  the 
vessel  making  the  capture  bore  a  commission  from  the  nation  to 
which  she  belonged ;  and,  if  she  did  bear  a  commission,  she  would 
be  neither  more  nor  less  than  a  letter  of  marque. 

1  "  An  enactment,  authorizing  the  Naval  Department  to  employ  all  the  mercantile 
marine  of  the  country  in  the  national  service,  under  the  national  flag,  as  a  part  of 
the  Navy,  would  be  practicable  and  reasonable.  Such  a  marine  will,  in  a  just 
sense,  be  the  militia  of  the  sea.  Such  a  militia  I  am  in  favor  of.  Let  the  Secretary 
of  the  Navy  hire  private  ships." — (MR.  SITMNER,  February  14th  and  llth.) 


224:  LIFE   OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1863. 

For  myself,  I  am  not  prepared  to  abandon  our  well-settled 
national  policy  on  this  subject.  I  stand  by  the  traditions  and  the 
policy  of  our  fathers.  I  am  unwilling  to  impose,  upon  the  people  I 
represent,  the  burden  of  supporting  in  time  of  peace  such  a  naval 
establishment  as  will  be  adequate  to  protect  our  commerce  in  time 
of  war,  and  at  the  same  time  to  inflict  such  chastisement  upon  the 
enemy  as  will  insure  a  speedy  and  honorable  peace.  I  regard  the 
present  a  proper  time  to  reaffirm  our  national  doctrine  on  the  sub 
ject  of  maritime  rights. 

I  am  aware  that  this  bill  confers  extraordinary  powers  upon  the 
President.  It  grants  no  power,  however,  that  I  am  not  anxious  to 
bestow  upon  him.  I  wish  to  confer  upon  him  ample  means  to  re 
store  the  Union,  and  to  defend  the  national  honor  abroad,  and  I  will 
hold  him  and  his  immediate  constitutional  advisers  responsible  for 
the  manner  in  which  that  power  shall  be  exercised.  If  he  shall  wield 
it  feebly,  if  he  neglects  his  best  opportunities,  if  he  dallies  with 
treason,  if  he  crouches  before  the  insolence  of  a  foreign  power,  no 
part  of  the  responsibility  or  the  disgrace  shall  be  traced  to  me. 
Before  I  leave  here  on  the  4th  of  March  next,  I  intend,  so  far  as  my 
vote  will  do  it,  to  deposit  in  the  hands  of  the  President  every 
means  and  appliance  for  overcoming  the  rebellion  that  I  can  give 
him,  and  in  the  name  of  the  people  demand  of  him  success.  I  be 
lieve  that  success  can  be  achieved,  and  the  country,  history,  will 
hold  him  and  his  cabinet  responsible  for  a  failure. 

It  is  said  by  the  opponents  of  this  bill,  that  the  so-called  Con 
federate  States  have  no  commerce,  and  hence  there  is  no  necessity 
for  the  passage  of  this  act.  To  this  I  answer  that  they  have  al 
ready  on  the  ocean  a  large  number  of  fast  steamers,  and  are  now 
building  in  England  a  fleet  of  vessels  designed  to  break  our  block 
ade  of  their  coast.  The  vessels  owned  by  them,  and  by  parties  in 
Europe  in  complicity  with  them,  can  already  be  counted  by  the 
score.  But  I  frankly  own  that  my  purpose  is  to  declare  a  principle, 
which  shall  have  a  general  as  well  as  a  special  application.  I  wish 
to  say  to  the  world  that,  however  much  other  nations  have  changed 
or  may  change  their  policy  on  this  subject,  we  will  adhere  to  ours. 
If  the  President  shall  find  himself  environed  with  new  difficulties, 
involved  in  new  complications,  I  wish  him  to  have  the  power  to 
"  let  slip  the  dogs  of  war  "  against  any  new  enemy  that  may  declare 
against  us. 


1863.]  A  SENATOR   OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  225 

In  voting  as  I  shall,  I  am  satisfied  that  I  shall  reflect  the  senti 
ment  of  the  people  of  Iowa  and  of  the  entire  Northwest.  No 
matter  what  others  may  tell  you,  Senators,  be  assured  that  the 
people  of  the  upper  valley  of  the  Mississippi  River  are  loyal  to  this 
Government.  That  loyalty  is  confined  to  no  party.  Since  I  have 
held  a  seat  in  this  body,  I  have  never,  so  far  as  I  can  recollect,  even 
alluded  to  a  party  organization  of  any  kind.  I  only  allude  to  it 
now  for  the  purpose  of  absolving,  so  far  as  I  may  be  able,  the 
Democratic  party  of  that  section  from  the  charge  of  disloyalty  to 
the  Government.  It  embraces  dissatisfied,  revolutionary,  and  dis 
loyal  members,  who  have  in  some  instances  secured  control  ot  the 
party  organization,  but  the  great  mass  of  that  party  are  patriotic, 
law-abiding  men.  Misled,  I  think,  many  of  them  are,  as  they  think 
I  am  ;  but  treason  has  never  found  a  lodgment  in  their  hearts. 
They  scorn  the  idea  that  they  would  consent  to  a  dissolution  of  the 
Union ;  and  when  the  issue  shall  be  fairly  presented  to  them,  dis 
connected  from  the  idea  that  this  war  has  not  been  prosecuted  with 
sufficient  vigor  by  the  party  in  power,  they  will  cause  the  wave  of 
political  oblivion  to  sweep  over  those  who  are  attempting  to  dupe 
them  into  concession  and  compromise  with  treason.  This  much  is 
due  from  me  to  the  mass  of  the  Democratic  party  in  Iowa,  who 
have  no  representative  in  Congress,  and  among  whom  I  count 
many  of  my  oldest  and  most  cherished  personal  friends.  The 
promise  of  a  new  confederacy  has  no  charms  for  the  people  of  Iowa 
of  any  political  persuasion.  They  abide  by  the  Union  in  its  in 
tegrity.  They  will  not  follow  false  prophets  into  disunion  and 
anarchy.  Presumptuous  political  leaders  may  for  a  time  beguile 
the  unwary,  and  engender  local  discontent,  but  a  loyal  public  senti 
ment  will  soon  rectify  all  such  evils.  The  great  mass  of  the  people 
of  that  State,  irrespective  of  party  ties  or  affinities,  have  ventured 
their  all  in  behalf  of  the  unity  of  this  Government.  They  have 
given  freely  of  their  blood  in  its  support.  They  will  never  consent 
to  its  dismemberment.  They  ask  me  to  place  in  the  hands  of  the 
President  all  the  necessary  means  to  maintain  it  intact.  I  obey 
their  voice  when  I  give  my  vote  for  the  passage  of  this  bill. 

Mr.  Grimes  was  chairman  of  a  select  committee,  appointed 
December  22  and  23,  1862,  to  investigate  the  facts  in  regard  to 
the  employment  of  transport-vessels  for  the  Banks  Expedition, 


LIFE   OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1863. 

and  the  employment  of  transports  generally  by  quartermasters 
and  agents  of  tie  "War  Department.  In  performance  of  this  duty 
the  committee  examined  persons  at  New  York,  Philadelphia,  and 
Washington,  and  made  two  detailed  reports,  Jan.  15  and  Feb. 
9,  1863,  showing  acts  of  fraud  and  negligence  by  ship-owners, 
brokers,  and  officers  and  agents  of  the  War  Department.  The  ex 
posure  was  very  thorough,  and  was  sustained  by  the  testimony  of 
fifty  witnesses,  many  of  whom  were  persons  implicated.  A  reso 
lution  of  censure  upon  several  parties  was  submitted  by  Mr.  Hale. 
Mr.  Grimes  remarked,  January  29,  30,  1863 : 

It  seems  to  me  that  there  are  some  very  important  lessons  to  be 
drawn  from  this  investigation,  which  ought  to  govern  Congress  and 
the  executive  officers  of  the  Government  in  future.  I  desire  to  oc 
cupy  a  few  minutes  in  calling  the  attention  of  this  body  and  of  the 
country  to  some  defects  in  getting  up  this  expedition. 

The  first  great  error  was  in  not  fairly  and  openly  advertising  for 
vessels,  specifying  the  character  of  the  vessels  required.  There  was 
no  earthly  reason  why  this  should  not  have  been  done.  There  was 
no  greater  secrecy  attained  by  the  method  adopted  than  would  have 
been  observed  if  advertisements  had  been  published  in  the  newspa 
pers.  That  has  been  the  method  pursued  by  the  Government  until 
the  commencement  of  this  war,  and  it  has  always  worked  well. 
The  select  committee,  when  in  New  York,  took  the  testimony  of 
some  of  the  most  prominent  ship-owners  in  that  city  on  the  subject, 
and  they  all  testified  that  that  was  what  the  ship-owners  and  ship 
masters  desired,  and  that  the  Government  interests  had  hitherto 
been  promoted  and  protected  by  doing  so,  and  that  there  was  no 
reason  why  that  system  should  not  have  been  continued. 

The  next  error  was  in  not  following  the  law  of  Congress,  ap 
proved  February  12,  1862,  which  was  passed  at  the  instance  of  the 
War  Department,  and  which  authorized  the  President  to  detail 
three  competent  naval  officers  for  the  service  of  the  War  Depart 
ment  in  the  inspection  of  transport-vessels.  Why  was  this  not 
done?  Why  did  not  the  Secretary  of  War  comply  with  that  law, 
and  have  three  competent  naval  officers — a  sea-officer,  an  engineer, 
and  a  naval  constructor — detailed  for  this  specific  duty,  men  who 
were  experts  in  the  particular  branches  to  which  they  were  to  be 
assigned  ?  That  was  not  done,  at  the  instance  of  the  very  gentle- 


1863.]  A  SENATOR  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  227 

man  whom  the  Senator  from  New  Hampshire  proposes  to  strike  out 
of  his  resolution,  Commodore  Vanderbilt.  The  Secretary  of  War 
sent  for  him  to  come  here  from  New  York,  to  have  a  conference 
with  him  in  regard  to  getting  up  this  expedition.  Mr.  Stanton 
proposed  that  a  commission  be  appointed  to  inspect  vessels.  Com 
modore  Vanderbilt  said  :  "  That  is  of  no  use.  Congress  has  passed 
a  law  that  every  vessel  that  clears  from  a  custom-house  must  have 
her  inspector's  papers,  and  these  papers  have  to  be  renewed  every 
twelve  months.  Is  not  that  enough  for  this  expedition  ?  "  Mr. 
Stanton  said :  "  I  would  like  to  make  this  doubly  sure.  There  will 
be  no  harm  in  having  them  doubly  inspected."  One  inspector  was 
appointed,  Commodore  Van  Brunt.  He  was  directed  to  report 
immediately  to  General  Banks  ;  and  what  was  he  authorized  to  do  ? 
To  inspect  vessels  ?  No ;  but  merely  to  supervise  the  outfit.  He 
said  to  General  Banks  that  he  was  incompetent  to  the  discharge  of 
that  particular  kind  of  duty,  so  far  as  it  related  to  steamships.  Gen 
eral  Banks  replied  that  they  had  discussed  this  subject  of  appoint 
ing  a  man  to  assist  him,  so  far  as  steamships  were  concerned,  and 
that  person  was  Mr.  Charjes  H.  Has  well. 

A  third  error  of  Commodore  Vanderbilt,  for  which  I  think  he 
was  in  a  great  degree  censurable,  was  chartering  the  steamboat 
Niagara  without  seeing  her,  without  knowing  her.  She  was  an  old 
boat  that  had  been  built  for  the  trade  on  Lake  Ontario  nearly  a 
score  of  years  ago.  She  had  been  bought  for  something  like  ten 
thousand  dollars,  and  brought  around,  and  some  repairs  put  upon 
her,  and  some  four  hundred  and  fifty  men  and  officers  of  the  Fiftieth 
Massachusetts  regiment  were  forced  to  go  upon  her  at  New  York, 
destined  for  New  Orleans.  In  smooth  water,  with  a  calm  sea,  the 
planks  were  ripped  out  of  her,  and  exhibited  to  the  gaze  of  the  in 
dignant  soldiers  on  board,  showing  that  her  timbers  were  rotten. 
The  committee  have  in  their  committee-room  a  large  sample  of  one 
of  the  beams  of  this  vessel,  to  show  that  it  has  not  the  slightest 
capacity  to  hold  a  nail.  The  testimony  is  from  Commodore  Van 
derbilt,  that  he  had  never  seen  the  Niagara,  that  he  knew  nothing 
about  her  character,  or  capacity,  or  seaworthiness.  I  think  that  for 
the  chartering  of  that  vessel  he  was  censurable. 

Another  great  defect  was  the  concealment  from  the  inspectors 
of  the  destination  of  the  expedition.  It  was  attempted  to  keep  it 
entirely  secret  from  everybody,  except  Mr.  Stanton,  General  Banks, 


228  LIFE  OF  JAMES  W.  GRIMES.  [1863. 

and  Commodore  Yanderbilt ;  and  what  was  the  result  ?  Mr.  Has- 
well  and  Mr.  Van  Brunt  would  have  a  vessel  pointed  out  to  them 
by  Commodore  Yanderbilt.  Now,  there  is  one  class  of  steamers 
adapted  for  what  are  called  outside  passages,  capable  of  navigating 
the  ocean  anywhere ;  while  there  is  another  class,  many  of  which 
were  employed  in  this  expedition,  that  are  only  capable  of  navigating 
inland  waters.  Mr.  Has  well  and  Commodore  Van  Brunt  both  tes 
tified  that,  if  they  had  known  that  the  expedition  was  going  beyond 
the  capes  of  the  Chesapeake,  they  would  have  protested  against 
several  of  those  vessels  being  chartered ;  and  yet  it  is  proposed  to 
strike  out  the  name  of  the  man  who  did  know  where  the  expedition 
was  going,  and  censure  those  who  did  not  know  anything  about  it. 

Another  difficulty,  against  which  we  should  guard  in  future  ex 
peditions,  was  the  crowding  of  too  great  a  number  of  persons  on 
board  these  ships.  Some  of  the  vessels,  which  under  your  emigra 
tion  act  would  only  be  permitted  to  carry  three  hundred  and  fifty 
passengers,  carried  nine  hundred  and  fifty  soldiers.  The  most  in 
telligent  ship-owners  who  were  before  us  testified  that,  in  their 
opinion,  soldiers  could  be  crowded  together  conveniently  and  hu 
manely  more  than  immigrants  coming  across  the  Atlantic.  They 
estimated  that  possibly  six  hundred  soldiers  might  have  been  ac 
commodated,  whereas  nine  hundred  and  fifty  were  placed  on  board. 
When  the  question  was  asked  of  Commodore  Yanderbilt  and  of 
other  gentlemen  connected  with  the  expedition,  why  this  was,  and 
why  they  did  not  take  navigators,  and  see  that  there  were  instru 
ments  and  charts  on  board,  the  answer  was,  the  insurance  compa 
nies  and  owners  of  the  vessels  took  that  risk,  as  though  the  Gov 
ernment  had  no  risk  in  the  lives  of  its  valiant  men,  whom  it  has 
enlisted  under  its  banner,  and  sent  out  on  an  expedition  of  this 
kind.  The  man  who  embarks  his  merchandise  on  board  a  ship  has 
the  option  of  putting  it  on  this  vessel  or  on  that ;  and  I,  exercising 
my  volition  as  a  passenger,  can  go  or  not  go ;  I  can  go  upon  one 
ship  or  upon  another  ;  but  you  order  your  soldiers  to  go  on  board 
of  a  vessel,  and  they  have  no  power  to  determine  whether  that  ves 
sel  is  susceptible  of  carrying  them  safely,  or  whether  they  are  to  be 
humanely  or  inhumanely  packed  when  they  get  on  board. 

I  do  not  desire  to  say  much  in  regard  to  the  manner  in  which 
these  charter-parties  were  effected.  It  shows  a  chapter  of  fraud 
from  beginning  to  end.  Men  making  the  most  open  professions  of 


1863.]  A  SENATOR  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  229 

loyalty,  patriotism,  and  perfect  disinterestedness,  coming  before  the 
committee,  and  swearing  that  they  acted  from  such  motives  solely, 
were  yet  compelled  to  admit — or  one  or  two  were — that  in  some 
instances  they  had  received  as  high  as  six  and  a  quarter  per  cent. 
Since  then — for  the  committee  desired  to  expedite  the  business  and 
make  a  report  as  speedily  as  possible  to  the  Senate — the  commit 
tee  have  satisfied  their  own  minds  that  the  per  cent,  was  greater 
than  was  in  testimony  before  them.  Now,  Mr.  Vanderbilt  did  not 
exercise  reasonable  judgment  and  sagacity  to  prevent  frauds  upon 
the  Government  in  chartering  these  vessels.  What  are  the  facts  ? 
It  was  generally  understood  in  New  York  that  no  vessel  could 'be 
chartered  except  through  Southard,  and  only  after  the  owner,  or 
the  representative  of  the  owner,  had  paid  tribute  to  him.  It  is 
true  that  Commodore  Vanderbilt  testifies  that  he  did  not  know 
this,  and  we  are  to  presume  that  he  did  not.  Was  it  not  his  busi 
ness  to  know  it  ?  When  this  report  was  circulated  throughout 
Broad  and  South  Streets,  and  was  in  the  mouths  of  shipping-men 
in  New  York,  how  happens  it  that  Commodore  Yanderbilt  was  pro 
foundly  ignorant  of  it  ?  Not  from  any  corrupt  motive,  I  am  pre 
pared  to  say  and  believe  ;  but  I  cannot  say  that  he  did  exercise  that 
reasonable  diligence,  foresight,  and  sagacity  which  a  man  occupy 
ing  the  position  he  occupied  was  bound  to  exercise,  when  so  mo 
mentous  a  trust  was  committed  to  his  hands.  I  am  not  going  to 
pass  judgment  upon  that  gentleman  by  anything  that  he  has  or  has 
not  done  formerly.  The  question  is,  not  whether  he  has  been  gen 
erous  to  the  Government  by  making  a  present  to  us  of  a  fine  steam 
ship,  but  whether,  in  connection  with  this  single  transaction  which 
is  now  under  consideration,  he  did  his  whole  duty.  I  cannot  lay  my 
hand  upon  my  heart  and  say,  as  a  Senator,  that  1  believe  he  did. 

A  few  facts  from  the  report  of  the  committee,  submitted  by 
Mr.  Grimes,  February  9th,  will  show  something  of  other  acts 
of  fraud  and  extortion  that  were  revealed  by  the  investigation : 

Charles  Coblens,  of  Baltimore,  appeared  before  the  committee 
as  an  extensive  ship-owner,  in  possession,  in  whole  or  in  part,  of 
ten  steamers,  three  barges,  and  eighty  acres  of  valuable  land  in  the 
vicinity  of  Baltimore,  though  but  a  few  months  before  comparative 
ly  a  poor  man.  A  Prussian  by  birth,  an  Israelite  by  descent,  a  ped 
dler  and  a  horse-jockey  by  profession,  in  his  business  relations  with 
16 


230  LIFE   OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1863. 

the  Government,  fraud,  bribery,  and  perjury,  struggle  for  the  most 
prominent  place.  His  transactions  in  the  chartering  of  transports 
for  the  War  Department  show  that  he  was  receiving  from  the  Gov 
ernment  at  the  rate  of  $345,655  per  annum  on  a  capital  of  $65,283, 
which  is  equal  to  529^  per  cent,  per  annum  on  his  investment ! 

Amasa  C.  Hall,  of  Baltimore,  has  played  a  very  conspicuous 
part  in  connection  with  the  chartering  of  transport-vessels  at  that 
port.  Hardly  any  vessel  has  been  chartered  there  during  the  past 
eighteen  months  that  has  not  been  secured  through  his  agency,  and 
of  whose  earnings  from  five  to  twelve  per  cent,  has  not  found  its  way 
to  his  pocket.  He  bought  an  old  boat,  the  Patapsco,  that  had  been 
thrown  away  as  useless  by  the  commissioners  for  deepening  the  har 
bor  at  Baltimore,  for  $1,200,  and  put  her  in  Coblens's  name,  and  char 
tered  her  to  the  Government  at  eighty  dollars  per  day.  Her  running 
expenses  were  not  more  than  twelve  dollars  per  day ;  and  she  yield 
ed  a  clear  profit  to  her  owner  at  the  rate  of  $26,645  per  annum. 
The  barge  Delaware,  whose  running  expenses  were  not  more  than 
seven  dollars  per  day,  was  chartered  to  the  Government  at  seventy 
dollars  a  day  by  Mr.  John  Tucker,  through  Mr.  Hall,  Captain  Hodges 
signing  the  charter-party,  and  her  net  receipts  were  at  the  rate  of 
$22,995  per  annum.  That  this  chapter  of  fraud  may  want  no  odious 
and  shameless  feature,  Mr.  Hall  affirms  that  Captain  Hodges  and  Mr. 
Tucker  thought  she  was  the  cheapest  thing  they  chartered. 

The  committee  have  failed  to  discover  any  satisfactory  reason 
why  Hall  was  permitted  to  enjoy  this  monopoly  of  chartering  ves 
sels.  There  was  nothing  in  his  antecedents  or  character  to  justify 
it.  He  was  a  poor  man  eighteen  months  ago,  with  a  character  not 
wholly  above  reproach ;  he  is  now  rich,  and  fast  growing  richer  by 
the  receipt  of  a  large  daily  revenue  from  commissions  upon  the 
earnings  of  vessels  still  in  the  Government  employ.  The  bestowal 
of  this  large  patronage  almost  exclusively  upon  him  cannot  be  rec 
onciled  with  any  theory  of  strict  integrity  on  the  part  of  Govern 
ment  officers.  Although  the  testimony  may  not  warrant  the  con 
clusion  that  any  officer  actually  shared  with  him  the  profits  derived 
from  his  business,  yet  the  fact  that  these  officers,  who  knew  all  the 
circumstances,  acquiesced  in  the  continuance  of  this  monopoly, 
should  subject  them  to  severe  reprehension  ;  and  it  is  not  easy  to 
suppose  that  motives  of  charity  alone  impelled  them  to  throw  such 
vast  sums  of  money  into  his  pocket. 


1863.]  A  SENATOR  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  231 

The  committee  find  Captain  Richard  F.  Loper,  of  Philadelphia, 
to  be  in  receipt  of  enormous  revenues  from  the  chartering  of  trans 
ports,  derived  partly  from  commissions  received  on  vessels,  where 
he  acted  at  the  same  time  as  agent  of  the  Government  and  agent 
of  the  owners ;  partly  from  the  charters  of  vessels  belonging  to 
transportation  companies,  of  which  he  is  a  large  stockholder ;  partly 
from  vessels  owned  by  himself,  and  chartered  by  himself,  as  Gov 
ernment  agent,  to  the  Government ;  and  partly  from  his  "  influ 
ence."  Mr.  Hall  testifies  that  he  paid  Loper  $13,000  at  one  time 
for  "  getting  the  business  for  him,"  the  chartering  of  certain 
transports  for  the  McClellan  Expedition.  Being  president,  treas 
urer,  business-manager,  and  stockholder  of  the  Philadelphia  Steam 
Propeller  Company,  and  "  assistant  agent  of  the  War  Department," 
Captain  Loper  had  extraordinary  facilities  for  making  the  charters 
to  suit  himself.  It  rarely  happens,  in  the  ordinary  avocations  of 
life,  that  a  person  enjoys  the  privilege  of  buying  his  own  property 
for  another  person,  and  fixing  his  own  price  upon  it,  or  of  buying 
other  people's  property  for  a  third  person,  and  regulating  his  com 
pensation  by  the  amount  of  money  he  squanders  ;  yet  such  seems 
to  have  been  the  manner  in  which  the  Government  has  been 
served,  not  only  in  Captain  Loper's  agency,  but  in  nearly  all  the 
business  connected  with  the  transportation,  by  water,  of  troops, 
supplies,  and  munitions  of  war. 

Facts  and  testimony  force  the  committee  to  the  conclusion  that  Mr. 
John  Tucker,  late  Assistant  Secretary  of  War,  had  more  or  less  con 
nection  with  these  gigantic  and  shameless  frauds  on  the  Government. 

The  committee  are  overwhelmed  with  astonishment  and  sorrow 
by  the  revelations  which  have  been  made ;  but  they  believe  that 
nothing  which  so  intimately  concerns  a  free  people  should  be  con 
cealed  from  them,  and  they  hope  that  this  investigation  may  lead 
to  a  more  honest  and  economical  administration  of  this  department 
of  the  public  service.  The  War  Department  can  only  restore  con 
fidence  in  connection  with  army  transportation,  by  inflexibly  adher 
ing  to  the  rule  that  contracts  shall  only  be  made  with  the  owners 
of  vessels,  or  their  legitimate  agents,  and  that  every  officer  who 
shall  be  shown  to  be  influenced  in  the  slightest  degree  in  awarding 
a  charter  by  fear,  favor,  affection,  or  the  hope  of  reward,  or  who 
shall  give  reasonable  ground  for  suspicion  of  the  honesty  of  his  con 
duct,  shall  be  summarily  punished,  if  guilty. 


232  LIFE   OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1863. 

Mr.  Grimes  opposed  increase  of  pay  to  any  civil  officer  while 
soldiers  in  the  field  were  unpaid.  He  said,  January  31st : 

I  am  not  conscious  of  having  voted  for  the  creation  of  any  civil 
office  at  this  session  of  Congress,  and  I  do  not  intend  to  do  so,  espe 
cially  while  a  portion  at  least  of  the  soldiers  from  my  State  have 
not,  or  had  not  at  the  last  I  heard  from  them,  received  one  dollar  of 
pay  since  November,  1861.  With  that  fact  staring  me  in  the  face, 
I  do  not  see  how  I  can  consistently  vote  money  out  of  the  Treasury  to 
support  civil  officers  here  in  the  city  of  Washington,  who  will  draw 
their  pay  regularly  every  month,  which  ought  to  go  to  support  the 
families  of  the  soldiers  in  my  State  who  have  gone  to  the  battle-field. 

Mr.  Grimes  was  among  the  first  to  discern  that  the  new  naval 
warfare  had  made  obsolete  the  old  system  of  fortifications  for 
harbor  defenses.  He  said  with  reference  to  appropriating  more 
than  six  million  dollars  for  fortifications,  February  18th: 

I  think  it  has  been  pretty  well  demonstrated  during  the  last 
twelve  months  that  these  fortifications,  in  the  present  condition  of 
maritime  warfare,  are  of  very  little  value.  New  Orleans  has  suffi 
ciently  demonstrated  that,  and  several  other  actions  have  confirmed 
this  belief  of  mine.  Hence  I  am  under  the  impression,  as  at  present 
advised,  that  the  continuance  of  these  old  fortifications  upon  the 
plans  originally  projected  will  be  virtually  throwing  money  away. 
Entertaining  that  opinion,  I  am  constrained  to  vote  against  the  bill, 
not  for  the  reason  that  I  am  not  willing  and  anxious  to  defend  every 
harbor  on  the  Atlantic  coast — as  a  Representative  of  the  United 
States  from  the  State  of  Iowa,  I  am  compelled  to  do  so — but  I  do 
not  believe  that  the  methods  adopted  are  best  calculated  to  pro 
mote  that  end. 

Mr.  Grimes  voted  for  the  Pacific  Railroad  bill,  June  20, 1862, 
and  for  establishing  the  gauge  of  the  road  from  the  Missouri 
River  to  the  Pacific  Ocean  at  four  feet  eight  and  a  half  inches 
(February  18,  1863).  Upon  the  latter  measure  he  said  : 

One  of  the  great  reasons  that  induced  me  to  vote  for  the  bill 
was  to  enable  the  country  to  defend  herself  in  case  of  war  with 
any  foreign  power.  Suppose  war  should  exist,  and  your  road  was 
completed,  and  you  wanted  to  transport  troops  over  it,  how  would 


1863.]  A  SENATOR  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  233 

you  do  it  ?  That  road  would  never  be  able  to  transport  with  its 
own  furniture  an  army  of  twenty-five  thousand  men.  Cars  have 
been  brought  from  Iowa  and  Illinois  to  assist  in  the  transportation 
of  the  army  between  here  and  Baltimore,  and  for  other  purposes. 
The  moment  we  allow  this  gauge  to  be  fixed  at  five  feet,  we  de 
prive  ourselves  of  all  opportunity  to  furnish  furniture  to  that  road 
to  transport  an  army  whenever  any  exigency  of  that  kind  shall 
arise.  That  is  to  me  a  conclusive  argument. 

I  believe  it  would  be  the  interest  of  the  country  that  it  should 
be  a  uniform  gauge  from  the  Atlantic  to  the  Pacific.  If  parties 
have  been  injured  by  our  action,  it  would  be  better  to  appropriate 
money  out  of  the  Treasury  to  indemnify  them  for  any  loss  they 
may  have  sustained  than  have  a  break  in  the  gauge.  So  far  as  the 
State  I  have  the  honor  in  part  to  represent  is  concerned,  if  I  were 
controlled  by  any  local  interests,  I  should  be  in  favor  of  the  break 
of  the  gauge,  because  where  there  is  a  break  there  is  always  a  large 
amount  of  business  to  be  done,  and  a  town  springs  up ;  but  I  trust 
that  I  look  at  this  question  in  a  national  point  of  view ;  and  in  that 
view,  it  seems  to  me,  we  ought  to  make  the  gauge  uniform. 

In  reply  to  objections  against  the  incorporation  of  an  insti 
tution  for  the  education  of  colored  youth  in  the  District  of  Co 
lumbia,  he  said,  February  27,  1863  : 

The  very  crude  notions  entertained  and  expressed  by  the  Sen 
ator  from  Virginia  (Mr.  Carlile)  in  regard  to  education,  sufficiently 
account  to  me  for  a  great  many  things  that  have  hitherto  been 
wholly  inexplicable.  It  may  be  true  that  in  that  section  of  the 
country  where  that  Senator  is  most  acquainted  the  whole  idea  of 
education  proceeds  from  the  fact  that  a  person  is  to  be  educated 
merely  because  he  is  to  exercise  the  elective  franchise  ;  but  I  thank 
God  that  I  was  raised  in  a  section  of  the  country  where  there  are 
nobler  and  loftier  sentiments  entertained  in  regard  to  education. 
We  entertain  the  opinion  that  all  human  beings  are  accountable 
beings.  We  believe  that  every  man  should  be  taught,  so  that  he 
may  be  able  to  read  the  law  by  which  he  is  to  be  governed,  and 
under  which  he  may  be  punished.  We  believe  that  every  account 
able  being  should  be  able  to  read  the  word  of  God,  by  which 
he  shall  guide  his  steps  in  this  life,  and  be  judged  in  the  life  to 
come.  We  believe  that  education  is  necessary  in  order  to  elevate 


234  LIFE   OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1863. 

the  human  race.  We  believe  that  it  is  necessary  in  order  to  keep 
our  jails  and  penitentiaries  and  almshouses  free  from  inmates.  In 
my  section  of  the  country  we  do  not  educate  any  race  upon  such 
low  and  groveling  ideas  as  seem  to  be  entertained  by  the  Senator 
from  Virginia. 

A  few  words  will  set  this  matter  right  in  the  mind  of  every 
right-thinking  man.  Some  humane  persons  a  few  years  ago  raised 
a  sum  of  money  with  which  they  purchased  a  lot  in  this  city,  now 
estimated  to  be  of  the  value  of  ten  or  twelve  thousand  dollars,  the 
proceeds  of  which  were  to  be  appropriated  exclusively  to  the  edu 
cation  of  girls  of  the  colored  race.  The  purpose  is  to  allow  the 
trust  to  be  fulfilled,  that  these  colored  girls  may  be  educated,  and 
to  allow  this  corporation  to  receive  any  other  gifts  or  bequests  that 
any  humane  people  in  the  country  may  see  fit  to  bestow. 

Asked  by  Mr.  Powell,  of  Kentucky,  March  2d,  if  he  would 
be  willing  to  have  the  President's  proclamation  withdrawn,  the 
confiscation  laws  repealed,  and  the  Crittenden  compromise  with 
the  Powell  amendments  adopted,  Mr.  Grimes  replied  : 

I  have  no  hesitation  in  saying  that  I  would  not.  No  power  on 
earth  could  induce  me  to  consent  to  any  State,  or  any  set  of  States, 
or  any  people  in  any  portion  of  the  United  States,  dictating  with 
arms  in  their  hands  the  terms  upon  which  I  would  make  peace 
with  them,  and  a  change  of  the  Constitution.  I  do  not  look  to 
separation.  I  look  to  a  restoration  of  the  Union,  and  I  look  to  it 
by  force,  if  necessary. 


• 


U.  S.  SHIP  IBONSIDES. 


1863.]  A  SENATOR   OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  235 


§  3.— In  the  Thirty-eighth  Congress.— 1863-1865. 

The  following  letters  refer  to  the  naval  attackmpon  Charles 
ton,  to  Mr.  Grimes  being  a  candidate  for  reelection  to  the 
Senate,  and  to  his  labors  before  the  people  of  Iowa  in  a  political 
canvass  of  the  State  : 

81.— To  Admiral  Du  Pont. 

BURLINGTON,  March   27,  1863. 

I  feel  the  difficult  and  responsible  position  in  which  you  are 
placed,  and  the  great  questions  that  are  to  be  settled  by  the  issue. 
The  country  feels  them.  There  are  inconsiderate  and  senseless  men 
who  complain  that  an  attack  has  not  been  earlier  made ;  but  they 
know  nothing  of  the  true  posture  of  affairs,  and  their  opinions 
would  be  worthless  if  they  did.  Every  one  is  satisfied  that  you 
will  attack  at  the  time  your  judgment  shall  decide  to  be  the  best 
time,  and  everybody  whose  opinion  is  worth  anything  is  satisfied 
that  your  opinion  as  to  when  that  best  time  arrives  will  be  correct. 
In  a  word,  it  gratifies  me  to  be  able  to  assure  you  that  the  people 
of  the  whole  country  have  entire  confidence  in  your  capacity  and 
your  patriotism,  and  those  who  have  watched  your  career  do  not 
suffer  themselves  for  one  moment  to  doubt  your  complete  success. 
It  may  be  that  the  conflict  may  be  over  before  this  reaches  you. 
I  trust  it  may,  and  that  this  may  be  accepted  as  my  congratulations 
upon  the  result.  If  otherwise,  if  it  reaches  you  on  the  eve  of  battle, 
then  in  God's  name,  in  the  name  of  the  country,  in  behalf  of  your 
friends,  in  the  name  of  a  good  government  and  of  our  common 
humanity,  I  bid  you  "good  cheer."  May  God  in  his  wisdom  and 
inercy  protect,  defend,  and  give  you  success !  No  grander  spec 
tacle  can  be  presented  to  the  human  vision  than  a  patriotic,  Chris 
tian  man  going  forth  to  battle  in  defense  of  a  wise,  paternal,  and 
humane  government. 

I  regret  as  much  as  you  can  the  failure  of  Congress  to  provide 
means  to  assist  the  States  of  Missouri,  Maryland,  and  Delaware,  to 
secure  emancipation.  I  do  not  doubt  that  freedom  will  soon  be 
universal  in  those  States.  Just  such  bills  would  have  been  a  sort 
of  culmination  and  rounding  off  of  the  acts  of  the  late  Congress  that 
would  have  reflected  glory  upon  it  and  upon  the  country.  The 
Thirty-seventh  Congress,  much  maligned  as  all  assemblies  of  a 


236  LIFE  OF  JAMES  W.   GEIMES.  [1863. 

legislative  character  have  been  in  revolutionary  times,  composed  to 
a  very  great  extent  of  men  who  had  not  been  trained  to  statesman 
ship — elected  in  a  time  of  profound  peace  upon  a  multitude  of 
issues,  but  no  one  of  them  in  anticipation  of  a  war — that  Congress, 
in  my  conviction,  has  immortalized  itself,  and  stands  second  only  to 
the  first  Continental  Congress.  Still  it  might,  it  ought  to  have  done 
more. 

My  policy  at  the  last  session  in  regard  to  naval  legislation  was 
"  hands  off."  All  sorts  of  attempts  were  made  to  overturn  the  leg 
islation  of  the  preceding  session,  but  we  in  some  manner  or  other 
defeated  all  such  efforts. 

82. — To  the  Editor  of  the  Linn   County  Register1 

BURLINGTON,  May  2,  1863. 

I  have  no  very  great  desire  to  be  reflected  to  the  Senate.  On 
the  contrary,  I  am  rather  averse  to  the  idea  of  continuing  in  public 
life  beyond  my  present  term.  Our  friends  have  insisted  that  I  shall 
serve  another  term,  and  I  have  consented  to  do  so,  if,  after  having 
surveyed  the  whole  field,  they  are  satisfied  that  the  interest  of  the 
country  and  our  party  require  it,  or  that  they  are  unable  to  secure 
the  services  of  a  better  man.  I  have  no  great  love  for  the  place, 
and  can  leave  it  without  a  single  regret,  whenever  a  better  man 
can  be  sent  to  Washington  who  can  more  faithfully  represent  bur 
State.  I  did  not  seek  nor  did  I  anticipate  the  nomination  for  Gov 
ernor,  in  1854.  When  nominated  without  any  agency  of  mine,  as 
the  representative  of  certain  principles,  I  did  my  best  to  be  elected. 
I  never  asked  a  man  to  vote  for  me  to  the  Senate  six  years  ago, 
though  I  was  very  grateful  for  the  support  I  got.  I  have  not  asked 
and  shall  not  ask  any  man  to  vote  for  me  now.  I  cannot  improve 
my  condition  in  any  respect  by  reelection.  Every  one  knows  my 
standing  there  ;  and,  if  satisfied  with  it,  I  shall  receive  their  support ; 
if  dissatisfied  with  it,  I  ought  not  to  receive  it. 

83.— To  Admiral  Du  Pont. 

BURLINGTON,  May  26,  1863. 

Absence  from  home,  and  very  numerous  duties  in  the  State, 
crowded  into  the  comparatively  short  period  of  the  recess,  have 
caused  me  to  be  neglectful  of  the  fact  that  I  have  not  written  you 

1  Tn  answer  to  an  inquiry  whether  he  was  a  candidate  for  reelection  to  the 

Senate. 


1863.]  A  SENATOR  OF  THE  UNITED   STATES.  237 

since  you  attacked  Charleston,  though  I  recollect  writing  very  near 
that  time.  The  result  was  not  such  as  we  all  hoped,  and  as  I  con 
fess  I  anticipated,  though  I  will  at  the  same  time  honestly  confess 
that  I  could  never  give  a  reason  for  the  faith  that  was  in  me.  I 
always  supposed  that  there  was  to  be  some  cooperative  land-force ; 
I  was  mistaken  in  this,  it  appears.  I  have  carefully  read  all  the 
reports  of  the  engagement.  They  have  been  read  by  every  one. 
You  may  rely  upon  it  that  the  public  fully  justifies  you  in  with 
drawing  from  the  contest  when  you  did.  It  would  have  been  ex 
treme  folly  to  continue  it  longer.  It  is  evident  to  every  one  that 
the  article  in  the  Baltimore  American  was  prompted  by  some  sinis 
ter  motive,  and  in  receiving  that  attack  you  only  experience  what 
all  our  commanders  upon  land  or  water  have  been  or  will  be  subject 
to,  no  matter  how  successful  they  may  have  been,  or  may  be.  It 
must  be  a  gratification  to  you  to  feel  that  the  same  amount  of  con 
fidence  is  reposed  in  you  that  was  placed  in  you  both  by  the 
Department  and  the  nation  before  the  battle. 

We  are  now  rejoicing  over  a  supposed  victory  at  Vicksburg. 
Our  people  are  as  truly  loyal,  devoted,  and  determined  as  ever.  I 
see  not  the  slightest  abatement  among  the  people  of  this  region  of 
their  firm  resolution  to  crush  out  the  rebellion,  and  to  have  indeed 
a  "  Nation." 

July  3Qth. — I  duly  received  your  favor  of  the  20th  inst.,  and  on 
the  same  day  the  gun  captured  on  the  Atlanta,  sent  by  express. 
Accept  my  thanks  for  the  present.  I  have  fired  it  to-day,  and  find 
it  to  be  a  very  wicked  implement.  It  seems  that  Charleston  is 
destined  to  be  "  a  hard  nut  to  crack,"  in  the  hands  of  Gillmore  and 
Dahlgren,  as  well  as  in  the  hands  of  their  predecessor. 

Mr.  Grimes  participated  in  a  festival  given  to  the  ministers 
and  delegates  of  the  churches  of  the  Congregational  order  in 
Iowa,  assembled  at  Burlington,  June  5th,  and  made  an  address 
in  response  to  the  sentiment : 

The  Senate  of  the  United  States — Honor  and  renown  to  the 
Senators  from  Iowa  for  unswerving  fidelity  to  humanity  and  justice, 
and  for  a  country  redeemed  and  disenthralled  by  the  genius  of  uni 
versal  emancipation. 

He  complimented  the  clergy  for  their  devotion  to  liberty 
and  the  national  cause,  acknowledged  his  indebtedness  to  their 


238  LIFE   OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1863. 

services,  and,  turning  to  the  Rev.  Asa  Turner,  said  :  "  You  call 
him  Father  Turner ;  and  I  look  to  him  as  my  political  god 
father."  On  the  following  day  he  addressed  the  Association  in 
the  course  of  a  discussion  upon  the  state  of  the  country,  and 
"  made  an  able  and  eloquent  speech,  embodying  in  it  many 
sound  political  and  moral  truths,  which  it  was  refreshing  to  hear 
in  such  a  meeting  from  one  in  his  position,"  as  reported  in  the 
Boston  Recorder  by  Rev.  Lewis  Sabin,  D.  D.,  who  was  present 
as  a  delegate  from  the  General  Association  of  Massachusetts. 


84.— To  Mrs. 

GRINNELL,  September  9,  1863. 

I  am  thus  far  on  my  tortuous  way.  We  have  very  large  meet 
ings,  never  so  large  in  the  State  before,  and,  so  far  as  I  can  learn, 
the  very  best  of  feeling  prevails  among  our  friends.  I  cannot 
doubt  our  success  in  the  State.  The  Democrats  were  never  work 
ing  so  hard  before,  but  we  shall  beat  them. 

INDEPENDENCE,  September  20th. 

I  have  spoken  every  day  since  I  was  at  Des  Moines,  in  the  open 
air,  to  large  crowds,  and  generally  in  a  strong  gale  of  wind.  Still 
I  got  along  very  well  until  yesterday,  when  I  made  pretty  much 
of  a  break-down.  I  caught  a  very  bad  cold,  and  my  strength  is 
nearly  exhausted.  I  do  not  believe  that  I  can  keep  up  long.  I 
never  had  anything  to  do  with  a  campaign  that  reauired  half  the 
labor  that  this  does. 

WEST  UNION,  FATETTE  COUNTY,  September  28£7i. 

My  course  has  finally  brought  me  to  this  place,  and  my  face  is 
at  last  turned  homeward,  though  I  have  many  angles  to  make,  and 
about  three  hundred  miles  to  travel  before  I  reach  there. 

Stone  will  be  elected  by  a  very  large  majority  ;  larger,  I  think, 
than  was  ever  given  to  any  candidate  for  Governor.  You  may  be 
interested  to  know  that  the  people  seem  to  be  unanimously  in  favor 
of  my  reelection  to  the  Senate.  So  far  as  I  can  learn,  no  Senator 
or  Representative  will  be  elected  by  the  Republicans  who  is  not 
pledged  to  my  election.  Of  course  this  makes  me  proud,  for  I 

have  not  electioneered  for  it. 

DUBUQUE,  October  2d. 

It  is  a  comfort  to  me  to  know  that  one  week  from  to-night  my 
labors  will  be  over.  My  health  is  very  good,  save  that  I  am  worn 


1863.]  A  SENATOR   OF  THE   UNITED   STATES.  239 

down  by  speaking  every  day,  and  nearly  every  day  in  the  open  air. 
We  shall  carry  the  State  by  an  unprecedentedly  large  majority, 
because  the  people  are  in  earnest  to  sustain  the  Government. 

85.— To  Admiral  Du  Pont. 

BURLINGTON,  October  19,  1863. 

Your  favor  of  the  llth  ult.  reached  my  home  about  ten  days 
after  I  began  my  political  canvass  of  this  State,  and  I  only  returned 
three  days  ago.  Hence  it  is  that  it  has  been  so  long  unanswered. 
I  know  so  little  of  the  official  etiquette  of  your  profession,  or  of  any 
other,  for  that  matter,  that  I  am  the  last  man  in  the  world  to  advise 
you  on  the  matter  about  which  you  ask  my  opinion.  I  can,  how 
ever,  give  you  what  I  believe  to  be  the  best  advice ;  to  follow  the 
promptings  of  your  own  cool,  good  judgment.  If  you  do,  you  will 
not  much  err,  I  am  convinced. 

I  wish  I  could  do  something  for  Rodgers,  and,  if  the  matter  is 
not  disposed  of  for  the  year  beyond  recall,  I  will  attempt  it  when 
I  go  to  Washington  next  month.  There  is  no  man  for  whom  I 
have  a  higher  regard,  and  I  know  no  one  who  would  more  adorn 
the  position,  or  who  deserves  it  more.  Should  I  write,  the  letter 
would  probably  be  thrown  aside,  and  the  subject  be  prejudged 
without  a  full  hearing. 

I  think  everybody  is  becoming  convinced  that  your  recall  from 
the  South  Atlantic  Fleet  was  a  hasty,  ill-advised  measure,  and  that 
the  clamor  raised  against  you,  and  finding  utterance  in  the  Balti 
more  American,  was  wholly  groundless.  Such,  at  any  rate,  is  the 
sentiment  of  those  with  whom  I  have  conversed,  and  I  think  it  is 
universal. 

I  shall  go  eastward  in  about  four  weeks.  I  do  not  expect  here 
after  to  have  much  connection  with  naval  matters,  nor  do  I  intend 
to  serve  any  longer  on  the  Naval  Committee  of  the  Senate. 

86. — To  Mrs.   Grimes. 

PORTLAND,  November  24,  1863. 

I  reached  Mr.  Fessenden's  without  accident,  and  am  now  at  his 
house.  I  wanted  to  leave  to-day  for  Boston,  but  he  has  restrained 
me,  and  I  shall  not  go  until  to-morrow.  I  shall  be  in  Boston  until 
Friday,  when  Mr.  Fessenden  is  to  meet  me,  and  we  shall  go  to 
Washington  together.  I  judge  Portland  to  be  one  of  the  very 
pleasantest  cities  in  the  United  States.  Fessenden  has  a  grand 


24:0  LIFE   OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [18 63-' 64. 

old  place ;  house  and  everything  in  it  appearing  to  be  not  less  than 
fifty  years  old  and  upward.  He  expressed  his  regret  that  you  were 
not  with  me.  All  of  his  family,  including  sons,  brothers-in-law, 
etc.,  seemed  to  be  pleased  to  see  me,  and  all  inquired  kindly  for 
you,  as  though  they  knew  you.  In  Fessenden's  chamber  I  found 
four  framed  pictures,  his  wife,  Samuel,  who  is  also  dead,  my  wife, 
and  my  wife's  husband. 

BOSTON,  November  2Qth, 

I  have  been  to  church  at  King's  Chapel,  and  heard  a  good,  patri 
otic  sermon  (Thanksgiving-day).  Judge  Collamer  is  at  Cambridge- 
port  with  his  whole  family  on  their  way  to  Washington. 

Upon  the  assembling  of  Congress  Mr.  Grimes  asked  the 
Senate,  December  18th,  to  excuse  him  from  further  service 
on  the  Naval  Committee.  It  is  the  practice  of  the  Senate 
to  excuse  a  member  who  asks  to  be  excused.  Mr.  Anthony, 
of  Eliode  Island,  said :  "  I  hope  the  Senator  will  withdraw 
his  request  for  the  present ; "  "  or,  if  not,"  said  Mr.  Harris, 
of  New  York,  "  that  the  Senate  will  decline  to  excuse  him." 
Mr.  Foster,  of  Connecticut,  said :  "  I  would  excuse  him  from 
some  other  committee  rather  than  lose  his  services  on  this." 
"  For  one,"  said  Mr.  Clark,  of  New  Hampshire,  "  I  shall 
vote  not  to  excuse  him."  Mr.  Hale,  of  New  Hampshire, 
said :  "  There  is  nobody  in  the  Senate,  certainly,  in  whom  the 
Senate  have  more  confidence  on  naval  matters  than  they  have 
in  the  Senator  from  Iowa."  The  consideration  of  the  question 
was  indefinitely  postponed. 

Mr.  Grimes  labored  to  stimulate  the  Government  in  the 
employment  of  colored  troops.  Inquiring  as  to  the  number  in 
the  military  service,  and  being  told  that  there  were  fifty  thou 
sand,  he  said,  January  12th  : 

I  am  rejoiced  at  the  response.  The  country  will  be  glad  to 
know  that  the  Administration  has  established  a  policy  in  regard  to 
the  recruitment  of  colored  persons.  I  have  heard  for  twelve  months 
givings  out  that  such  was  to  be,  or  was  the  policy  of  the  Adminis 
tration,  but  the  results  have  never  satisfied  me  that  it  was  their 
real,  genuine  intention ;  for,  if  there  had  been  the  proper  agencies, 
and  the  proper  degree  of  practical  sagacitj?  exhibited,  there  might 


1864]  A  SENATOR   OF  THE  UNITED   STATES. 

have  been,  and  ought  to  have  been,  two  hundred  thousand  colored 
men  in  the  field  at  this  moment,  and,  instead  of  being  compelled  to 
appropriate  twenty  million  dollars  for  bounties,  we  need  not  have 
required  a  single  new  white  soldier  to  enter  the  Army.  I  trust 
there  will  be  some  effort  from  this  time  forward  to  raise  colored 
regiments  in  Missouri.  It  is  only  a  few  months  since  there  was  an 
effort  to  raise  a  colored  regiment  in  that  State,  but  the  officers  were 
thwarted  in  it  by  authorities  who  had  control  there,  so  that  they 
were  obliged  to  make  the  rendezvous  of  the  regiment  in  my  State, 
in  Keokuk.  I  am  gratified,  and  my  constituents  will  be  gratified, 
and  the  whole  country  will  be  gratified,  that  from  this  time  forward 
we  are  to  have  an  earnest,  persistent,  energetic  effort  on  the  part 
of  the  Government  to  enlist  colored  men.  I  have  been  for  that 
from  the  commencement  of  this  war.  No  man  has  been  ahead  of 
me  in  that  particular. 

I  want  them  called  into  service  as  United  States  troops,  and  not 
as  substitutes  for  white  soldiers  from  any  State.  I  am  utterly  op 
posed  to  the  selection  of  these  colored  men  as  representatives  of 
the  citizens  of  any  State.  I  do  not  care  whether  it  be  mine  or  any 
other  State,  that  has  not  filled  up  its  quota.  I  do  not  want  any 
State  to  be  permitted  to  go  down  and  pick  up  negroes,  and  claim 
them  as  part  of  her  quota.  Suppose  you  let  Massachusetts  go 
down,  and  with  her  munificent  bounties  recruit  fifteen  thousand 
men  in  General  Banks's  department,  to  be  substitutes  for  Massa 
chusetts  men  who  were  drafted,  or  who  ought  to  go  into  the  service 
under  the  draft.  In  that  department  there  are,  perhaps,  two  or 
three  regiments  of  Massachusetts  soldiers,  and  at  the  same  time 
there  are  twelve  or  fourteen  regiments  from  my  State.  My  State 
is  too  poor  to  send  down  agents  with  large  bounties  in  their  pock 
ets  to  enlist  troops.  How  long  do  you  suppose  there  would  be  a 
good  military  and  moral  sentiment  existing  between  the  soldiers 
from  Massachusetts  and  the  soldiers  from  Iowa,  if  they  were  per 
mitted  to  fill  out  their  quota  with  colored  men,  and  we  were  required 
to  fill  our  quota  up  by  the  best  blood  we  have  in  our  State  ? 

It  is  true  that  my  State  has  but  little  interest  in  the  present 
draft.  We  have  exceeded  the  demands  upon  us,  and  probably  very 
nearly  come  up  to  filling  the  second  quota  that  may  be  called  for; 
but  I  am  contending  for  a  principle  that  I  believe  to  be  abstractly 
right.  It  seems  to  me  unjust  to  permit  the  agent  of  a  State  to  go 


242  LIFE   OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1864. 

down  and  recruit  negroes  out  of  that  common  fund  which  belongs 
to  my  State  as  well  as  to  the  State  that  is  in  default.  Do  not  Sen 
ators  see  that,  if  they  want  to  avoid  a  second  draft,  they  must  re 
serve  this  body  of  colored  men  for  United  States  soldiers,  and  not 
to  be  the  soldiers  of  any  particular  State  ?  If,  after  this  draft  shall 
be  completed,  we  can  only  stimulate  the  War  Department  to  put 
one  hundred  thousand  colored  men  in  the  field,  there  will  then  be 
no  necessity  for  a  draft. 

Contrary  to  this  remonstrance,  a  law  was  passed,  approved 
July  4th,  authorizing  the  Executive  of  any  State  to  send  agents 
into  the  rebellious  districts  to  recruit  volunteers,  who  should  be 
credited  to  the  State  enlisting  them.  At  the  next  session  of 
Congress  Mr.  Grimes  opposed  this  law,  February  6,  1865,  as 
manifestly  unjust,  and  it  was  repealed. 

He  advocated  giving  the  same  pay  and  bounty  to  colored 
soldiers  as  to  white  soldiers,  with  guarantees  of  freedom  to  their 
wives  and  children.  He  said,  February  13,  1864  : 

From  the  very  outset,  my  colleague  from  Iowa  and  myself  have 
been  in  favor  of  arming  negroes.  We  believed  that  it  was  not  only 
the  right  but  the  duty  of  the  Government.  We  have  insisted  from 
the  beginning  that  they  should  be  paid  and  put  upon  a  perfect 
equality  with  white  men. 

On  the  same  day,  Mr.  Wilson,  of  Massachusetts,  alluding  to 
Mr.  Sumner  and  Mr.  Grimes,  said : 

They  have  both  from  the  beginning  comprehended  this  rebellion, 
understood  its  cause,  and  advocated  the  proper  remedies.  If  their 
opinions  had  been  the  opinions  of  the  Senate  and  House  of  Repre 
sentatives,  of  the  President  and  his  cabinet,  and  had  been  sustained 
by  the  country,  I  believe  this  rebellion  would  have  been  crushed 
long  ago,  and  the  cause  of  all  this  trouble  and  misery  ground  to 
atoms. 

Mr.  Grimes,  however,  was  willing  to  act  in  the  spirit  of  ac 
commodation.  He  said,  February  19th  : 

We  cannot  carry  out  all  our  humanitarian  views  here  in  the  Sen 
ate,  or  in  legislating  for  the  country.  We  want  to  fill  up  the 
Army,  and  as  rapidly  as  possible.  We  want  to  prevent  any  disa 
greement  between  the  two  Houses  of  Congress.  Hence  I  consented 


1864.]  A  SENATOR   OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  243 

to  some  provisions  which  are  slightly  objectionable  to  me  person 
ally.  I  am  not  going  to  allow  my  personal  predilections  in  regard 
to  any  of  these  questions  to  control  my  vote  in  such  a  manner  as  to 
prevent  the  armies  being  replenished  for  the  spring  campaign. 

Mr.  Powell  objecting  to  the  enrollment  and  drafting  of 
slaves,  Mr.  Grimes  said  : 

I  am  willing  to  acknowledge  to  the  Senator  from  Kentucky  that 
1  vote  for  this  measure  believing  it  to  be  a  genuine  antislavery 
measure.  I  am  not  disposed  to  go  beyond  the  Constitution  and 
the  laws  for  the  purpose  of  striking  at  slavery,  but,  when  I  see  that 
there  is  an  opportunity  fairly  and  legitimately  to  strike  at  slavery, 
I  believe  it  is  not  only  my  right  but  my  duty  to  do  it,  and  I  am  go 
ing  to  vote  for  this  measure  on  that  ground,  among  others,  because 
I  cannot  conceive  anything  that  can  be  devised  in  a  constitutional 
and  legal  form  that  will  strike  so  severe  a  blow  at  the  institution. 

On  the  23d  of  June  he  gave  his  vote  for  the  repeal  of  the 
fugitive-slave  act  of  1850,  and  all  acts  and  parts  of  acts  for  the 
rendition  of  fugitive  slaves. 

On  the  16th  of  January  Mr.  Grimes  was  chosen  United  States 
Senator  from  Iowa,  for  six  years  from  March  4,  1865,  receiving 
the  votes  of  all  the  members  of  the  General  Assembly  in  joint 
convention  but  six ;  one  hundred  and  twenty-eight  out  of  one 
hundred  and  thirty-four. 

A  strict  economist,  and  recalling  the  historical  facts  that 
Washington  and  Winfield  Scott  were  not  .elevated  to  the  rank 
of  lieutenant-general  until  many  years  after  the  period  of  their 
distinguished  services,  Mr.  Grimes  opposed  the  reviving  of  that 
grade  in  the  Army.  He  said,  February  24th  : 

I  am  satisfied  that  a  man  can  perform  the  duties  of  commanding 
an  army  just  as  well  with  the  rank  of  major-general  as  with  the 
rank  of  lieutenant-general.  The  pay  of  six  thousand  dollars  which 
General  Grant  now  receives  is  adequate  to  the  rank  and  position 
he  holds,  and  it  is  not  necessary  for  me  to  assist  in  running  the 
hands  of  Congress  into  the  national  Treasury  for  the  purpose  of 
giving  him  between  thirteen  and  fourteen  thousand  dollars  a  year. 
I  have  come  here  this  session  with  the  determination  to  assist  in 


244  LIFE   OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1864. 

creating  no  new  office,  and  in  increasing  the  salary  of  no  officer  that 
now  exists. 

A  year  later,  February  24,  1865,  speaking  of  bills  for  a  su 
perior  organization  of  the  Army,  he  said : 

I  want  to  record  my  vote  against  these  continual  attempts  to 
build  up  grand,  stupendous  military  establishments. 

Upon  a  motion  for  extra  compensation  to  employes  of  Con 
gress,  he  remarked,  December  22,  1864  : 

This  question  is  a  very  broad  one ;  if  we  begin  in  one  depart 
ment,  it  will  have  to  run  through  all  the  employes  of  the  Govern 
ment.  It  ought  to  begin  with  the  men  in  the  field — the  soldiers 
and  sailors — not  with  the  men  who  are  here  receiving  ten  times 
their  compensation  as  employe's  about  the  Capitol. 

Watchful  against  extravagance  in  the  public  service,  Mr. 
Grimes  exposed  it  in  the  Government  printing,  in  advertising 
in  the  Washington  newspapers,  and  in  the  multiplication  and 
pay  of  officers.  Opposing  subsidies  generally,  he  voted  against 
the  appropriation  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  dollars  a 
year  for  a  steam  line  to  Brazil,  May  20th,  and  warned  the  Senate 
whither  they  were  drifting,  and  of  the  increase  of  taxation  that 
would  be  necessary,  if  the  principle  was  established  that  the 
Government  should  subsidize  steamships  in  order  to  compete 
for  the  commerce  of  the  world. 

He  remarked  with  reference  to  a  proposed  subsidy  for  an 
international  telegraph,  June  21st : 

We  are  willing  to  grant  the  right  of  way,  to  give  the  lands,  and 
that  vessels-of  war  should  be  employed  in  transporting  material, 
making  surveys  and  soundings,  and  in  laying  down  the  cable. 
What  I  object  to  is  the  subsidy,  which  is  not  given  by  the  Russian  or 
the  British  Government.  I  am  not  to  be  put  in  a  false  position  in 
the  matter :  I  do  not  intend  to  have  it  thrown  in  my  teeth  that 
I  am  opposed  to  granting  every  reasonable  facility  for  making  this 
line  of  telegraph.  I  am  willing  to  do  what  is  necessary  in  order 
to  secure  the  telegraph ;  but  I  know,  and  I  think  every  man 
who  has  conscientiously  investigated  the  subject  knows,  that  this 


1864.]  A  SENATOR  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  245 

telegraphic  line  can  and  will  be  constructed  without  any  subsidy 
from  us.  It  is  in  the  hands  of  one  of  the  richest  companies  on  the 
face  of  the  earth — the  Western  Union  Telegraph  Company. 

Advocating  investigation  as  to  alleged  frauds  in  the  Navy 
Department,  February  1st,  Mr.  Grimes  took  the  opportunity  to 
present  a  summary  of  the  work  of  the  Navy  in  the  war : 

The  Navy  Department  is  peculiarly  constructed.  It  is  differ 
ently  organized  from  any  other.  It  is  almost  a  specialty  in  and  of 
itself.  It  takes  a  man  a  year  at  least  before  he  can  understand  its 
organization  and  details.  Even  the  Committee  on  Naval  Affairs 
are  not  thoroughly  conversant  with  the  details  of  the  Navy  Depart 
ment.  I  confess,  as  one  of  them,  that  I  am  not,  though  I  have  en 
deavored  as  far  as  I  could  to  inform  myself. 

I  have  no  doubt  that  great  frauds  have  been  perpetrated.  There 
are  Senators  around  me  who  know  very  well  that  three  years  ago, 
before  the  commencement  of  this  war,  I  called  the  attention  of  the 
Senate  to  the  necessity  of  some  change  in  the  laws,  as  they  related 
to  contracts  for  the  naval  service.  There  is  an  officer  known  as  a 
navy  agent.  So  far  as  I  am  able  to  learn,  there  is  no  law  of  Con 
gress  that  authorized  the  creation  of  that  office.  He  was  originally 
a  mere  agent  of  the  Department,  appointed  by  the  head  of  the  De 
partment  for  a  temporary  purpose;  but  we  have  acts  of  Congress 
that  recognize  his  existence  ;  and  now,  at  the  commencement  of 
every  Administration,  the  President  sends  down  to  us  nominations 
for  these  agencies.  There  is  great  opportunity  for  frauds  to  be  per 
petrated  by  them,  and  by  the  contractors  under  them,  and  under  the 
Department  proper.  The  Department  are  conscious  of  this.  They 
are  as  anxious  to  ferret  out  these  frauds  as  any  member  of  the  Senate 
or  any  person  in  the  country  can  be.  I  wish  the  Senate  to  under 
stand  that  I  am  not  a  "  thick-and-thin  "  defender  of  the  Navy  De 
partment.  I  claim  no  infallibility  for  that  Department,  or  for  any 
other.  I  have  condemned  some  of  its  acts,  as  I  have  condemned 
some  of  the  acts  of  every  department  of  this  Government.  They 
know  that  I  often  differ  from  them.  I  have  frankly  told  them,  when 
I  condemned  them.  I  have  always  gone  before  them  and  told  them 
what  my  opinions  were  in  regard  to  any  particular  measure  that  I 
disapproved.  Sometimes  I  have  convinced  them  that  they  were 
wrong;  sometimes  they  have  convinced  me  that  I  was  wrong;  and 
17 


246  LIFE   OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1864. 

sometimes  we  have  both  remained  of  the  same  opinion  as  before. 
I  differed  from  the  Navy  Department  in  regard  to  their  treatment 
of  Commodore  Du  Pont.  I  told  them  so,  frankly.  But  I  have  not 
allowed  my  private  grief  in  that  connection,  or  on  any  other  sub 
ject,  to  control  my  action  as  a  Senator.  I  believe  that  that  gallant 
admiral  would  be  one  of  the  first  to  rebuke  and  condemn  me,  if  he 
supposed  that  I  allowed  my  feelings  in  his  behalf  to  influence  me  in 
the  slightest  degree  in  my  conduct  here.  He  loves  the  country  and 
he  loves  the  service,  of  which  he  is  so  distinguished  an  ornament,  too 
much  for  that.  I  disagreed  with  them  in  regard  to  the  restoration 
of  certain  officers  who  had  resigned  several  years  ago,  and  had 
recently  come  back  to  the  service.  I  thought  that  action  was  un 
just  to  the  younger  officers  who  had  stood  by  our  flag,  and  carried 
it  in  honor  and  in  triumph  over  every  sea  and  in  every  clime.  The 
Navy  Department  thought  differently,  and  the  Senate  of  the  United 
States  finally  confirmed  its  action,  and  there  was  the  end  of  it.  I 
do  not  pretend  that  the  right  man  is  always  selected  for  the  right 
place.  What  man  or  what  Department  does  not  commit  mistakes? 
The  true  question  is,  What  is  the  grand  total  of  results  accomplished 
by  the  Department  ? 

When  this  war  began,  we  had  but  eight  vessels  that  could  be 
of  any  real  value  to  the  Government  for  the  purpose  of  prosecuting 
the  war.  We  have  to-day  between  five  and  six  hundred.  I  stated 
the  other  day,  in  answer  to  the  clamors  which  had  been  raised, 
and  which  had  found  an  echo  here  in  the  Senate,  that  I  was  satis 
fied,  from  a  pretty  thorough  examination,  that  it  would  be  discov 
ered  that,  instead  of  having  the  slowest  vessels  in  any  existing 
navy,  we  really  had  the  fastest  naval  ships  in  any  service  in  the 
world.  Immediately  after  giving  utterance  to  that  opinion,  I  was 
deluged  with  letters  from  engineers,  ship-builders,  and  various  am 
ateurs  in  the  naval  profession,  all  of  which  went  to  confirm  the 
statement  that  I  had  made. 

But  it  is  asked  why  we  do  not  catch  the  Alabama,  if  our  vessels 
are  so  fast  ?  I  might  ask,  why  do  you  not  catch  Moseby  ?  Moseby 
for  eighteen  months,  or  nearly  that  time,  has  been  living  within  the 
lines  of  the  American  Army,  and  has  destroyed  three  times  as  much 
property  as  the  Alabama  has.  Do  you  condemn  the  Army,  or  the 
War  Department,  because  he  is  not  caught  ?  Why  do  you  not 
catch  Forrest  ?  It  was  with  a  good  deal  of  difficulty  that  you  were 


1864.]  A  SENATOR  OF  THE  UNITED   STATES.  247 

even  able  to  catch  Morgan  in  Ohio.  Morgan  traversed  the  States 
of  Indiana  and  Ohio,  and  would  have  got  away  scot-free  at  last,  had 
it  not  been  for  the  much-abused  Navy.  The  trouble  is  not  that 
our  vessels  have  not  speed  enough  to  catch  the  Alabama.  The  dif 
ficulty  is  in  finding  where  she  is.  People  do  not  reflect  upon  the 
difficulty  of  finding  these  corsairs.  When  found  they  will  be  easily 
caught,  unless  in  the  vicinity  of  a  professedly  neutral  port  into 
which  they  can  dodge. 

The  real  difficulty  we  have  to  encounter  in  the  capture  of  the 
Alabama  is  the  position  assumed  by  foreign  powers,  that  allows 
her,  the  moment  that  one  of  our  vessels  gets  near  her,  to  slip  into 
a  neutral  port,  and  we  are  not  permitted  to  follow  her  in.  We  are 
not  permitted  to  lay  off  abreast  the  port  until  she  comes  out,  and, 
if  we  do  follow  her  in,  our  vessels  are  compelled  to  remain  there 
twenty-four  hours  after  she  escapes,  and  during  those  twenty-four 
hours  she  will  have  had  such  a  start  that  it  will  have  become 
almost  impossible  to  capture  her.  When  one  of  our  vessels  went 
to  the  harbor  of  Nassau,  where  the  rebel  vessels  had  received  sup 
plies  that  they  might  prey  upon  our  commerce,  our  vessel  was  de 
nied  the  same  privilege  that  had  been  granted  to  the  rebel  cruisers. 
Captain  Baldwin,  who  has  just  returned  on  the  Vanderbilt,  would 
have  captured  the  Alabama  at  Cape  Town,  had  not  his  letters, 
giving  the  information  he  desired  to  insure  her  capture,  been  re 
tained  by  the  postmaster  at  that  place. 

During  this  war  a  great  many  grand  and  noble  things  have  been 
done,  a  great  many  gallant  deeds  performed ;  but,  in  my  conviction, 
fifty  years  hence  it  will  be  the  verdict  of  mankind  that  the  most 
wonderful  thing  has  been  the  stupendous  blockade  that  has  been 
kept  up  by  this  nation  so  successfully  and  so  long.  The  blockade 
is  recognized  by  all  foreign  nations  as  the  most  efficient  that  has 
ever  been  maintained.  The  Navy  Department,  commencing  with 
only  eight  steamships  that  could  be  used  for  blockading  purposes 
at  the  commencement  of  the  war,  and  they  scattered  all  over  the 
world  and  beyond  its  reach  for  many  months,  has  kept  up  a  block 
ade  along  the  coast  from  Cape  Henrv  to  the  line  of  Mexico,  of  thirty- 
five  hundred  and  forty-nine  statute  miles.  In  this  line  there  are 
one  hundred  and  eighty-nine  rivers,  bays,  harbors,  inlets,  sounds,  or 
deep  openings,  of  which  forty-five  are  under  six  feet  in  depth  at 
mean  high  water,  seventeen  are  between  six  and  twelve  feet, 


248  LIFE   OF  JAMES.  W.   GRIMES.  [1864. 

forty-two  are  between  twelve  and  eighteen  feet,  and  thirty-two  are 
over  eighteen  feet  in  depth.  Not  one  man  in  a  thousand  has  an 
adequate  conception  of  the  difficulties  attending  the  building,  equip 
ping,  furnishing,  and  manning  the  vessels  required  for  such  a  ser 
vice,  nor  the  hardships  endured  by  the  officers  and  men  to  whom 
the  duty  is  assigned.  I  say,  without  hesitation,  that  the  ability  of 
this  nation  to  build  and  prepare  the  ships  necessary  to  maintain  as 
effective  a  blockade  as  it  has  been  able  to  maintain  during  the  last 
three  years  will  hereafter  excite  the  wonder  and  admiration  of  the 
world. 

This  is  not  all.  While  we  have  been  able  to  do  this,  we  have 
been  able  to  keep  a  fleet  in  the  Western  waters,  traversing  the  Red 
River,  the  Yazoo,  the  Cumberland,  the  Mississippi,  the  Ohio,  Ar 
kansas,  Tennessee,  and  all  the  small  streams  that  empty  into  the 
Mississippi  south  of  the  Ohio — a  service  for  which  we  of  the  North 
west  are  willing  always  and  at  all  times  to  return  the  Navy  Depart 
ment  our  most  profound  thanks.  No  man  can  over-estimate  the 
services  that  the  Navy  has  rendered  to  us  in  that  quarter ;  and  these 
services  have  been  rendered  after  overcoming  the  greatest  obstacles. 

A  distinguished  naval  officer  wrote  to  Mr.  Grimes,  Febru 
ary  5th : 

I  have  read  your  speech  with  deep  interest  and  pleasure.  T 
have  seen  nothing  for  a  long  time  that  has  gratified  me  so  much  as 
your  noble  allusion  to  our  old  friend  Admiral  Du  Pont.  I  thank 
you  fervently  for  this  outspoken  expression  of  confidence  and  re 
spect  from  your  high  place  in  the  Senate,  where  you  are  deservedly 
recognized  as  the  Senator  best  qualified  to  speak  with  authority  on 
naval  affairs. 

Mr.  Grimes's  counsel  was  often  sought  in  matters  of  great 
moment,  and  in  cases  of  peculiar  difficulty.  A  gentleman  re 
questing  his  interposition  for  a  son  wrote : 

In  sending  the  inclosed  letter,  and  asking  a  perusal  of  it,  I 
should  feel  that  I  was  asking  a  strange  and  indelicate  favor,  had 
not  my  intercourse  with  you,  slight  as  it  has  been,  given  me  im 
plicit  confidence  in  your  manly,  straightforward  principles  of  ac 
tion.  My  son's  letter,  written  in  the  sacred  confidence  of  com 
munion  with  his  mother,  could  be  intrusted  to  no  eye  but  that  of 


1864.]  A  SENATOR  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  249 

one  who  could  fully  appreciate,  as  we  believe  you  will,  the  motives 
that  have  actuated  us. 

Mr.  Grimes  at  once  rendered  the  service  solicited,  and  in  a 
few  days  received  the  response : 

I  can  but  very  poorly  express  my  sense  of  the  great  debt  of  ob 
ligation  you  have  laid  me  under  for  your  sympathetic  and  prompt 
action.  I  know  not  how  I  shall  ever  be  able  to  repay  a  debt  of  this 
kind,  but  one  thing  I  can  do,  .not  forget  that  I  owe  it.  My  wife 
feels  more  sensibly  than  myself  your  kindness  to  her  boy. 

Upon  a  proposal  to  raise  the  grade  of  the  minister  to  Bel 
gium,  Mr.  Grimes  inquired  whether  it  originated  in  the  fact  that 
the  King  of  Belgium,  Leopold,  was  the  father-in-law  of  Maximil 
ian,  and  whether  it  was  designed  to  propitiate  the  influences  that 
were  likely  to  control  him  if  he  became  our  neighbor  in  Mexico.. 
He  thought  the  covmtry  ought  to  know  whether  there  was  any 
indication  of  truckling  to  a  foreign  power.  "  I  do  not  know 
anything  about  diplomacy,"  he  said,  "  but  my  idea  has  always 
been  that  matters  of  state  should  be  made  public  "  (March  15th). 

On  the  17th  of  March  he  proposed  an  amendment  to  the 
rules  of  the  Senate,  that  all  Executive  nominations  should  be 
submitted,  considered,  and  decided  in  open  Senate. 

In  advocating,  April  12th,  the  return  of  the  Naval  Academy 
to  Annapolis  in  1865,  Mr.  Grimes  gave  the  following  sketch  of 
the  history  of  that  institution : 

The  idea  of  establishing  a  Naval  Academy  originated  with 
Alexander  Hamilton,  and  was  first  suggested  in  his  letter  to  Oliver 
Wolcott,  written  on  the  5th  of  June,  1798.  In  a  letter  from  Ham 
ilton  to  Mr.  McHenry,  then  the  Secretary  of  War,  his  ideas  on  this 
subject  were  elaborated.  He  proposed  that  an  academy  should  be 
established  to  "  consist  of  four  schools  ;  one  to  be  called  the  founda 
tion  school,  another  the  school  of  engineers  and  artillerists,  another 
the  school  of  cavalry  and  infantry,  and  the  fourth  the  school  of  the 
Navy."  He  suggested  that  naval  and  military  cadets'  should  be 
instructed  in  the  foundation-school,  for  two  years,  in  those  branches 
of  mathematics  and  science  that  are  common  and  fundamental  to 


250  LIFE   OF  JAMES  W.   GEIMES.  [1864. 

both  professions,  and  that  they  should  then  be  instructed  two  years 
longer  in  those  branches  of  scientific  and  practical  knowledge  that 
are  peculiar  to  their  respective  professions.  He  even  specified  the 
branches  of  learning  that  he  considered  it  desirable  to  be  taught  to 
naval  cadets ;  and  what  is  singular  is,  that  they  are  substantially 
the  branches  taught  to-day.  Hamilton  immediately  inclosed  to 
General  Washington  a  copy  of  his  letter  to  Mr.  McHenry ;  and  on 
the  12th  of  December,  1799,  only  two  days  before  his  death,  that 
great  man  wrote  to  Hamilton,  and  the  last  letter  I  believe  that  he 
ever  wrote  on  public  affairs,  approving  of  his  plans,  and  saying  that 
"  the  establishment  of  an  institution  of  this  kind  upon  a  respect 
able  and  extensive  basis  has  ever  been  considered  by  me  an  object 
of  primary  importance  to  this  country."  This  was  before  a  naval 
school  had  been  established  by  any  nation,  and,  so  far  as  I  know, 
before  it  had  anywhere  been  proposed  to  establish  one. 

In  1802  the  Military  'Academy  at  West  Point  was  established, 
•but  no  provision  was  made  for  the  naval  school  that  Hamilton  had 
proposed  should  be  connected  with  it.  In  1808  Mr.  Jefferson  trans 
mitted  to  Congress,  with  his  approval,  the  recommendation  of 
General  Williams,  the  superintendent  of  the  Military  Academy, 
that  that  institution  should  be  enlarged  so  as  to  include  naval 
cadets,  who  should  be  instructed  in  nautical  astronomy,  navigation, 
etc.,  but  the  proposition  failed  to  meet  the  approval  of  Congress. 
In  1813  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  was  authorized  to  appoint  a 
limited  number  of  naval  schoolmasters,  who  were  detailed  on  board 
of  the  larger  class  of  vessels-of-war,  and  required  to  instruct  mid 
shipmen  in  the  rudimental  learning  of  their  profession.  By  the 
act  of  1842,  these  schoolmasters  were  dignified  with  the  title  of 
professors  of  mathematics.  Of  this  system  of  instruction  on  ship 
board,  Mr.  Upshur,  in  his  annual  report  in  1842,  said  :  "  Through  a 
long  course  of  years  the  midshipmen  were  left  to  educate  them 
selves  and  one  another.  Suitable  teachers  are  now  provided,  but 
their  schools  are  kept  in  the  midst  of  a  thousand  interruptions  and 
impediments,  which  render  the  whole  system  of  little  or  no  value ; " 
and  he  repeated  the  recommendation  of  Secretaries  Jones,  Thomp 
son,  Southard,  and  Paulding,  and  of  President  John  Quincy  Adams, 
that  a  Naval  Academy  should  be  established  upon  a  proper  basis. 
I  will  not  repeat  the  arguments  of  those  eminent  men,  in  which 
they  demonstrated  that  it  was  the  highest  dictate  of  economy, 


1864.]  A  SENATOR  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  251 

honor,  and  duty,  to  give  to  our  naval  officers,  who  are  our  repre 
sentatives  abroad,  the  armed  embassadors  of  the  nation,  the  high 
est  professional  education  possible. 

Finally,  in  1845,  by  a  mutual  understanding  between  Mr.  Ban 
croft,  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  and  Mr.  Marcy,  the  Secretary  of 
War,  and  with  the  assent  of  President  Polk,  Fort  Severn,  on  the 
Severn  River  in  Maryland,  was  transferred  to  the  Navy  Department, 
and  the  midshipmen  then  afloat  were  ordered  there  for  instruction. 
There  has  never  been  any  act  of  Congress  positively  establishing 
a  Naval  Academy,  but  there  have  been  numerous  acts  recognizing 
its  existence  at  the  place  I  have  mentioned.  The  ground  upon 
which  Fort  Severn  was  erected  was  purchased  by  the  Government 
in  1808,  and  the  fortifications  were  built  under  the  direction  of  the 
present  General  J.  G.  Totten — the  first  labor,  I  believe,  of  that  emi 
nent  officer  and  faithful  public  servant.  The  original  site  included 
only  seven  acres.  The  grounds  have  been  enlarged  to  forty-seven 
and  a  half  acres,  furnishing  ample  parade  and  exercise  grounds.  A 
more  favorable  position  could  not  be  found  for  a  Naval  Academy, 
and  more  satisfactory  accommodations  for  the  students  could  not  be 
devised,  than  existed  at  Annapolis  at  the  breaking  out  of  this  rebel 
lion.  Its  immediate  proximity  to  Chesapeake  Bay,  the  quiet  retire 
ment  of  the  city  in  which  it  was  established,  the  salubrity  of  the 
climate,  and  the  length  of  the  seasons  in  which  out-door  military 
exercise  could  be  indulged,  all  tended  to  make  Annapolis,  in  my 
opinion,  a  better  place  for  the  concentration  of  youth  for  nautical 
combined  with  general  instruction  than  any  place  within  my  knowl 
edge  in  the  whole  country.  I  think  I  hazard  nothing  in  saying 
that  no  institution  for  professional  training  was  ever  conducted 
with  more  eminent  success.  It  realized  all  the  expectations  of  its 
founders,  and  furnished  to  the  country  the  most  accomplished  naval 
officers  to  be  found  in  any  navy,  the  benefit  of  whose  services  the 
nation  is  now  enjoying. 

On  the  14th  of  April  Mr.  Grimes  gave  the  following  ac 
count  of  the  loss  of  the  gunboat  Baron  de  Kalb,  which  was 
commanded  by  his  nephew,  Lieutenant-Commander  John  G. 
"Walker : 

It  so  happens  that  I  know  something  about  the  history  of  that 
vessel,  and  know  the  man  who  commanded  her  at  the  time  she  was 


252  LIFE  OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1864. 

blown  up.  I  shall  not  speak  of  him  particularly,  because  he  is  a 
townsman  and  relative  of  mine.  She  was  the  original  St.  Louis, 
and  was  rechristened  the  Baron  de  Kalb,  comprising  a  part  of  Foote's 
fleet,  then  of.  Davis's,  and  then  of  Porter's.  She  was  a  vessel  that 
lay  within  sixty  yards  of  the  embrasures  of  Fort  Hindman,  and  if 
anybody  wants  to  know  how  she  was  managed  then,  when  she  was 
under  the  command  of  the  same  officer  who  commanded  her  when 
she  was  blown  up,  he  can  refer  to  the  report  of  Admiral  Porter. 
She  was  then  sent  up  the  Yazoo  River,  and  on  the  third  expedition 
up  there  passed  over  a  torpedo,  and  was  entirely  blown  up,  com 
pletely  destroyed.  There  was  no  allegation  of  any  want  of  good 
seamanship,  or  of  proper  conduct  on  the  part  of  any  of  the  officers 
or  men  on  board.  The  men  lost  every  thing  they  had.  I  believe 
they  recovered  nothing,  and  so  of  the  officers ;  but  it  has  never 
been  the  policy  of  the  Government  to  allow  the  officers  anything 
in  such  cases,  whether  of  the  line  or  of  the  staff,  because  they  are 
considered  as  being  responsible  for  the  management,  and  even  if 
an  accident  befalls  them,  as  in  this  case,  which  was  unavoidable, 
which  they  could  not  have  foreseen,  I  know  of  no  case  in  which  an 
officer  has  been  paid ;  but  to  the  men,  who  generally  have  their  all 
embarked  in  the  little  kit  they  have  on  board,  it  has  been  the 
practice  of  the  Government  to  pay  the  sum  of  fifty  dollars  each.  I 
remember  that,  the  first  winter  I  was  here,  five  years  ago,  my  atten 
tion  was  called  to  it.  The  Government  lost  a  sloop-of-war  in  the 
Pacific,  and  we  made  the  allowance  in  that  case,  and  similar  allow 
ances  have  been  made  to  the  sailors  of  the  Cumberland,  the  Con 
gress,  the  monitor  Ericsson,  and  all  the  vessels  that  have  gone  down. 

On  the  23d  of  May  Mr.  Grimes  made  a  detailed  expose  of 
frauds  and  corruptions  connected  with  contracts  for  naval  sup 
plies,  and  recommended  various  remedies :  among  others,  that 
navy  agents  and  storekeepers  should  be  commissioned  officers, 
with  permanency  in  their  tenure  of  office,  and  that  they  should 
be  held  under  similar  responsibility  with  quartermasters  and 
commissaries  in  the  Army.  He  said  : 

A  dishonest  quartermaster  may  render  abortive  the  best-matured 
plan  of  a  military  commander,  by  furnishing  defective  transpor 
tation,  clothing,  or  shoes.  May  not  a  navy  agent  cripple  the  effects 
of  a  whole  fleet  by  furnishing  adulterated  oils  for  steam  machinery, 


1864.]  A  SENATOR  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  253 

and  has  it  not  been  done  ?  In  one  case,  the  dishonest  or  incom 
petent  officer  would  be  brought  before  a  court-martial,  tried,  con 
victed,  deprived  of  his  commission,  and  otherwise  punished  ;  in  the 
other,  he  is  permitted  to  go  wholly  unwhipped  of  justice,  and  allowed 
to  proceed  in  his  career  of  crime.  All  dishonest  transactions,  all 
complicity  with  fraud,  on  the  part  of  any  of  the  Government  em 
ploy  6s  at  the  yards,  should  be  promptly  investigated  before  military 
tribunals,  and  summarily  punished.  It  is  only  by  a  vigorous  ad 
ministration  and  swift  justice  that  you  can  prevent  false  estimates 
of  the  supplies  needed,  false  reports  of  the  amounts  on  hand,  false 
measurements,  false  inspections,  false  reports  of  weights  and  quan 
tities.  At  present  you  have  no  means  of  punishing  such  offenses. 
What  folly  to  rely  upon  removal  from  office  as  a  restraint  upon 
crime,  when  the  guilty  person  would  realize  more  money  by  suffer 
ing  hfmself  to  be  a  party  to  one  fraud  than  by  two  or  three  years' 
salary  in  the  employment  from  which  you  eject  him !  Such  men 
only  laugh  at  your  stupidity,  and  mock  at  your  punishment. 

The  time  has  arrived  when  it  should  be  thoroughly  understood 
that  our  navy-yards  are  national  establishments,  to  be  controlled 
for  the  benefit  of  the  nation  exclusively,  and  not  for  the  benefit  of 
the  neighborhoods  in  which  they  are  established,  or  of  the  poli 
ticians  who  surround  them.  They  cost  us  too  much  money,  we  have 
too  deep  an  interest  in  them,  to  permit  them  to  be  surrendered  to 
local  influences.  Let  me  say  to  gentlemen  representing  Atlantic 
States,  in  which  are  our  navy-yards,  that  we  of  the  States  remote 
from  the  seaboard  are  as  much  inclined  to  support  and  cherish  the 
Navy  as  you  are.  We  are  interested  in  your  commerce  and  manu 
factures.  We  want  the  flag  that  floats  at  the  mast-head  of  your 
ships  protected  upon  every  sea,  and  recognized  as  an  emblem  of  the 
power  of  a  great  nation.  To  do  this  we  know  that  we  must  give 
of  our  substance,  and  we  will  give  it  cheerfully,  if  we  have  the 
assurance  that  naval  affairs  are  conducted  economically  and  wisely. 
We  must  know  that  the  affairs  of  this  Department  are  managed  by 
the  officers  of  the  nation,  acting  for  the  common  interest,  and  not 
by  your  officers,  acting  for  the  interest  of  a  few  contractors  among 
you.  I  beg  Senators  to  remember  that  the  people  of  the  great 
section  of  which  I  am  a  citizen  are  very  slightly  identified  with  the 
Navy.  There  are  no  navy-yards  among  them,  and  not  one  in  a 
hundred  of  them  ever  saw  a  naval  officer  or  a  ship-of-war.  Unless 


254  LIFE  OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1864. 

they  have  the  assurance  of  economy  and  fidelity  in  its  entire  ad 
ministration,  therefore,  it  is  the  department  of  the  public  service 
that  they  will  be  least  likely  to  cheerfully  tax  themselves  to  sup 
port.  Give  them  that  assurance,  and  the  Navy  will  have  the  un 
wavering  support  of  the  agricultural  people  of  the  West. 

With  reference  to  establishing  a  navy-yard  at  Cairo,  Illinois, 
Mr.  Grimes  said,  June  27th  : 

I  know  Cairo ;  the  levee  which  keeps  the  water  out  is  required 
to  be  as  high  as  the  top  of  a  two-story  house ;  and  though  it  is 
only  at  extreme  high  water,  occurring  once  in  from  three  or  four 
to  ten  years,  that  the  water  breaks  over  the  levee,  yet  every  year 
in  the  season  of  high  water  it  slips  through,  so  as  to  make  from  five 
to  ten  feet  of  stagnant  water  inside.  Knowing,  as  I  do,  that  more 
money  can  be  expended  there  than  at  any  other  point  on  the  Mis 
sissippi  or  Ohio,  with  less  advantage  to  the  Government,  I  did  feel 
alarmed  when  I  saw  the  Senate  make  the  appropriation  on  a  day 
when  gold  was  256  in  New  York,  and  I  did  desire  that  the  appro 
priation  should  be  defeated.  I  wanted  a  commission  of  skillful 
officers  appointed  to  go  and  determine  where  this  navy-yard  should 
be  established,  and  not  by  an  act  of  Congress,  without  recom 
mendation  from  anybody,  absolutely  fix  it  at  Cairo.  It  is  because 
I  love  the  Navy,  and  I  want  to  protect  it. 

In  the  discussion  upon  the  Pacific  Railroad  bill,  May  19th,  Mr. 
Grimes  advocated  limiting  the  amount  of  stock  that  could  be  held 
by  any  one  person  to  two  hundred  thousand  dollars,  according  to 
the  original  act  of  1862.  When  that  was  stricken  out,  he  said : 

We  have  created  a  perfect  monopoly  by  the  bill  as  it  stands 
now.  It  has  the  appearance — I  know  it  was  not  the  intention  of 
the  Senator  (Mr.  Trumbull)  or  of  the  Senate — of  being  the  most 
stupendous  monopoly  ever  devised  on  this  continent.  Allow  me 
to  ask  if  the  Senator  ever  knew  of  a  corporation  that  was  to  have 
such  beneficent  advantages,  prerogatives,  and  privileges,  conferred 
upon  it  ?  Why,  you  are  putting  your  hands  into  the  Treasury,  and 
bestowing  upon  this  corporation  most  lavishly.  The  idea  of  giving 
to  one  man  or  any  ten  men  this  great  boon — ninety  millions,  I  be 
lieve,  under  the  bill  as  it  now  stands — does,  I  confess,  strike  me  as 
most  monstrous.  Let  it  not  be  understood  that  I  am  opposed  to 


1864.]  A  SENATOR  OF  THE  UNITED   STATES.  235 

) 

the  Pacific  Railroad.  I  am  in  favor  of  it,  and  represent  a  constitu 
ency  that  is  probably  more  interested  in  it  than  the  constituency  of 
any  man  here.  Had  we  not  better  avoid  even  the  appearance  of 
creating  a  monopoly  ?  l 

The  amended  Pacific  Railroad  act,  approved  July  2d,  made 
a  land-grant  to  the  Burlington  &  Missouri  Eiver  Railroad  Com 
pany,  for  the  purpose  of  aiding  in  the  extension  of  its  road  in 
Nebraska.  Mr.  Grimes  was  a  stockholder  in  that  company. 
He  did  not  vote  for  the  bill,  or  do  anything  to  promote  its  pas 
sage  in  the  Senate,  for  the  reason  that  he  held  some  of  the 
stock,  and  he  did  not  see  fit  to  take  any  part  in  connection  with 
the  subject  while  it  was  under  consideration  in  the  Senate. 

Mr.  Grimes  disapproved  of  allowing  the  cotton-trade  or  any 
commercial  intercourse  with  the  rebels,  and  voted  against  a  bill 
for  that  object,  June  28,  1864.  He  held  that  either  there 
should  be  an  absolute,  unqualified,  and  unconditional  exclusion 
of  trade,  or  else  that  every  man  should  be  permitted  to  trade 
who  chose  to  do  so.  He  did  not  believe  in  the  theory  of  allow 
ing  trade  to  be  carried  on  under  the  direction  of  anybody.  He 
said,  March  3,  1865  : 

I  never  entertained  any  doubt  as  to  the  propriety  of  stopping  this 
traffic,  and  stopping  it  effectually,  sealing  it  up  hermetically,  so  that 
neither  Arm}r,  nor  Treasury,  nor  Navy,  nor  anybody  else,  could  carry 
on  commerce  with  the  rebels.  I  never  could  conceive  of  the  propriety 
of  professing  to  carry  on  war  with  one  hand,  and  trading  with  the 
enemy  with  the  other,  furnishing  supplies  to  strengthen  and  support 
them,  and  to  invigorate  the  armies  with  which  they  propose  to  take 
our  lives.  Ts  it  not  the  testimony  of  every  military  officer,  that  noth 
ing  is  more  calculated  to  demoralize  the  public  military  service  than 
this  system  of  trading  with  the  enemy  ?  Is  it  not  so  in  the  nature  of 
things  ?  Is  there  a  man  of  reflection  and  common-sense  who  is  not 
satisfied  that  that  must  be  the  result  ?  If  we  are  going  to  put 

1  "  When  the  honorable  member  from  Iowa  speaks  of  this  being  a  monopoly, 
which  may  redound  with  great  wealth  to  those  who  may  embark  in  this  business, 
he  ventures  an  opinion  that  perhaps  the  result  may  not  realize.  It  is  a  great  enter 
prise.  It  is  great  certainly  in  one  particular :  it  is  great  in  the  hazards  which 
are  run  by  those  who  may  embark  in  it." — (Ms.  REVERDY  JOHNSON,  in  Senate, 
May  19th.) 


256  LIFE   OF  JAMES  W.   GEIMES.  [1864. 

down  the  rebellion,  and  close  this  war,  it  must  be  done  by  fighting, 
not  by  trading.  Either  withdraw  your  armies,  and  go  to  trading, 
or  else  cease  trading  and  continue  to  fight. 

The  Senator  from  Massachusetts  (Mr.  Wilson)  says  the  cotton 
must  be  got  out  of  the  rebel  lines.  I  will  tell  him  how  it  can  be 
got  out,  and  that  is  by  fighting  it  out,  never  by  trading  it  out. 
That  cotton  is  ours  now.  No  man  was  more  strenuous  in  favor  of 
the  passage  of  the  confiscation  law  than  the  Senator  from  Mas 
sachusetts.  Why  is  he  willing  to  abandon  his  right,  and  the  right 
of  his  constituents,  and  of  the  soldiers  of  my  State,  to  that  cotton  ? 
Why  is  he  willing  to  pay  for  it  to  the  men  who  have  been  attempt 
ing  to  take  the  lives  of  our  soldiers  ?  The  whole  thing  proceeds 
upon  a  fallacy.  Either  let  us  carry  on  this  war  as  war,  or  disband 
the  Army,  and  let  the  Treasury  undertake  to  trade  us  through  the 
war.  It  is  the  height  of  ridiculousness  to  me  for  a  great  nation  to 
be  professing  to  carry  on  a  war,  taxing  its  people,  using  a  conscrip 
tion  law  to  reenforce  its  armies,  using  all  its  energies,  and  at  the 
same  time  trading  with  the  men  that  you  are  carrying  on  the  war 
with,  and  allowing  supplies  to  go  through  the  lines  of  your  army 
in  order  to  enable  the  enemy  to  continue  to  carry  on  that  war ;  for 
that  is  the  conclusion  to  which  it  all  comes  at  last.  I  stand  where 
I  have  ever  stood,  where  I  stood  last  year  when  this  bill  was 
passed.  Either  let  there  be  untrammeled  free  trade,  or  else  no 
trade  at  all,  and  let  this  be  a  war,  and  not  transactions  in  merchan 
dise.  The  purpose  of  the  bill  is  to  enable  parties  to  go  within  the 
rebel  lines,  in  order  to  get  out  cotton ;  and  it  is  to  that,  General 
Canby,  in  command  of  the  Department  of  the  Mississippi,  particu 
larly  objects,  and  says  that  information  will  be  carried  by  these  Treas 
ury  agents  and  contractors  to  the  rebels,  so  that  an  army  of  fifty 
thousand  additional  men  will  be  required -in  order  to  support  our 
selves  in  his  department  alone.  Let  me  state  a  case  that  is  on 
record  here  in  the  Senate.  It  is  not  more  than  four  weeks  ago  that 
a  vessel  came  out  of  one  of  the  North  Carolina  rivers  in  the  sound, 
loaded  with  articles  contraband  of  war,  cotton,  turpentine,  and 
rosin.  She  went  back  loaded  with  provisions  and  clothing,  and  the 
moment  she  reached  the  line  that  divided  the  two  armies,  rebel 
soldiers  in  rebel  uniform  were  put  on  board  of  her,  and  carried  her 
back  whence  she  had  come.  There  is  nothing  to  prevent  anybody 
coming  within  our  lines,  bringing  in  their  cotton,  taking  back  sup- 


1864.]  A  SENATOR   OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  257 

plies,  and  taking  back  what  is  of  more  advantage  to  the  rebels  and 
more  injury  to  us — information  as  to  the  movements  of  our  troops. 

In  a  discussion  with  reference  to  filling  up  the  ranks  of  the 
army,  Mr.  Grimes  said,  June  29th : 

We  are  at  length,  in  one  of  the  very  last  days  of  the  session, 
approaching  the  consideration  of  the  most  momentous  subject  that 
can  be  considered  during  this  session  of  Congress.  We  are  to  deter 
mine  whether  or  not  the  treasure  that  has  thus  far  been  spent  and 
the  blood  that  has  been  spilled  in  this  controversy  are  to  be  wasted 
and  sunk  into  the  ground,  or  whether  they  are  to  accomplish  the 
purpose  that  the  country  desires ;  that  is,  the  restoration  of  the 
Union.  We  are  to  decide  whether  or  not  we  are  to  have  an  army, 
or  whether  we  shall  suffer  the  forces  that  are  now  in  the  field  to  be 
frittered  away,  to  be  devastated  by  war,  and  nothing  be  substituted 
in  the  place  of  the  men  now  standing  in  the  ranks. 

I  need  not  say  that  I  have  always  been  opposed  to  commutation 
for  military  service.  I  have  believed  that  every  citizen  of  the  coun 
try  owed  his  property,  his  service,  and  his  life,  to  the  country,  if  it 
was  necessary,  and  I  have  always  therefore  steadily  voted  against 
commutation.  We  ought  to  have  had  a  conscription  and  a  draft 
long  ago. 

Speaking  of  citizens  of  his  own  State,  he  said,  February  7, 
1865: 

I  have  seen  men  of  family  and  of  substance  who  have  been 
drafted,  and  who  had  the  capacity  and  the  opportunity  to  procure 
substitutes,  but  who  said  that  they  did  not  believe  that  it  was  a 
manly  and  generous  course  for  them  to  pursue,  and  they  shouldered 
their  muskets,  leaving  their  families  and  their  property  behind  them, 
and  are  now  under  General  Sherman. 

Mr.  Grimes  gave  careful  consideration  to  a  bill  for  establish 
ing  a  Bureau  of  Freedmen's  Affairs,  to  mature  and  perfect  it  in 
harmony  with  our  institutions  of  government  and  civilization, 
and  said  with  reference  to  certain  propositions  submitted  by  Mr. 
Sumner,  June  15-28,  1864: 

The  purpose  which  the  Senator  desires  to  secure  is  one  that 
commends  itself  to  my  heart.  I  want  to  do  exactly  what  he  wants 
to  accomplish ;  but  I  think  most  conscientiously  that  he  is  not  attain- 


258  LIFE  OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1864. 

ing  that  object  by  the  bill  which  he  seeks  to  have  us  pass,  and  hence 
I  am  compelled  to  vote  against  the  passage  of  the  bill.  I  think  that 
it  is  violative  of  some  of  the  fundamental  principles  of  the  institu 
tions  of  this  country  ;  it  would  violate  my  convictions  of  duty  and 
of  right ;  and  therefore  I  cannot  support  it. 

The  Senator  says  I  have  proceeded  upon  a  wrong  representation, 
that  I  seem  to  entertain  the  notion  that  these  men  are  not  freemen. 
It  is  because  I  do  entertain  the  opinion  that  they  are  freemen,  and 
because  I  am  anxious  that  they  shall  forever  remain  freemen,  that  I 
oppose  this  bill.  According  to  my  conviction,  the  only  way  to  treat 
these  men  is  as  freemen.  You  have  to  give  them  alms,  to  exercise 
acts  of  humanity  and  friendship  to  them,  for  a  while.  They  will 
be  jostled,  as  we  are  all  being  jostled  through  this  life,  but  in  a  little 
while  they  will  settle  down  into  the  position  that  Providence  has 
designed  that  they  shall  occupy  under  the  new  condition  of  affairs 
in  this  country.  It  is  not  by  any  such  processes  as  are  attempted 
to  be  enacted  into  a  law  that  you  are  going  to  really  alleviate  the 
wants  and  difficulties  under  which  these  people  now  suffer.  The 
bill  puts  every  colored  man  who  was  ever  a  slave  under  the  "  gen 
eral  superintendence  "  of  the  commissioner  at  the  head  of  this  bureau. 
The  Senator  admits  that  it  is  the  purpose  of  the  bill  to  confer  this 
extraordinary  power,  but  says  he  is  going  to  have  it  executed 
beneficially  for  these  colored  men.  If  we  pass  this  bill,  that  is  the 
wav,  I  trust,  these  great  powers  will  be  exercised ;  but  I  am  fear 
ful  that,  if  we  confer  upon  officials  such  extraordinary  powers,  they 
may  not  always  and  in  all  cases  exercise  them  for  the  benefit  of 
these  men. 

Looking  on  them  as  really  freemen,  I  do  not  very  much  admire 
the  idea  of  creating  a  bureau  to  take  care  of  them.  They  are  the 
same  class  of  men  upon  whom,  three  or  four  weeks  ago,  a  portion 
of  the  members  of  the  Senate  were  attempting  to  bestow  the  elec 
tive  franchise.  I  submit  that  there  was  a  very  great  mistake  then,  or 
there  is  a  very  great  mistake  now,  when  we  undertake  to  put  under 
the  control  of  general  superintendents  all  the  colored  men  within  their 
respective  departments,  and  authorize  the  commissioners  to  enforce 
with  the  military  power  the  alleged  contracts  which  this  unfortunate 
and  despised  class  of  people  may  be  said  to  have  entered  into.  I 
would  rather  appoint  a  bureau  to  take  care  of  the  confiscated  and 
abandoned  estates,  and  let  the  care  of  the  freedmen,  so  far  as  they 


1864]  A   SENATOR   OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  959 

shall  be  cared  for,  be  an  incident  of  the  establishment  of  the  bureau 
and  of  the  care  that  shall  be  exercised  over  these  estates. 

It  is  proposed  by  the  Senator  from  Massachusetts  that  we  shall 
not  direct  the  assistant  commissioners  to  be  appointed,  as  in  ordinary 
cases,  by  the  President,  and  to  be  confirmed  by  the  Senate,  but  that 
they  shall  be  appointed  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  and  be 
mere  tenants  by  his  will.  I  am  unwilling  to  confer  such  power  on 
any  Secretary,  or  upon  the  President,  without  the  constitutional 
check  upon  him  of  a  confirmation  by  the  Senate.  What  are  we 
here  for,  but  to  give  our  advice  and  consent  to  the  appointment  of 
such  responsible  officers  as  these  ?  We  have  declared,  this  session, 
that  every  acting  master  in  the  Navy,  to  whom  you  pay  one  thou 
sand  dollars  a  year,  shall  be  appointed  by  the  President,  and  sent 
here  to  be  confirmed  by  us,  men  who  are  merely  required  to  per 
form  watch  duty  on  the  decks  of  your  men-of-war,  through  whose 
hands  not  one  dollar  of  money  is  to  pass,  to  whom  is  confided  no 
such  trusts  as  are  confided  by  this  bill  to  your  commissioners.  And 
yet  it  is  seriously  proposed  that  these  commissioners,  who  are  to 
have  the  control  of  hundreds  of  thousands  of  human  beings,  of  whose 
character  for  humanity,  and  discretion,  and  wisdom,  we  know  noth 
ing,  and  can  know  nothing,  who  are  to  have  the  control  of  hundreds 
of  thousands  and  doubtless  millions  of  property  in  the  course-  of  a 
year,  are  not  to  be  sent  to  the  Senate  for  us  to  advise  and  consent 
to  their  nomination ! 

I  confess  to  the  Senator  that  I  have  been  anxious  to  vote  for 
his  bill.  I  told  him,  at  the  beginning  of  the  consideration  of  it,  that 
several  amendments  must  be  made  before  I  will  vote  for  it,  and  this 
is  one  of  them.  I  have  as  much  respect  for  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  as  any  man  has,  but  I  never  will  consent,  so  long  as  I  oc- 
cup}7  a  seat  in  this  body,  to  place  in  the  hands  of  any  Government 
officer  the  overwhelming  power  that  is  placed  in  the  hands  of  this 
public  officer  by  the  proposition  of  the  Senator.  I  want  to  know 
the  character  of  these  men,  the  character  they  have  maintained 
hitherto,  whether  they  are  humane  men,  Christian  men,  honest  men, 
and  will  do  their  duty  to  the  men,  women,  and  children,  who  are 
committed  to  their  charge ;  and,  if  the  Senator's  proposition  is 
adopted,  I  unhesitatingly  say  that  I  will  vote  against  the  bill. 

The  consideration  of  the  bill  as  amended  by  the  Senate  was 
postponed  in  the  House,  July  2d,  to  the  next  session.  Mr. 


260  LIFE   OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1864. 

Grimes  said,  February  21,  1865,  that  his  purpose  was  to  get  a 
Freedmen' s  Bureau  bill  that  he  could  vote  for ;  and  in  reply  to 
further  strictures  by  Mr.  Simmer : 

It  will  not  do  for  the  Senator  to  raise  an  issue  with  me  on  the 
ground  that  I  am  not  in  favor  of  the  rights  of  the  freedmen,  or  to 
insinuate  that  I  am  not  so  much  in  favor  of  liberty  and  freedom  as 
he  is.  I  am  just  as  much  in  earnest,  I  am  just  as  much  in  favor  of 
protecting  these  freedmen,  as  he  is  ;  I  will  go  just  as  far  and  spend 
as  much  of  my  own  money,  or  of  the  money  of  my  constituents,  as  he 
will  spend ;  but  I  want  to  be  satisfied  that  it  is  going  to  reach  the 
objects  of  my  bounty,  and  that  all  their  rights  will  be  protected 
under  the  law  I  am  to  vote  for. 

87.— To  Mrs.  Grimes. 

WASHINGTON,  April  24,  1864. 

Frank  Fessenden  has  been  wounded  and  captured.  It  is  not 
known  how  badly  he  is  wounded.  His  regiment  behaved  well,  and 
so  did  he.  Everybody  curses  Banks  loud  and  deep.  I  have  not 
seen  Fessenden  since  the  news  came.  I  send  you  Foster's  speech 
on  Sumner.  It  is  regarded  as  capital  here. 

April  22th. — I  wras  never  half  so  comfortable  in  Washington, 
without  you,  as  I  am  now.  I  am  in  one  of  the  best,  most  genteel, 
quiet,  cultivated  families  I  have  ever  known  in  Washington ;  my 
apartments  are  two  nice,  airy,  neat,  and  convenient  rooms,  and  I 
have  the  only  breakfasts  I  have  ever  eaten  at  any  boarding-house 
in  Washington.  My  colleague  Wilson,  and  Henderson,  of  Mis 
souri,  dine  with  me.  Fessenden  will  adopt  the  same  mode  of  life, 
and  begin  to  dine  with  us  on  Monday,  and  Clark  and  Morrill  are  to 
be  admitted  to  our  club  during  the  week.  Of  course,  we  have 
good  dinners.  So  much  for  my  creature  comforts. 

I  have  just  received  a  long  letter  from  Dr.  Jonathan  Blanchard, 
formerly  of  Galesburg.  the  old  Orthodox  apostle  at  Galesburg,  in 
which  he  compliments  me  in  very  undeserved  terms,  and  concludes 
by  saying  that  all  of  my  merits  are  to  be  attributed  to  your  instruc 
tions  and  example.  I  believe  that  the  general  impression  is,  that 
I  am  of  myself  a  most  perverse  mortal,  toned  and  tempered  down 
by  you  into  a  reasonably  civilized  piece  of  humanity. 

We  have  no  news  here.     Every  one  is  incensed  against  Banks, 


- 


1864.]  A   SENATOR   OF  THE   UNITED   STATES.  261 

and  demands  his  supersedure.  Our  disaster  in  Louisiana  was  much 
greater  than  was  reported.  There  will  be  no  battle  here  for  some 
weeks,  probably  ;  in  the  mean  time  a  vast  force  is  being  concentrat 
ed.  Last  Monday  more  than  forty  thousand  men  marched  through 
town,  six  thousand  negroes,  on  their  way  southward.  The  univer 
sal  opinion  was  that  the  negroes  made  much  the  best  appearance, 
and  there  seemed  to  be  the  best  of  feeling  between  them  and  the 
white  soldiers. 

88.— To  Mrs.  Grimes, 

UNITED  STATES  SENATE-CHAMBER,  ) 
WASHINGTON,  May  10,  1864.      j 

We  have  an  intense  anxiety  here  about  the  recent  battles, 
though  the  people  have  not  been  so  demonstrative  as  on  many 
former  occasions.  The  battle  on  Friday  was  fiercely  contested  all 
day,  was  almost  entirely  a  musketry-fight,  and  was  a  success  to  us, 
inasmuch  as  the  enemy  did  not  accomplish  his  purpose,  which  was 
to  whip  us.  We  had  two  men  to  their  one  in  action.  Grant  had 
one  hundred  and  forty  thousand  men,  and  all  engaged,  save  one 
brigade  of  colored  troops,  say  six  thousand  men.  Grant  and  Meade 
estimate  Lee's  army  at  seventy  thousand,  which  I  suspect  is  about 
the  truth.  On  Saturday,  Lee  slowly  and  sullenly  moved  off  in  the 
direction  of  Orange  Court-House,  expecting,  doubtless,  that  Grant 
would  follow  him,  and  that  he  would  be  able  to  resume  the  fight 
where  he  would  have  great  advantages  in  the  topography  of  the 
country.  But  Grant  failed  to  be  caught  in  that  trap,  and  moved  on 
the  direct  road  to  Richmond,  via  Spottsylvania  Court-House.  We 
have  all  sorts  of  rumors  about  battles  since  that  of  Friday,  but  there 
is  nothing  whatever  reliable.  Nearly  all  of  our  army  was  some  time 
or  other  in  the  day  soundly  thrashed,  but  generally  rallied  verv  well. 
There  were  very  few  stragglers,  less  than  were  ever  known  before. 
The  enemy's  tactics  consisted  of  the  most  frantic,  impetuous  and 
gigantic  efforts  to  break  our  line  by  attacking  it  with  large  masses. 
Their  troops  are  far  better  at  this  than  ours  are.  At  times  they  drove 
our  whole  line  back,  and  took  our  positions,  but  we  recovered  them. 
We  lost  one  entire  brigade  at  one  time,  most  of  a  brigade  at  another, 
and  a  regiment  at  another,  by  capture.  We  lost  more  prisoners 
than  they  did.  Had  the  rebels  not  gone  away  from  the  battle-field, 
it  would  not  have  been  claimed  as  a  victory  by  us,  for  they  lost  no 
guns,  comparatively  no  prisoners,  no  baggage,  and  carried  away 
18 


262  LIFE   OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1864. 

their  wounded.  They  are  probably  far  more  exhausted  by  the 
battle  than  we  are,  and  we  hope  that  this  is  the  beginning  of  the 
end.  The  rebels  fight,  though,  like  very  devils  incarnate.  It  is 
useless  to  attempt  to  disguise  it,  there  is  an  abandon  about  their 
attacks  that  is  not  imitated  even  by  most  of  our  men. 

May  1.2th. — Fighting  of  the  most  terrific  character  still  goes  on 
only  a  few  miles  from  us.  On  our  side  are  not  less  than  forty 
thousand  men  hors  de  combat.  This  includes  killed,  wounded,  and 
missing.  Still  the  cry  is  for  more  blood,  and  more  is  to  be  shed. 
Our  troops  are  in  good  condition,  hopeful,  and  anticipate  success. 
Reinforcements  of  fresh  men  are  being  sent  to  Grant — a  relief 
which  it  is  understood  cannot  be  sent  by  Lee's  pretended  govern 
ment  to  him.  The  excitement  occasioned  by  the  continuous  battles 
in  the  neighborhood  has  been  so  great,  and  has  so  unsettled  every 
body's  mind,  that  the  Senate  to-day  adjourned  to  Monday.  I  think 
that  Grant  will  in  the  end  destroy  Lee's  army,  but  his  own  will  be 
also  destroyed.  It  will  be  a  sort  of  Kilkenny  cat-fight ;  they,  you 
know,  fought  until  nothing  was  left  of  either  but  the  tail ;  but 
Grant's  tail  is  the  longest.  We  have  no  other  news  here.  We 
think  of  nothing  else,  inquire  about  nothing  else,  dream  about 
nothing  else. 

May  iSth. — I  wish  I  could  satisfy  your  fears  about  the  Army 
of  the  Potomac.  Thus  far  we  have  won  no  victory.  We  have  suf 
fered  a  terrible  loss  of  killed  and  wounded  (nearly  fifty  thousand), 
and  Lee  is  in  an  impregnable  position.  J.  Grimes  commanded  the 
Seventeenth  Regiment  of  Infantry,  until  he  was  finally  knocked 
over  by  a  broken  shell.  He  is  not  much  hurt,  only  bruised,  and  will 
return  to  the  army,  and  try  his  chances  again  next  Saturday. 

I  have  just  returned  to  my  room  from  dining  at  Mr.  Eames's 
with  Mrs.  Julia  Ward  Howe — for  company,  Admiral  Davis,  Foster, 
of  Connecticut,  Gurowski,  and  your  husband — a  pleasant  time,  of 
course.  Mrs.  Howe  gave  what  she  calls  a  reading,  last  night.  I 
did  not  go,  but,  as  she  insists  upon  my  going  on  Friday,  I  suppose  I 
must  comply. 

The  news  from  different  directions  is  not  at  all  pleasant  to  me. 
I  confess  that  just  at  this  present  writing  I  feel  pretty  blue. 

May  2&th. — As  you  learn  by  the  papers,  I  made  a  speech  yes 
terday,  but  I  did  not,  as  they  say  I  did,  talk  two  hours.  I  think  I 
made  a  good  speech,  and  such  seems  to  be  the  general  impression, 


1864.]  A  SENATOR  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  263 

but  you  will  see  it  in  a  few  days,  and  can  judge  for  yourself.      At 
least  there  was  no  clap-trap  and  humbug  about  it. 

89.— To  Admiral  Du  Pont. 

WASHINGTON,  June  15,  1864. 

I  would  be  delighted  to  visit  you  near  Wilmington,  and  I  know 
Mrs.  Grimes  would  be,  but  she  went  North  about  the  20th  of  April, 
where  she  remained  a  few  weeks,  and  then  returned  to  our  home  in 
Iowa,  where  she  now  is.  As  you  can  easily  suppose,  I  am  most 
anxious  to  leave  here  that  I  may  join  her,  and  shall  not  be  inclined 
to  tarry  by  the  wayside  on  my  journey  westward.  I  intend  some 
time,  with  my  wife,  to  make  you  a  visit,  and  I  intend  to  do  it  at  the 
first  opportunity  I  have  ;  and  in  this  I  am  most  heartily  joined  by 
Mrs.  Grimes,  for  I  need  not  tell  you  that  she  is  a  stanch  adherent 
of  yours. 

90.— To  Mrs.  Grimes. 

WASHINGTON,  June  19,  1864. 

I  hope  to  be  at  home  by  the  4th  of  July.  It  is  possible  I  may 
not,  however,  because  I  am  compelled  to  stop  a  day  in  Chicago, 
and  I  do  not  wish  to  be  there  on  the  4th,  which  is  the  day  the  con 
vention  of  the  Democratic  party  assembles  there.  Rather  than  be 
incommoded  by  that  concern  in  going  west,  or  be  mixed  up  in  it, 
I  will  remain  on  the  way  a  day  or  two.  We  have  no  news  here. 
Grant's  campaign  is  regarded  by  military  critics  as  being  thus  far 
a  failure.  He  has  lost  a  vast  number  of  men,  and  is  compelled  to 
abandon  his  attempt  to  capture  Richmond  on  the  north  side,  and 
cross  the  James  River.  The  question  is  asked  significantly,  Why 
did  he  not  take  his  army  south  of  the  James  at  once,  and  thus  save 
seventy-five  thousand  men  ? 

Smith,  Bros.  &  Co.,  of  whom  I  made  mention  in  my  remarks  in 
the  Senate,  found  themselves  in  Fort  Warren  day  before  yesterday, 
and  will  be  tried  before  a  court-martial,  and  will,  I  doubt  not,  be 
convicted. 

91.— To  Hon.   W.  P.  Fessenden,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  Washington. 

PHILADELPHIA,  July  3,  1864. 

I  left  Washington  yesterday  morning,  as  I  told  you  I  should. 
I  have  experienced  twenty-six  moody  and  melancholy  hours.  You 
have  at  no  time  been  separated  from  my  thoughts  since  I  left  you. 


264:  LIFE   OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1864. 

I  have  tried  to  picture  to  myself  what  would  be  the  effect  of  your 
change  of  position  upon  the  country,  upon  yourself,  and  upon  our 
relations  to  each  other. 

I  need  not  tell  you  that  for  six  years  I  have  been  drawn  toward 
you  by  an  invisible  power,  magnetic  it  may  be,  that  I  could  never 
resist,  even  had  I  desired  to  resist  it.  During  the  time  I  have  been 
in  the  Senate  you  have  exercised  an  influence  over  my  wayward 
nature  such  as  was  never  exercised  by  any  human  being  except 
my  wife.  At  times  I  have  been  irritated  with  you,  but  I  can  truly 
say  that  I  never  suffered  the  sun  to  go  down  upon  my  anger.  If  at 
any  such  moment  of  my  weakness  I  ever  gave  you  a  pang  of  pain 
ful  feeling,  I  now  most  sincerely  crave  your  pardon,  begging  you 
to  remember  that  the  recollection  of  any  and  every  intemperate 
declaration  of  mine  gives  me  more  sorrow  than  it  can  possibly  give 
to  you. 

Now,  our  relations  are  to  be  changed.  I  had  hoped  that  so  long 
as  I  remained  in  the  Senate  we  were  to  be  associated  together.  It 
is  ordered  otherwise,  and  I  trust  for  the  good  of  the  country.  You 
are  to  have  new  surroundings,  new  associations,  and  doubtless  our 
old  friendship  will  be  in  a  measure  forgotten  ;  I  trust  not  de 
stroyed.  It  fills  me  with  grief  to  think  that  this  must  in  the  very 
nature  of  things  be  so. 

You  know  what  I  thought  of  your  going  into  the  cabinet.  If 
you  would  not  deem  it  offensive  to  say  so,  I  would  say  that  I  really 
pitied  you  when  I  saw  you  last.  I  saw  at  a  glance  your  true  situa 
tion.  I  knew  that  you  had  feeble  health,  that  the  Treasury  is  in  a 
terrible  condition,  and  that  the  result  of  your  acceptance  of  office 
might  be  your  death.  At  the  same  time  I  believed  that  no  name 
would  give  one-half  so  much  confidence  to  the  country  as  yours,  and 
I  knew  that  your  declination  by  every  enemy  of  the  country  would 
be  ascribed  not  to  its  true  cause,  your  poor  health,  but  to  the  fact 
that  you  knew  too  well  the  condition  of  the  Treasury  Department 
to  accept  the  portfolio.  In  this  condition  of  things,  I  did  not  feel 
like  urging  you  to  either  accept  or  decline,  but  contented  myself 
with  recommending  you  to  make  such  terms  as  would  prevent  you 
from  being  slandered  and  back-bitten  out  of  the  cabinet  in  a  few 
weeks  by  your  associates.  What  is  to  be  the  issue  in  that  regard 
I  do  not  know.  You  are,  or  were,  when  I  left,  master  of  the  situa 
tion,  and  in  my  opinion  would  fix  your  own  terms. 


1864.]  A  SENATOR  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  265 

Now  let  me  give  you  one  word  of  parting  advice,  and  I  will 
never  assume  to  do  it  again. 

Get  rid  of  Mr.  Chase's  agents  as  soon  as  possible.  I  believe 
many  of  them  are  corrupt,  but  whether  they  be  so  or  not  they  are 
thought  to  be,  and  that  is  a  sufficient  reason  for  supplanting  them 
with  new  men.  One  or  two  men  who  enjoy  your  confidence  now,  I 
believe  to  be  tricksters,  but  you  will  find  them  out  soon  enough.  Do 
not  send  abroad  to  negotiate  a  loan,  but  throw  yourself  upon  the 
people  of  this  country.  Read  the  Evening  Post  of  yesterday,  and 
see  what  was  the  demand  for  United  States  securities  in  New  York. 
In  the  present  flush  of  confidence  you  can  put  your  loan  upon  the 
American  market,  and  do  as  you  wish. 

And  now,  my  dear  Fessenden,  I  start  for  my  rustic  home  on  the 
bank  of  the  Mississippi.  If  there  be  an  angel  on  earth,  there  is 
one  there  who  prays  as  devoutly  night  and  morning  for  your  suc 
cess  and  welfare  as  she  does  for  mine.  I  dare  not  trust  myself  to 
read  this  letter  for  fear  I  would  destroy  it.  I  do  not  expect  you  to 
spare  the  time  to  answer  it.  May  God  give  you  health  and  happi 
ness,  and  to  the  country  peace  and  safety  ! 

Extract  of  Letter  from  Mr.  Fcssenden  to  Mr.  Grimes. 

WASHINGTON,  July  24,  1864. 

Your  kind  letter  has  neither  been  overlooked  nor  forgotten,  for 
I  have  wished  many  times  for  a  moment  to  acknowledge  its  receipt, 
and  to  tell  you  how  highly  I  appreciate  its  assurances  of  friendly 
regard.  You  can  well  imagine,  however,  that  I  have  been  intensely 
occupied,  and  must  be  aware  that  I  am  overwhelmed  with,  per 
plexities,  and  surrounded  by  dangers.  Had  I  known  but  two  weeks 
beforehand  what  was  to  happen,  I  think  that  with  the  aid  of  Con 
gress  I  might  have  placed  myself  in  a  somewhat  easier  condition. 
But  things  must  be  taken  as  I  find  them,  and  they  are  quite  bad 
enough  to  appall  any  but  a  man  desperate  as  I  am.  I  cannot  com 
mit  to  paper  all  I  would  say.  If  my  bodily  condition  was  better, 
perhaps  I  might  work  with  more  heart  and  energy ;  but  I  am  run 
down  with  fatigue,  retiring  exhausted,  and  rising  little  refreshed — 
a  poor  state  for  such  work  as  I  have  to  do.  But  it  must  be  done, 
and  I  will  do  it  somehow. 

I  wish  to  assure  you,  my  dear  friend,  that  there  are  few  people 
in  this  world  for  whom  I  have  so  high  a  regard  as  for  yourself. 


266  LIFE   OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1864. 

There  was  no  man  in  the  Senate  with  whom  I  was  on  such  close 
terms  of  intimacy,  or  who  knew  so  much  of  me  as  you  did.  If  at 
any  time  there  was  a  moment's  irritation,  it  always  passed  away 
with  the  moment,  and  left  no  trace  behind.  May  it  remain  thus 
between  us  while  we  both  live !  Our  country  must  be  served  hon 
estly  and  faithfully,  and  we  must  do  our  duty,  even  if  others  fail  in 
theirs.  I  want  your  aid  and  counsel  more  than  ever,  and  trust  you 
will  not  withhold  either. 

Give  my  love  to  your  wife,  and  tell  her  to  think  as  well  of  me 
as  she  can,  whatever  may  be  my  errors. 

In  the  course  of  debate,  December  19th,  upon  a  bill  to  ap 
propriate  ten  million  dollars  for  the  defense  of  the  Northern 
frontier,  Mr.  Grimes  said : 

The  true  mode  to  defend  ourselves  on  the  Northern  frontier  and 
on  the  lakes  is  to  have  arsenals  and  armories  there.  On  the  lakes 
we  have  ten  tons  of  shipping  where  the  British  have  one;  we  own 
nearly  all  the  steamboats  that  ply  there,  and  we  shall  continue  to 
own  them  so  long  as  we  maintain  our  present  navigation  laws.  All 
you  want,  whenever  difficulties  shall  occur  between  us  and  Great 
Britain,  is  to  have  armaments  which  you  can  immediately  throw 
on  board  these  vessels.  Take  possession  of  the  mouth  of  the  Wei- 
land  Canal,  and  what  power  will  the  British  have?  Where  the 
necessity,  therefore,  of  deciding  in  advance  that  we  must  build 
fortifications  at  the  mouth  of  every  river,  or  near  every  harbor,  on 
the  whole  upper  lakes  ? 

The  true  way  is  to  repeal  the  reciprocity  treaty.  Great  Britain 
is  not  going  to  fight  for  Canada.  Canada  was  an  apple  ready  to 
drop  into  our  hands  wrhen  the  reciprocity  treaty  was  agreed  to.  It 
was  consummated  through  the  instrumentality  of  the  men  who  are 
now  in  rebellion  against  this  Government,  with  a  little  aid  that 
was  furnished  to  them  by  the  people  of  the  North.  Repeal  the 
reciprocity  treaty,  and  you  will  find  that  in  less  than  twenty-four 
months  the  people  of  the  Canadas,  and  of  the  British  provinces 
generally,  will  be  clamorous  to  come  back  to  us.  The  newspapers 
tell  us  that  there  is  a  panic  in  Canada.  I  have  no  doubt  of  it.  It 
does  not  proceed  from  any  fear  that  they  have  of  war ;  it  proceeds 
from  the  fear  that  they  have  of  their  pockets.  The  moment  you 
repeal  the  reciprocity  treaty,  the  stock  of  every  railroad  in  Canada 


1864-'65.]       A  SENATOR   OF  THE   UNITED   STATES.  267 

will  become  worthless ;  every  man  of  wealth  and  means  will  be 
come  bankrupt.  It  is  caused  by  the  fear  they  have  of  the  repeal 
of  that  treaty,  which  gives  them  the  carrying  trade  of  the  produce 
from  the  West,  and  the  power  to  compete  with  us  in  the  Eastern 
markets,  which  is  very  much  to  our  injury. 

Upon  a  resolution  of  inquiry  with  reference  to  the  military 
arrest  of  two  citizens  of  Kentucky,  December  20th,  Mr.  Grimes 
said : 

The  Senator  from  Kentucky  (Mr.  Powell)  says  that  two  eminent 
men  of  that  State  have  been  arrested,  he  knows  not  by  whom,  he 
knows  not  for  what ;  that  they  have  been  spirited  away,  he  knows 
not  whither;  and  as  a  representative  of  that  State  he  asks  the 
Senate  to  institute  an  inquiry,  that  it  may  be  learned  what  dis 
position  has  been  made  of  them.  I  say  that  it  is  the  right  and  the 
duty  of  this  Senate  to  give  to  the  Senator  the  answer  that  he 
demands.  Is  it  not  our  duty  to  make  some  inquiry  in  regard  to  a 
question  of  that  kind  ?  Are  we  going  to  be  entirely  indifferent  to 
the  liberties  of  the  people  of  this  country  ?  I  am  not  sent  here 
for  the  purpose  of  sitting  with  my  arms  folded  in  silence  and  in 
quiet,  and  giving  no  vote  in  favor  of  an  inquiry  of  this  kind.  I 
have  no  doubt  that  when  the  inquiry  shall  be  pursued  properly,  there 
will  be  a  perfect  vindication  of  the  officers  of  the  Government ;  but 
if  it  be  otherwise,  if  these  men  have  been  improperly  arrested,  it  is 
the  duty  of  the  Senate  to  say  so,  and  to  put  its  seal  of  reprobation 
upon  those  who  have  improperly  arrested  them.  I  trust  that  this 
Senate  is  not  going  to  sit  quietly  by,  when  charges  are  made  by  a 
Senator  of  arbitrary  conduct  on  the  part  of  any  officers  of  this  Gov 
ernment,  and  refuse  to  make  an  inquiry,  because  it  is  claimed  that 
to  do  so  would  be  a  proceeding  of  a  quasi  judicial  character.  It  is 
one  of  the  prerogatives  of  this  body  to  protect  the  liberties  of  the 
people  of  the  States,  and  the  rights  and  interests  of  the  States 
themselves. 

On  the  12th  of  January  the  Senate  was  honored  with  the 
presence  of  Vice-Admiral  Farragut,  tbe  first  person  holding  that 
position  in  the  American  service.  Mr.  Grimes  asked  permission 
to  interrupt  tbe  regular  order  of  business,  and  on  his  motion  a 
recess  of  ten  minutes  was  taken,  to  afford  Senators  an  opportu 
nity  to  pay  their  respects  to  that  eminent  citizen. 


LIFE   OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1865. 


THE   MANAGEMENT    OF   THE   NAVY. 

On  the  17th  of  February,  pending  a  discussion  of  the  Naval 
Appropriation  bill,  upon  a  motion  of  Mr.  Wade  to  create  a  Board 
of  Admiralty  for  the  management  of  the  Navy,  Mr.  Grimes 
said : 

I  shall  not  follow  gentlemen  in  the  wandering  debate  that  has 
characterized  this  occasion.  I  have  no  encomiums  to  pronounce 
upon  and  no  denunciations  to  utter  against  the  old  Democratic 
and  Whig  parties,  for  I  am  content  that  the  dead  should  bury  their 
dead. 

I  do  not  stand  here  as  the  defender  or  advocate  of  any  man,  but 
to  maintain  what  I  believe  to  be  the  public  interest  in  connection 
with  the  Navy  Department.  It  is  the  public  service  we  are  to  pro 
mote,  not  the  interests  of  any  men  or  set  of  men.  I  shall  not  seek 
to  defend  or  palliate  any  wrong,  no  matter  by  whom  committed.  I 
believe  that  this  Department,  as  all  other  Departments,  has  made 
some  mistakes  ;  but  the  true  remedy  is  not  the  one  set  forth  by  the 
Senator  from  Ohio,  and,  entertaining  the  opinions  I  do,  there  is  no 
alternative  for  me  but  to  oppose  as  strenuously  as  I  may  be  able 
the  amendment  he  proposes. 

I  have  no  fault  to  find  with  the  Senator  for  proposing  this 
amendment.  It  is  true  that  we  have  a  Naval  Committee,  of  which 
I  happen  to  be  a  member,  and  that  it  is  the  business  of  that  com 
mittee  to  examine  into  all  the  laws  in  connection  with  naval  affairs, 
to  inform  themselves  of  the  operations  of  the  naval  organization,  to 
understand  not  only  its  written  but  its  unwritten  laws,  to  know 
what  vessels  are  built,  the  character  of  their  armament,  the  charac 
ter  of  the  machinery  by  which  they  are  to  be  propelled,  their  effi 
ciency  and  speed,  and  the  contracts  under  which  they  are  built.  I 
I  think  I  can  say  that  the  committee  have  endeavored,  as  far  as 
their  capacity  and  time  would  allow,  to  inform  themselves  on  all 
these  points.  It  is  their  duty  also  to  inform  themselves,  and  I  think 
they  have  attempted  to  do  it,  in  regard  to  the  naval  organization  of 
the  different  nations  of  the  earth,  and  if  in  their  opinion  there  be 
any  advantages  over  ours  in  any  of  these  organizations  to  suggest 
them  to  the  Senate  for  adoption  into  our  own.  I  think  they  have 
informed  themselves  in  regard  to  each  of  the  many  descriptions  of 


1865.]  A   SENATOR   OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  269 

vessels — some  twenty-five  or  thirty — that  now  constitute  parts  of 
our  Navy. 

Nor  am  I  going  to  find  fault  with  the  Senator  because  as  a 
member  of  the  Committee  on  the  Conduct  of  the  War  he  examined 
only  one  particular  type  of  vessels  that  had  been  built,  and  found 
some  objections  to  that  class.  But  I  submit  to  the  Senate  that  it 
would  hardly  be  wise,  because  there  happened  to  be  in  the  estimation 
of  that  committee  some  objections  to  that  kind  of  vessels,  to  over 
turn  the  entire  Navy  organization,  when  the  Naval  Committee,  who 
have  examined  into  all  the  various  descriptions  of  vessels,  have  not 
deemed  it'  advisable  to  propose  any  such  change.  Informed  as 
we  are  in  regard  to  the  general  operations  of  the  Navy,  knowing 
what  has  been  accomplished  during  the  last  four  years  under  its 
present  administration,  we  have  unhesitatingly  come  to  the  conclu 
sion,  as  the  organ  of  this  body  in  connection  with  naval  affairs,  that 
this  change  ought  not  to  be  made,  and  would  prove  most  disastrous 
if  made. 

The  whole  argument  upon  which  this  amendment  is  based  pro 
ceeds  upon  one  assumption,  that  there  have  been  mistakes  in  the 
construction  of  the  light-draught  iron-clads.  Admit  it.  Is  that  a 
reason  for  overturning  the  Navy  Department  ?  Is  this  the  first 
mistake  that  has  been  made  ?  If  the  Committee  on  the  Conduct  of 
the  War  had  inquired  of  the  Naval  Committee,  we  could  have  told 
them  that  a  similar  mistake  was  made  in  regard  to  the  second  class 
of  monitors,  that  same  class  which  have  been  doing  efficient  service 
at  Fort  Fisher,  and  of  which  Admiral  Porter  speaks  in  such  eulo 
gistic  terms.  At  least  one-half  of  all  the  old  sailing-vessels  that 
have  been  built  since  the  establishment  of  the  Navy  have  been 
modified  and  changed.  Within  five  years  the  Pensacola  was 
changed  under  our  eyes  at  the  navy-yard  in  Washington,  and  forty 
feet  added  to  her  length.  Was  that  a  reason  for  overturning  the 
Department  ? 

Nearly  all  of  the  British  iron-clad  vessels,  such  as  the  Warrior 
and  Black  Prince,  are  now  pronounced  failures,  and  the  Warrior  is 
being  dismantled,  being  considered  unfit  to  go  to  sea.  Did  the 
Senator  ever  know  that  a  peer  of  the  realm  or  any  member  of  the 
House  of  Commons  rose  in  his  place  in  the  British  Parliament,  and 
proposed  to  overturn  the  whole  admiralty  system  of  that  empire, 
upon  a  supply-bill,  because  mistakes  had  been  made  in  the  con- 


270  LIFE  OF  JAMES  W.  GRIMES.  [1865. 

struction  of  iron-clad  vessels  that  have  cost  millions  of  pounds  ster 
ling? 

Admit  the  mistake  to  be  as  great  as  is  charged.  Is  this  the 
only  mistake  that  has  been  made?  Has  no  other  Department 
blundered  ?  Have  there  been  no  mistakes  in  the  Treasury,  and  will 
you  put  that  in  commission  also  ?  Has  the  War  Department  been 
entirely  free  from  blunders  during  the  last  four  years,  and  will  you 
overturn  that  Department,  upon  an  amendment  to  the  Army  appro 
priation  bill  ? 

In  regard  to  the  light-draught  iron-clads,  the  facts  are  very 
simple.  We  had  a  board,  in  1861,  composed  of  three  srfperior  offi 
cers  in  the  Navy,  to  determine  the  character  of  the  vessels  that 
should  be  built  with  the  million  and  a  half  of  dollars  appropriated 
in  July  of  that  year.  They  reported  in  favor  of  three  different 
classes  of  vessels  :  the  Ironsides,  which  is  an  excellent  vessel ;  the 
Galena,  which  has  turned  out  to  be  a  failure ;  and  they  said  to 
Mr.  Ericsson,  who  proposed  to  build  the  original  monitor,  that  he 
might  build  that  vessel  for  a  given  sum  of  money,  a  small  price, 
and  run  his  own  risk  upon  her :  if  she  turned  out  to  be  a  success 
the  Government  would  take  her,  and  if  otherwise  it  would  not. 
That  monitor,  at  the  time  she  fought  the  Merrimac,  and  relieved  us 
of  the  great  weight  that  rested  upon  every  man  here  in  Washing 
ton  after  the  destruction  of  the  Congress  and  Cumberland,  was  not 
the  property  of  the  United  States,  but  belonged  to  John  Ericsson 
and  the  men  who  were  associated  with  him  in  building  her. 

Now,  let  us  see  what  is  proposed  by  the  Senator  from  Ohio.  Five 
naval  officers  are  provided  for,  to  hold  their  offices  during  the  will 
of  the  President,  and  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  is  to  preside  over 
them.  It  is  to  be  a  kind  of  New  England  town-meeting.  The 
amendment  means  to  put  the  Navy  Department  into  commission, 
to  put  it  into  leading-strings,  to  give  the  control  to  these  commis 
sioners,  or  else  it  means  to  furnish  the  Department  a  subterfuge  by 
which  it  can  at  all  times  avoid  responsibility.  Do  you  wish  to 
divide  responsibility  thus  ?  I  surely  do  not.  That  will  be  the 
effect  of  this  amendment,  if  adopted.  That  is  the  effect  of  the 
British  Admiralty  administration  to-day.  There  is  nothing  that  the 
members  of  the  naval  profession  in  England  are  so  anxious  to  get 
rid  of  as  their  admiralty  system,  after  which  this  amendment  is 
modeled.  They  saw  fit,  two  hundred  years  ago,  to  put  their  office 


1865.]  A  SENATOR  OF  THE  UNITED   STATES.  271 

of  lord  high  admiral  into  commission,  and  it  is  now  wielded  by  such 
a  board  as  the  Senator  has  proposed  to  create  here ;  and  what  is  the 
result  ?  Precisely  the  result  that  I  predict  will  follow  here.  Sir 
Charles  Napier,  a  great  naval  authority,  says  that  "  no  permanent 
good  can  be  done  for  the  service  until  the  Board  of  Admiralty  is 
abolished."  Sir  George  Cockburn,  having  filled  the  station  of  con 
fidential  or  principal  sea-lord  of  the  admiralty  for  more  than  sev 
enteen  years,  and  feeling  that  his  opinion  regarding  the  constitu 
tion  of  the  board  might  sooner  or  later  be  deemed  worthy  of 
attention,  stated  that  "  he  considered  the  present  establishment  of 
that  board  to  be  the  most  unsatisfactory  and  least  efficient  for  its 
purpose  that  could  have  been  devised." 

What  has  been  our  experience  ?  We  had  this  board  once,  or 
something  tantamount  to  it.  As  a  friend  said  to  me  yesterday, 
"  When  we  got  rid  of  the  old  board,  in  1842,  we  felt  as  Sinbad  the 
sailor  felt  when  the  Old  Man  of  the  sea  was  lifted  off  his  shoulders." 
It  was  an  incubus  on  the  Navy,  and  was  so  regarded  by  everybody, 
except  some  of  the  old  post-captains  who  were  members  of  the 
board.  It  was  an  inefficient  organization,  and  was  so  considered 
by  every  one  whose  opinion  was  worth  anything.  Every  nation 
that  has  had  it,  or  anything  like  it,  is  attempting  to  abolish  it.  The 
Senator  proposes  that  we  now,  in  a  time  of  war,  when  of  all  other 
times  there  should  not  be  any  division  in  coirncil,  adopt  it,  and 
make  it  part  of  our  system,  without  consideration,  without  any 
report  by  a  committee  of  this  body  in  favor  of  it,  aad  upon  an 
appropriation  bill. 

The  Navy  Department,  it  will  be  remembered  by  members  of 
this  body,  made  estimates  for  large  iron-clad  ships,  in  obedience  to 
the  expressed  wishes  of  the  commercial  cities  on  the  Atlantic  coast, 
and  sent  those  estimates  here.  We  refused  to  vote  them.  I  refused 
my  vote  because  I  relied  upon  that  system  which  is  now  proved  to 
be  the  best  naval  system  in  the  world.  Everybody  admits  that  for 
the  purpose  for  which  the  monitors  were  originally  constructed, 
the  protection  of  our  harbors,  nothing  exceeds  them.  Such  is  not 
only  the  judgment  of  naval  men  in  this  country,  but  of  the  com 
mercial  marine,  and  of  foreign  powers,  many  of  whom  are  at  this 
moment  engaged  in  constructing  them.  I  am  not  much  of  a  believer 
in  them  as  sea-going  vessels ;  I  would  not  recommend  them  as 
cruisers,  but  for  harbor  defense  they  are  unapproached  by  anything 


272  LIFE   OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1865. 

yet  invented  by  the  ingenuity  of  man.  Then  we  have  the  fastest 
sea-going  naval  vessels  in  the  world.  It  is  utter  folly  for  us  to 
undertake  to  build  a  navy  with  which  we  can  compete  with  France 
and  England  in  immense  naval  battles.  That  is  not  our  policy. 
Our  true  policy  is  to  protect  ourselves  at  home,  and  then  to  sweep 
the  commerce  of  our  enemy  from  the  sea ;  and  the  system  that  has 
been  pursued  by  the  Navy  Department  during  the  last  four  years, 
in  building  up  the  Navy  we  now  have,  is  calculated  to  accomplish 
that  purpose  in  a  higher  degree  than  any  other  plan  that  could 
possibly  be  devised. 

92.— To  Mrs.   Grimes. 

BURLINGTON,  April  10,  1865. 

I  send  you  a  copy  of  "  Naval  Warfare  Ashore  and  Afloat,"  a 
pamphlet  composed  of  the  speeches  made  in  the  Senate  and  House 
of  Representatives  against  Davis's  and  Wade's  amendments.  I  do 
not  know  who  got  it  up,  but  several  copies  have  been  sent  to  me. 
My  speech  is  given  the  post  of  honor,  though  not  entitled  to  it ; 
for  the  other  speeches  were  prepared,  and  mine  was  impromptu, 
and  addressed  entirely  to  the  subject  in  hand.  Some  of  the  other 
speeches  were  orations,  while  mine,  if  anything,  was  a  simple 
argument  of  the  question  directly  in  issue,  and  only  received  the 
corrections  that  you  and  I  gave  it  one  Sunday  afternoon.  Read  Mr. 
Pike's  speech,  if  you  have  not ;  for  I  think  it  a  speech  of  great 
power  and  merit,  and  about  as  symmetrical  and  perfect  in  all  its 
parts  as  any  congressional  speech  that  you  have  read  for  many  a 
day.  My  remarks  were  the  last  made  on  the  subject  in  the  Senate, 
and  should  properly  have  been  published  last,  as  the  other  Senators 
alluded  to  me  by  name  as  being  about  to  follow  and  close  the 
debate ;  but  I  suppose  you  will  discern  this.  I  would  have  liked 
also  to  have  the  fact  appear  that  after  the  protracted  debate  of  two 
days  there  was  but  a  single  vote  in  favor  of  Wade's  proposition, 
and  forty -odd  against  it. 

93.— To  Admiral  Du  Pont. 

WASHINGTON,  January   2,  1865. 

The  prize  law  *  of  last  winter  was  drawn  up  by  Judge  Sprague 
and  R.  H.  Dana,  Jr.,  of  Boston,  and  passed  the  House  of  Repre- 
1  Approved,  June  30,  1864. 


1865.]  A  SENATOR   OF  THE   UNITED   STATES.  273 

sentativcs  as  drafted  by  them  with  slight  modifications.  When  it 
came  to  the  Senate,  believing  that  it  would  be  suffered  to  sleep  the 
sleep  of  death  in  the  Naval  Committee,  I  got  it  referred  to  the 
Judiciary  Committee,  and  there  intrusted  to  the  guardianship  of 
my  friend  Mr.  Foster,  of  Connecticut,  who  soon  reported  it  back 
with  the  recommendation  that  the  House  amendments  be  disagreed 
with,  and  that  the  bill  be  passed  precisely  as  it  came  from  Messrs. 
Sprague  and  Dana.  This  was  done,  the  House  concurred,  and  thus 
the  bill  became  a  law. 

With  reference  to  a  bill  to  enlarge  the  boundaries  of  the 
State  of  Nevada,  Mr.  Grimes  said,  February  8th : 

There  are  very  grave  questions  connected  with  the  subject  of 
taking  territory  from  Territories  already  in  existence,  and  adding 
it  to  States  whence  we  cannot  hereafter  reclaim  it.  If  we  take 
this  territory  from  Utah  and  add  it  to  Nevada,  it  cannot  be  taken 
from  Nevada  again.  It  may  become  important  to  erect  a  new  Ter 
ritory  between  Nevada  and  Utah.  It  is  not  for  the  interest  of  the 
States  of  the  Northwest  that  the  States  to  the  west  of  us  should 
be  made  as  large  as  we  are  in  the  habit  of  making  them,  because  it 
deprives  us  of  our  proper  representation  in  this  branch  of  Congress. 
This  is  a  matter  in  which  we  are  all  interested,  especially  the 
cluster  of  States  of  which  mine  happens  to  be  one,  and  which  are 
destined  to  be  intimately  connected  with  all  the  States  to  the  west 
of  us.  1  want  to  see  prosperous  States  built  up  there,  and  as  many 
of  them  as  possible.  I  want  that  section  of  the  country  to  have 
its  due  proportion  of  influence  and  power  in  this  branch  of  Con 
gress,  as  well  as  in  the  other. 

STONE    FOKTIFICATIONS. 

In  his  speech  of  March  13,  1862,  Mr.  Grimes  had  expressed 
the  opinion  that  the  strongest  stone  fortifications  could  afford 
no  obstruction  to  the  entrance  of  iron-clad  vessels-of-war  into 
any  of  our  harbors.  In  1863  he  voted  against  appropriations 
for  such  fortifications.  Mr.  Grimes  said,  February  24,  1865  : 

I  rejoice  that  the  Committee  on  Finance  have  come  to  the  con 
clusion  which  I  reached  four  years  ago,  and  have  recommended 
that  the  Senate  shall  not  proceed  with  the  costly  business  of  con- 


274  LIFE  OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1865. 

tinuing  to  make  large  forts.  I  am  willing  to  admit  of  the  distin 
guished  gentleman  at  the  head  of  the  engineer  corps  that  he  is  a 
very  scientific,  practical,  and  able  man.  I  am  willing  to  admit  also 
that  that  corps  is  the  elite  of  the  Army ;  but  it  should  be  remem 
bered  that  it  is  their  profession  to  make  fortSj  and  that  when  you 
take  away  from  them  the  appropriations,  and  the  power  to  continue 
the  exercise  of  that  profession,  their  vocation  is  gone.  I  trust 
that  the  engineer  corps  are  not  like  the  Bourbons,  who  never  forget 
and  never  learn  anything. 

Has  not  this  war  taught  us  something  ?  Has  not  our  experience 
at  New  Orleans  taught  us  something?  When  the  expedition 
against  New  Orleans  was  gotten  up,  there  was  but  one  man  in  the 
entire  engineer  corps  who  did  not  say  that  it  was  utterly  imprac 
ticable  for  New  Orleans  to  be  taken.  There  was  one  single  excep 
tion.  It  was  General  Barnard.  Did  not  your  wooden  ships  pass 
right  by  those  fortifications,  that  were  deemed  by  everybody  al 
most,  and  especially  by  your  engineer  corps,  as  incapable  of  being 
passed  by  any  kind  of  vessels,  much  less  by  wooden  vessels?1 
Were  we  not  told  that  Fort  Morgan  was  the  strongest  fort  on  this 
continent  ?  And  what  was  the  result  when  Farragut  attacked  it  ? 
How  long  was  it  able  to  resist  wooden  ships  ?  What  has  been  our 
experience  with  Fort  Pulaski,  also  one  of  the  strongest  forts,  it 
was  said  at  the  beginning  of  the  war,  that  we  had  on  this  con 
tinent  ?  How  long  was  it  able  to  resist  the  attack  of  members  of 
this  same  engineer  corps  ?  I  apprehend  there  is  not  a  single  fort 
now  in  the  possession  of  the  United  States  that  is  not  capable  of 
being  reduced  by  our  own  vessels;  partly  growing  out  of  the 
nature  of  the  constructions,  and  partly  out  of  the  inability  thus  far 
to  make  projectiles  and  guns  which  are  capable  of  attacking  and 
destroying  iron  vessels. 

It  is  not  inappropriate  for  me  to  read  in  this  connection  a  letter, 
published  in  the  London  Post,  written  by  Mr.  Blakeley,  the  invent 
or  and  maker  of  guns  in  England,  and  one  of  the  most  distin 
guished  artisans  of  that  country.  It  will  be  remembered  that,  after 
the  taking  of  Fort  Fisher,  Admiral  Porter  made  some  remarks  in 

1  The  admirals  of  the  French  and  British  navies  at  the  Balize  told  Farragut 
that  they  had  been  up  to  New  Orleans,  and  that  it  was  impossible  for  him  to  go, 
that  it  was  one  wall  of  fire  ;  he  replied  simply  that  he  was  ordered  up,  that  was 
all.— MR.  JAMES  W.  NYE,  of  Nevada,  in  the  Senate,  April  7,  1868. 


1865.]  A   SENATOR  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  275 

his  report  in  regard  to  the  value  of  the  iron-clad  monitors,  which, 
he  said,  had  been  under  the  guns  of  Fort  Fisher  for  five  days  at  a 
distance  of  eight  hundred  yards,  and  had  come  out  entirely,  or  al 
most  entirely,  uninjured  ;  and  he  said  that  with  the  Monadnock  and 
vessels  of  her  class  he  would  be  willing  to  undertake  to  cross  the 
ocean,  or  something  tantamount  to  that,  and  reduce  the  towns  on 
the  coast  of  Great  Britain.  Captain  Blakeley  says  : 

"  Now  that  Fort  Fisher  has  fallen,  there  can  be  no  indiscretion 
in  my  giving  some  information  about  its  armament.  The  fact  most 
instructive  to  us  is  that  the  fort  contained  not  one  gun  powerful 
enough  to  sink  an  iron-clad  ship.  Most  of  the  guns  were  more 
powerful  than  any  gun  mounted  on  any  fort  in  England,  or  on  any 
English  ship,  except  one;  yet  they  failed  to  injure  the  Federal 
fleet.  It  follows  that  that  fleet  could  attack  Portsmouth  or  Plym 
outh  with  more  impunity  than  Fort  Fisher,  so  far  as  artillery-fire 
is  concerned." 

Mr.  Blakeley  might  further  have  said  that  two  of  the  Armstrong 
guns,  which  bore  the  mark  of  the  English  arsenal  upon  them,  the 
best  pattern  of  Armstrong  guns,  were  also  in  the  armament  of 
Fort  Fisher. 

We  have  the  highest  British  authority  for  saying  that  those 
iron-clad  vessels,  if  they  crossed  the  Atlantic,  were  capable  of  at 
tacking  the  fortifications  of  Portsmouth  and  Plymouth,  that  were 
designed  to  protect  the  largest  navy-yards  on  the  globe,  navy-yards 
which  contain  more  supplies  by  double  than  any  navy-yard  on  the 
globe. 

Now,  what  is  the  necessity  for  our  going  on  and  proceeding  to 
build  more  of  these  forts  ? 

What  we  want  to  successfully  resist  an  iron-clad  when  it 
attempts  to  enter  our  harbor,  is  a  gun  mounted  on  a  vessel  that 
can  come  nearly  in  contact  with  the  vessel  that  is  attempting  to 
make  an  encroachment  upon  us,  and  not  on  a  fort  a  mile  or  a  mile 
and  a  half  away  from  the  channel,  as  many  of  these  forts  are 
located.  I  do  not  think  the  old  forts  that  have  been  built  will  ever 
be  of  any  material  service.  It  would  be  a  wise  expenditure  to  change 
them,  so  that  we  can  use  the  proper  kind  of  artillery  in  them  ;  but  I 
am  unwilling  to  vote  for  prosecuting  the  construction  of  forts  that 
were  undertaken  before  the  commencement  of  this  war,  and  before 
the  lessons  that  have  been  taught  us  by  Fort  Hindman  and  Fort 


276  LIFE   OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1865. 

Morgan,  and  St.  Philip  and  Jackson,  and  Macon  and  Sumter,  had 
been  learned  by  the  nation.  I  thought  there  was  one  thing  that 
was  learned  from  the  Crimean  War  by  all  nations ;  I  thought  Todle- 
ben  had  been  a  great  instructor  of  people ;  and  that  the  old  necessity 
of  fortifications  was  an  exploded  idea,  and  that,  wherever  earth 
could  be  obtained,  earth  was  the  proper  material  with  which  to  make 
fortifications.  I  do  not  know  whether  we  are  prepared  to  abandon 
this  old  and  effete  system,  that  has  been  fastened  on  us  for  the  last 
fifty  years,  but  the  time  is  not  far  distant.  The  first  foreign  war  that 
this  nation  has  will  demonstrate  that  the  old  fortifications  are  value 
less,  as  this  war  has  demonstrated  that  our  artillery  was  of  no 
value ;  as  the  Mexican  War  demonstrated  that  the  artillery  with 
which  our  ships  were  mounted  in  1812,  by  the  side  of  the  artillery 
we  had  in  1846,  was  of  no  comparative  value. 

§  4. — In  the  Thirty-ninth  Congress. — 1 8 65-1 8 6 7. 

94.— To  Asa  D.  Smith,  D.  D.,   President  of  Dartmouth  College. 

WASHINGTON,  March  10,  1865. 

It  has  been  my  fortune  to  live  the  last  twenty-nine  years  in  a 
new  country,  where  schools,  colleges,  charitable  institutions,  and 
internal  improvements  of  all  kinds,  were  unknown  when  I  went 
there,  and  which  I  did  my  share  to  project,  and  now  feel  under  ob 
ligations  to  sustain  and  expand.  This,  in  a  country  where  there  is 
hardly  any  concentration  of  capital,  is  a  heavy  burden  upon  the 
comparatively  few  men  on  whom  it  falls.  I  say  this,  not  because 
I  wish  to  avail  myself  of  it  as  an  excuse  for  withholding  any  bene 
faction  to  Dartmouth  College,  but  as  a  reason  why  I  cannot  give 
so  much  as  my  inclination  prompts  me  to  give. 

Q5.—To  Mrs.  Grimes. 

BURLINGTON,  April  13,  1865. 

Our  place  is  more  beautiful  this  spring  than  ever  before  ;  indeed, 
I  know  no  more  lovely  spot  anywhere,  and  my  only  want  now  is 
that  you  were  here  to  enjoy  it  with  me.  We  are  having  fine 
weather,  with  a  prospect  of  an  abundant  supply  of  fruit.  Cherries 
and  pears  are  remarkably  promising  at  present,  and  two  or  three 
vine-dressers,  who  have  been  here,  say  my  grapes  look  better  than 
anybody's  about  here. 


1865.J  A  SENATOR   OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  277 

Among  other  strange  things  that  I  have  done,  I  gave  this  week 
six  hundred  and  forty  acres  of  land,  worth  I  suppose  about  four  to 
five  thousand  dollars,  to  the  Congregational  College  at  Grinnell.  I 
thought  I  would  administer  thus  far  on  my  own  estate.  The  col 
lege  is  overrun  with  students,  and  I  fancied  that  as  good  use  would 
be  made  of  it  in  this  as  in  any  other  way. 

The  whole  amount  realized  from  this  spontaneous  and  un 
solicited  donation  was  six  thousand  and  forty  dollars.  It  con 
stitutes  the  GRIMES  FOUNDATION,  and  is  "  to  be  applied  to  the 
establishment  and  maintenance,  in  Iowa  College,  forever,  of 
four  scholarships,  to  be  awarded  by  the  trustees,  on  the  recom 
mendation  of  the  Faculty,  to  the  best  scholars,  and  the  most 
promising,  in  any  department,  who  may  need  and  seek  such 
aid,  and  without  any  regard  to  the  religious  tenets,  or  opinions, 
entertained  by  any  person  seeking  either  of  said  scholarships." 
These  terms  were  imposed  by  Mr.  Grimes,  and  assumed,  July 
20,  1865,  by  the  trustees.  President  Magoun  says : 

This  foundation  is  the  largest  charity  fund  belonging  to  Iowa 
College.  It  has  been,  and  it  is  to  be,  of  great  service  to  deserving 
young  persons  of  both  sexes.  The  first  expression  of  special  inter 
est  in  the  college  made  to  me  by  Mr.  Grimes  was  on  the  occasion 
of  its  removal  from  Davenport  to  Grinnell,  in  1858.  He  said  that 
a  rural  village  is  a  far  better  place  for  such  an  institution  than  a 
business  town.  In  1864  the  trustees  made  me  a  committee  to  se 
cure  an  address  from  him  at  commencement.  He  replied  to  my 
solicitation  that  discoursing  on  education  was  entirely  out  of  his 
range.  Being  further  urged,  and  assured  that  he  would  be  heard 
with  interest  on  public  questions,  he  said  that  senatorial  duties  so 
absorbed  his  time  and  strength  as  to  render  preparation  for  a  com 
mencement  address  impossible ;  he  added,  "  but  I  can  do  something 
else  of  more  service  to  the  college  than  to  make  a  harangue  at 
commencement." 

96.— To  Mrs.  Grimes. 

BURLINGTON,  April  16,  1865. 

Day  before  yesterday  was  a  day  of  rejoicing  and  gladness  in 
Burlington.     The  country  people  were  in  town  in  large  numbers, 
and  there  were   processions,  torchlights,  fireworks,  illuminations, 
19 


278  LIFE  OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1865. 

and  every  one  seemed  happy  at  the  thought  of  a  speedy  and  hon 
orable  peace. 

That  day  of  jubilee  has  been  succeeded  by  two  very  sorrowful 
ones.  About  nine  o'clock  on  Saturday,  the  intelligence  reached  us 
of  the  assassination  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  and  the  attempt  upon  Mr.  Sew- 
ard's  life.  Immediately  the  people  began  to  assemble  about  the 
HaioJceye  office,  and  soon  Third  Street  became  packed  with  people. 
And  such  expressions  of  horror,  indignation,  sorrow,  and  wonder, 
were  never  heard  before.  Shortly,  some  one  began  to  decorate  his 
house  with  the  habiliments  of  mourning,  and  soon  all  the  business 
part  of  the  town,  even  the  vilest  liquor-dens,  were  shrouded  with 
the  outward  signs  of  sorrow.  All  business  was  at  once  suspended, 
and  not  resumed  during  the  day,  but  every  one  waited  for  further 
intelligence  from  Washington. 

This  day  has  been  remarkably  pleasant,  and  every  one  went  to 
church.  T  went  early,  and  found  our  church  packed  full,  so  that  it 
was  with  difficulty  I  found  a  seat.  Many  were  there  whom  I  never 
suspected  of  ever  going  to  church  before,  among  them  many  Ger 
man  Turners ;  and  many  were  turned  away. 

I  was  kept  busy  last  night  trjdng  to  prevent  the  destruction  of 
a  foolish  woman's  store,  who,  it  was  said,  expressed  her  joy  at  Mr. 
Lincoln's  murder.  Had  she  been  a  man,  so  much  was  the  old  Adam 
aroused  in  me,  I  would  not  have  uttered  a  word  to  save  her. 

I  am  full  of  forebodings  about  Johnson.  He  is  loyal  enough, 
but  he  is  a  man  of  low  instincts,  vindictive,  violent,  and  of  bad  hab 
its.  His  course  will  depend  much  upon  the  hands  he  falls  into  at 
the  outset.  I  hope  he  will  be  equal  to  the  occasion,  and  prove  to 
be  a  good  President.  The  performance  of  the  fourth  of  last  month 
was  not  a  very  flattering  augury  of  the  future. 

Mr.  Lincoln  is  to  be  hereafter  regarded  as  a  saint.  All  his  foi 
bles,  and  faults,  and  shortcomings,  will  be  forgotten,  and  he  will  be 
looked  upon  as  the  Moses  who  led  the  nation  through  a  four  years' 
bloody  war,  and  died  in  sight  of  peace.  Never  did  men  make  a 
greater  mistake  than  did  his  assassins,  if  they  desired  lenity  and 
favorable  terms,  when  they  slew  him,  and  attempted  to  slay  Seward ; 
for  they  had  more  to  expect  from  them  than  from  any  men,  indeed, 
from  all  men  connected  with  the  public  councils  in  the  North.  Mr. 
Lincoln  was  the  most  amiable,  kind-hearted  man  I  ever  knew,  and 
would  not,  if  he  could  avoid  it,  punish  his  most  malignant  enemy. 


1865.]  A  SENATOR  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  279 

If  I  am  not  greatly  deceived,  they  have  got  a  "  Tartar "  in  his 
stead. 

April  Wth. — We  have  four  days  of  universal  and  heartfelt  sor 
row  and  mourning  ;  business  has  been  nearly  suspended.  There 
was  a  meeting  in  Union  Hall  on  Monday  evening,  and,  although 
very  rainy,  the  hall  was  full.  I  presided,  and  spoke  a  few  minutes, 
and  was  followed  by  Mr.  Salter,  Father  Donelan,  and  Mr.  Darwin. 
At  twelve  o'clock  to-day  there  were  religious  services  in  all  the 
churches,  and  I  hear  that  all  were  crowded ;  Mr.  Salter's  certainly 
was.  In  the  afternoon  there  was  an  immense  procession  through 
the  streets,  ending  its  march  at  the  hall,  where  as  many  entered  as 
could,  leaving  a  large  part  out-of-doors.  I  again  presided,  and 
opened  and  closed  with  a  few  remarks.  There  was  not  a  business- 
feouse,  or  a  drinking-house  even,  open  during  the  day,  nor  an  ine 
briated  man  to  be  seen  in  the  town.  No  Sunday  was  ever  so  uni 
versally  kept  sacred  in  Burlington.  The  real  grief  does  not  seem 
to  be  confined  to  any  party  or  sect.  Everybody  seems  ready  to 
canonize  Mr.  Lincoln's  memory.  If  there  ever  was  a  man  who  was 
happy  in  his  death,  that  man  was  Mr.  Lincoln.  He  is  for  all  time 
to  enjoy  the  reputation  of  carrying  the  country  successfully  through 
a  four  years'  terrible  civil  war,  and  is  to  have  none  of  the  odium  and 
hate  that  are  sure  to  be  engendered  by  the  rival  schemes  and  rival 
parties  for  the  adjustment  of  our  troubles. 

97.— To  Mrs.  Grimea. 

BUBLIKGTON,  May  15,  1865. 
We  have  had  a  cold  and  backward  spring,  but  the  weather  is 

now  intensely  hot.     Tell  M that  I  have  the  best  crop  of  onions 

on  her  garden-plat  that  I  ever  raised,  and  beets  ditto.  Tell  her  also 
that  we  have  had  a  genuine  mocking-bird  in  the  garden,  and  the 
noisiest  fellow  I  ever  listened  to.  He  is  quite  tame,  and  sits  on  the 
ground  and  on  the  grape-stakes  to  sing,  as  well  as  on  the  trees.  I 
have  a  nest  of  turtle-doves  in  a  fir-tree,  with  two  young  doves  in  it, 
besides  any  amount  of  thrushes  and  robins.  So  she  will  see  that 

we  do  not  suffer  for  the  want  of  music.     I  suppose  V told  you 

that  Moses  was  christened  yesterday.  We  are  about  done  with  the 
house  repairing  and  cleaning,  and  I  am  heartily  glad  of  it,  I  assure 
you. 


280  LIFE   OF  JAMES   W.   GRIMES.  [1865. 

98.— To  Hon.    W.  P.  Fessenden,  Portland,  Maine. 

BURLINGTON,  July  19,  1865. 

Your  letter  leads  me  to  think  that  you  may  possibly  be  inclined 
to  come  West,  though  I  am  quite  skeptical  on  the  subject.  I  do 
hope  you  will  come ;  I  think  you  ought  to  come,  not  for  your  own 
pleasure,  or  the  pleasure  of  your  friends  alone,  but  as  a  leading  pub 
lic  man  you  ought  to  see  this  country  for  yourself.  I  am  only  a  few 
hours'  ride  from  Chicago,  but  in  a  far  more  quiet,  respectable,  moral, 
healthy,  comfortable  place.  I  cannot  promise  you  the  luxuries  of  a 
commercial  metropolis  on  the  seacoast,  but  I  will  feed  you  on  grapes 
if  you  are  here  in  September,  and  intoxicate  you  with  their  pure 
juice.  I  have  between  seven  hundred  and  eight  hundred  vines 
loaded  down  with  most  promising  grapes,  though  we  have  much 
wet  weather,  which  is  not  propitious. 

Of  course,  I  always  give  a  hearty  support  to  the  Administration, 
as  in  duty  bound,  but  we  will  reserve  our  quarrel  about  the  Navy 
Department,  the  Administration,  and  Charles  Sumner,  until  you 
come  here.  I  prefer  to  fight  you  in  my  own  barn-yard.  Mrs.  Grimes 
says  she  shall  never  forgive  you,  if  you  do  not  come  to  see  us,  and 
spend  at  least  two  weeks  with  us. 

99.— To  E.  H.  Stiles,   Ottumwa. 

BITBLIN»TON,  September  14,  1865. 

I  am  astonished  to  learn,  as  I  do  by  your  letter  of  the  12th  inst., 
that  any  one  has  asserted  or  believed  for  one  moment  that  I  do  not 
fully,  freely,  and  as  enthusiastically  as  I  am  capable  of  doing  it,  sup 
port  the  entire  Republican  ticket  in  the  pending  canvass.  You  say 
the  report  is  that  I  am  indifferent  to  the  result  "  on  account  of  the 
uncalled-for  and  unwise  action  of  the  Union  convention  on  the  suf 
frage  question."  I  certainly  did  regard  that  action  as  uncalled  for 
and  impolitic,  and  had  I  been  a  member  of  the  convention  I  would 
have  opposed  the  introduction  into  the  platform  of  any  new  issue 
upon  any  subject,  however  just  I  might  believe  the  principle  to  be. 
I  would  have  opposed  it  because  I  believe  that  there  has  been  no 
time  during  the  last  four  years  when  it  was  more  necessary  that  the 
Union  party  of  the  nation  should  present  an  unbroken  front  and 
stand  as  a  unit,  than  at  the  present  moment,  and  I  would  have  done 
nothing,  consented  to  nothing,  that  would  have  a  tendency  to  repel 
a  single  voter  from  a  support  of  the  Union  party,  which  is  the  sup- 


1865.]  A  SENATOR  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  281 

port  of  the  Union  itself.  I  believe  every  vote  withdrawn  at  this 
time  from  the  support  of  the  Union  ticket  withdraws  just  that  much 
moral  support  from  the  Administration,  and  that  that  support  is  just 
as  necessary  to  the  Government  in  the  present  crisis  as  it  was  neces 
sary  to  support  our  armies  when  in  the  field. 

The  very  fact  that  in  my  view  the  convention  erred  by  intro 
ducing  a  local  issue  into  the  canvass  when  the  minds  of  the  people 
are  very  properly  engrossed  by  the  transcendently  great  national 
issues  pressing  upon  them,  so  far  from  begetting  "  indifference," 
would  give  me  much  greater  anxiety  as  to  the  result  of  the  election, 
and  would  call  forth  a  corresponding  exertion,  did  not  I  know  that 
the  people  of  Iowa  thoroughly  understand  the  questions  before  them, 
and  cannot  be  diverted  from  their  support  of  the  Government  by 
any  side-issue  like  this  of  negro  suffrage  in  this  State. 

There  is  not  an  intelligent  man  in  the  State  who  does  not  fully 
comprehend  all  the  subjects  legitimately  embraced  in  this  canvass. 

The  Union  party  seek  simply  to  fulfill  in  good  faith  their  obli 
gations  assumed  during  the  war,  and  to  secure  to  the  country  as  the 
fruits  of  four  years'  struggle  permanent  unity,  peace,  and  prosperity. 

We  all  know  that  the  Democratic  party  desire  and  intend  to 
coalesce  with  the  returned  rebels  from  the  South.  By  that  means, 
if  they  can  succeed  in  distracting  the  supporters  of  the  Government 
and  secure  a  few  Northern  States,  they  hope  to  obtain  control  of 
the  Government,  and  then  will  follow  the  assumption  of  the  rebel 
debt,  the  restoration  of  slavery  under  a  less  odious  name,  and  the 
return  of  the  leaders  of  the  rebellion  to  power.  It  was  to  this  end 
that  the  farce  was  enacted  a  few  weeks  ago  at  Des  Homes  of  nomi 
nating  a  Soldiers'  ticket  BY  THE  DEMOCRATIC  PAKTY. 

But  of  this  folly  it  is  hardly  worth  while  to  speak.  I  have  nei 
ther  seen  nor  heard  of  a  man  who  is  likely  to  be  deceived  by  it.  It 
is  only  calculated  to  make  the  actors  in  it  ridiculous,  and  its  only  final 
result  will  be  to  add  one  disappointed  man  to  the  Democratic  party. 

No,  my  dear  sir,  there  never  was  a  time  in  the  history  of  the 
Government  when  it  was  more  incumbent  upon  every  good  citizen 
to  support  the  Union  ticket,  whatever  may  be  his  intentions  on  the 
subject  of  universal  suffrage,  than  now  ;  and  if  I  believed  that  there 
was  the  slightest  doubt  about  the  result,  though  I  am  admonished 
by  my  physician  that  I  can  no  longer  safely  speak  out-of-doors,  as  I 
should  generally  be  compelled  to  do,  I  would  at  once  enter  person- 


282  LIFE   OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1865-'6G. 

ally  into  the  canvass,  and  use  what  strength  I  have  to  urge  upon 
the  people  the  importance  of  the  contest,  But  there  is  no  need  of 
it.  The  people  will  not  be  deceived  or  misled  on  this  subject.  The 
jugglery  at  Des  Moines,  when  Colonel  Benton  received  the  nomina 
tion  of  the  men  who,  during  the  last  four  years,  have  thrown  every 
possible  impediment  in  the  way  of  the  Union  cause,  was  too  trans 
parent  to  deceive  any  one. 

Mr.  Grimes  received  the  honorary  degree  of  Doctor  of  Laws 
this  year  from  Dartmouth  College,  and  also  from  Iowa  College. 
President  Smith  wrote  to  him : 

The  honor  is  no  great  matter  to  you,  honored  as  you  have  been 
by  the  people  and  by  your  associates  in  the  councils  of  the  nation, 
save  as  it  serves  to  brighten  the  links  which  bind  you  to  your  Alma 
Mater.  As  showing  her  appreciation  of  your  course,  you  will 
value  it. 

V 

Appointed  upon  the  Joint  Committee  of  Fifteen  on  Recon 
struction,  December  21st,  and  upon  the  sub-committee  to  in 
quire  into  the  condition  of  Tennessee,  he  gave  anxious  and  assid 
uous  attention  for  months  to  those  matters,  and  aided  in  devel 
oping  the  clear  and  conclusive  views  of  the  subject,  which  Mr. 
Fessenden  presented  in  the  final  report  of  the  committee,  June 
8,  1866. 

Upon  a  proposition  to  grant  one  million  acres  of  public  lands 
for  the  benefit  of  public  schools  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  Mr. 
Grimes  gave  his  views  on  the  expediency  of  land-grants  for  such 
purposes,  February  7th : 

If  this  bill  shall  pass,  there  will  not  be  a  great  many  schools  sup 
ported  by  the  funds  that  will  be  created  by  it.  This  land  will  not 
net  ten  cents  an  acre  to  the  District.  That  has  been  the  experience 
of  all  to  whom  grants  of  this  kind  have  been  made. 

The  Senator  from  Massachusetts  (Mr.  Wilson)  bases  this  grant, 
first,  on  the  poverty  of  the  city  of  Washington.  In  regard  to  that, 
the  Senator  is  mistaken.  According  to  the  assessment  returns,  this 
is  one  of  the  wealthiest  cities  in  the  United  States.  The  poor  peo 
ple  of  whom  he  speaks,  who  have  been  brought  here  as  mechanics 
from  the  North  and  West,  have  really  the  control  of  the  city  gov- 


1866.]  A  SENATOR  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  283 

eminent.  Why  do  they  not  levy  a  tax  on  the  valuable  property 
that  is  located  here  ?  The  truth  is,  not  that  the  people  are  poor,  but 
that  they  are  not  willing  to  tax  the  property  that  is  subject  to  taxa 
tion,  for  the  purpose  of  educating  their  children;  and  no  grant  of 
land,  and  no  scrip  that  the  Senator  can  get  us  to  authorize  to  be 
issued,  is  going  to  improve  the  people  of  the  District  in  that  regard. 
Let  him  turn  out  as  a  missionary,  and  lecture  the  people  in  their 
various  wards  on  the  necessity  of  education,  and  when  he  has  brought 
them  up  to  the  standard  that  will  justify  us  in  putting  money  into 
their  hands  for  this  object,  let  him  ask  for  an  appropriation  of  money 
out  of  the  Treasury.  That  we  can  grant ;  but  the  indirect  way  pro 
posed,  while  it  may  be  a  slight  advantage  to  the  District,  is  des 
tined  to  be  a  great  disadvantage  to  the  new  States. 

The  Senator  says  that  we  have  been  in  the  habit  of  making 
grants  of  land  to  the  Western  States  for  education ;  but  they  have 
been  granted  upon  a  different  principle.  The  Government  had  vast 
tracts  of  land,  subdivided  into  townships  and  sections.  You  wanted 
to  sell  those  lands.  You  said  to  the  citizens  of  the  North  and  East, 
"  If  you  will  go  West  and  buy  those  lands,  we  will  set  apart  ever}7 
sixteenth  section  in  each  township  for  the  purpose  of  educating 
your  children."  But  here  you  propose  to  grant  to  the  city  of  Wash 
ington  lands  or  scrip,  which  is  the  same  thing,  for  the  purpose  of 
establishing  schools  in  this  District.  You  might  with  equal  pro 
priety  issue  scrip  to  support  the  schools  in  the  city  of  Boston. 

This  scrip  will,  in  a  short  time,  find  its  way  at  a  low  rate  into 
the  pockets  of  the  wealthy  capitalists,  and  be  located  on  a  township 
or  several  townships,  and  that  land  will  remain  for  ten,  twenty,  or 
twenty-five  years  without  a  single  occupant.  That  is  the  danger 
and  damage  to  the  States  where  this  land  will  be  located.  I  am  not 
speaking  of  my  State — her  public  lands  are  exhausted — but  for  the 
other  States  and  Territories.  We  have  been  through  this  expe 
rience.  We  have  in  some  portions  of  our  State  almost  whole  coun 
ties  taken  up  under  the  land-warrant  system  in  this  way  by  non 
residents,  preventing  the  settlement  and  development  of  the  State. 
T  am  arguing  for  the  purpose  of  preventing  other  States  and  Terri 
tories  from  having  the  same  experience.  I  do  not  want  to  see  them 
put  through  the  same  process. 

The  Senator  from  Maine  (Mr.  Morrill)  says  that  he  has  been 
appalled  at  the  number  of  propositions  to  grant  lands  for  wagon- 


284:  LIFE   OF  JAMES  W.   GEIMES.  [1866. 

roads,  railroads,  etc.  I  think  he  will  bear  me  witness  that  I  have 
voted  against  as  many  of  them,  and  have  been  as  urgent  against 
them,  as  any  one  in  this  body.  I  have  opposed  nearly  all  of  them, 
and  I  think  it  exceedingly  bad  policy  for  the  Government  to  grant  so 
large  a  portion  of  them.  I  want  these  lands  saved  for  the  purpose 
of  enabling  his  constituents  and  mine  to  go  upon  them  and  occupy 
them  as  bona-fide  settlers.  That  is  what  the  Government  ought  to 
use  them  for.  Nearly  all  the  grants  of  land  to  railroads  and  wagon- 
roads  find  their  way  into  the  hands  of  rich  capitalists,  and,  in  eigh 
teen  months  or  two  years  after  this  grant  is  made,  the  scrip  will  be 
held  by  the  wealthy  men  of  the  country,  and  the  tendency  will  be 
to  exclude  settlers. 

The  Senator  says  that  this  principle  is  sustained  by  innumerable 
precedents.  He  quotes  one,  the  Agricultural  College  bill,  and  none 
other,  so  far  as  I  know,  except  the  grant  of  one  township  in  Florida 
over  forty  years  ago  to  the  State  of  Kentucky,  for  a  deaf  and  dumb 
asylum.  The  precedent  in  the  case  of  the  Agricultural  College  bill 
I  do  not  think  worthy  of  being  followed  ;  and  one  of  the  first  sub 
jects  that  I  heard  under  discussion  when  I  came  to  Washington  was 
a  bill,  introduced  at  the  instance  of  the  State  of  Florida,  to  compel 
the  State  of  Kentucky  to  sell  that  land.  The  argument  was,  that 
here  was  an  entire  township  in  one  of  their  best  counties,  that  was 
owned  by  the  State  of  Kentucky,  but  with  not  a  single  bona-fide 
settler  upon  it.  It  retarded  the  settlement  and  prevented  the  devel 
opment  of  the  country. 

AGAINST  THE    ADMISSION    OF   COLOEADO   AS   A   STATE. 

With  reference  to  the  admission  of  Colorado  into  the  Union, 
Mr.  Grimes  said,  March  13th : 

There  is  probably  no  State  more  deeply  interested  in  having  a 
strong  and  prosperous  State  in  Colorado  than  Iowa.  She  is  des 
tined  to  be  one  of  our  neighbors.  I  presume  that  a  larger  portion 
of  the  population  of  Colorado  emigrated  from  Iowa  than  from  any 
other  State ;  and  I  apprehend  we  are  more  intimately  connected 
with  her,  and  the  people  of  Iowa  are  more  thoroughly  acquainted 
with  the  history  and  condition  of  Colorado,  than  the  people  of  any 
other  State.  Hence  nothing  would  afford  me  greater  pleasure,  if  I 
thought  I  could  do  so  in  justice  to  other  States  and  in  justice  to 


1866.]  A  SENATOR  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  285 

myself,  than  to  vote  for  her  admission.  But  entertaining  the  opin 
ions  I  do,  believing  that  such  a  vote  is  calculated  to  lead  to  disas 
trous  consequences  in  the  future,  I  am  constrained,  notwithstanding 
the  interest  my  constituents,  I  am  aware,  feel  in  the  admission  of 
Colorado,  to  vote  in  opposition  to  this  bill. 

The  simple  objection  that  I  have  is  that  Colorado  has  not  popu 
lation  enough,  and  that  nothing  could  be  more  injurious  to  the 
people  themselves  than  to  permit  her  to  erect  herself  into  a  State, 
with  a  population  of  only  from  fifteen  to  twenty -five  thousand. 

I  have  had  about  as  much  experience  in  Territorial  life  as  almost 
any  one  else.  It  has  so  happened  to  me  that  I  have  lived  in  three 
different  Territories,  under  three  different  Territorial  governments, 
although  I  have  resided  in  the  same  town  all  the  time.  Iowa  came 
into  the  Union  upon  the  old  theory,  which  it  was  supposed  we  were 
always  going  to  adhere  to,  that  no  State  should  be  admitted  until 
she  had  the  population  required  to  send  a  representative  to  Con 
gress.  We  had  been  in  a  Territorial  condition  for  twelve  or  fourteen 
years,  and  had  a  vast  amount  of  real  estate  subject  to  taxation  for 
supporting  the  government  ;  yet  the  first  thing  that  the  people  of 
the  State  of  Iowa  were  compelled  to  do  was  to  go  into  the  money 
market  of  New  York  and  borrow  money  at  the  enormous  rate  of 
ten  per  cent.,  in  those  days,  for  defraying  the  necessary  expenses  of 
the  government.  Gentlemen  who  have  not  lived  in  a  new  State  can 
not  conceive  of  the  constant  drain  that  is  made  upon  everybody  who 
emigrates  to  one  of  these  States.  Dwellings,  schoolhouses,  churches, 
roads,  charitable  institutions,  must  be  provided,  as  well  as  the  ordi 
nary  State,  county,  and  township  taxes  paid  ;  and  the  result  is,  that 
the  people  of  a  new  State,  with  the  population  there  is  in  Colorado, 
and  with  comparatively  no  real  estate  to  tax,  nothing  but  personal 
property,  will  be  oppressed  with  taxation.  If  I  were  a  citizen  of 
Colorado  I  would  remonstrate  and  protest  against  the  admission  of 
the  State  under  all  circumstances,  until  there  were  at  least  one 
hundred  thousand  people  to  support  the  State  government.  I  can 
not  conceive  of  anything  more  injurious  to  the  people  of  that  Ter 
ritory  than  to  allow  her  with  her  small  population  to  come  into  the 
Union,  and  be  compelled  to  pay  her  own  expenses  from  this  time 
forward. 

In  1864  the  vote  of  Colorado  on  the  adoption  of  the  constitu 
tion  was  6,192:  for,  1,520;  against,  4,672.  There  was  another 


286  LIFE   OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1866. 

election,  September  5,  1865,  and  the  total  vote  was  5,895,  less  than 
in  1864,  and  the  majority  in  favor  of  the  adoption  of  the  State  con 
stitution  was  only  155.  Now  it  is  seriously  proposed  here  that  we 
shall  admit  a  State  into  this  Union  which,  in  an  exciting  election, 
when  all  the  office-seekers,  who  expect  to  be  senators  and  repre 
sentatives  and  judges  and  governors,  are  arrayed  on  one  side,  and 
are  using  their  influence  to  bring  men  to  the  polls,  and  when  the 
tax-payers,  who  are  conscious  that  they  are  to  be  oppressed  with 
the  burdens  of  taxation,  if  they  come  into  the  Union,  are  arrayed 
on  the  other,  can  only  poll  5,895  votes  ;  and  that  a  mining  State, 
where  there  is  a  vast  preponderance  of  males  over  females.  I  con 
fess  that  it  strikes  me  as  the  sublimity  of  impudence  for  the  State 
to  come  here  and  ask  to  be  admitted  into  the  Union,  and  be  en 
titled  to  the  same  power  and  influence  in  this  body  as  the  State  of 
Ohio  or  New  York  or  Pennsylvania. 

If  I  vote  to  admit  Colorado  to-day,  is  there  any  reason  why  I 
shall  not  vote  to  admit  Nebraska  to-morrow,  with  twenty-six  thou 
sand  people  ?  If  I  agree  to  admit  these  two  Territories,  is  there 
any  reason  why  I  shall  not  the  day  after  admit  another  Territory, 
Montana  ?  Let  me  ask  Senators  if  they  are  prepared  to  let  all  the 
political  power  and  influence  of  this  country  be  carried  up  to  these 
mountains,  to  be  wielded  by  a  few  miners  and  men  of  the  most 
transitory  description  of  population.  I  am  not  prepared  to  do  it. 
I  do  not  believe  that  it  is  the  part  of  wisdom  and  statesmanship, 
notwithstanding  the  local  interests  of  my  own  State  might  possibly 
be  advanced  by  admitting  this  Territory  and  the  adjacent  Territory 
of  Nebraska. 

I  did  not  vote  for  the  enabling  act  for  Colorado.  The  chairman 
of  the  Committee  on  Territories  (Mr  Wade)  will  bear  me  witness 
that  I  have  opposed  all  these  enabling  acts.  I  have  always  told 
him,  and  everybody  around  me,  that  I  thought  nothing  could  be 
more  deleterious  to  the  interests  of  these  Territories,  and  nothing 
more  jeopardize  the  interests  of  the  country,  than  to  hold  out  the 
idea  that  they  could  be  admitted  into  this  Union,  having  the  power 
of  the  largest  States  in  this  body,  with  a  population  of  twenty  or 
thirty  thousand.  The  sum  and  substance  of  it  is,  whether  or  not 
the  Senate  is  prepared  by  its  solemn  vote  to  create  a  kind  of  rotten- 
borough  State  in  the  Rocky  Mountains ;  I  mean,  a  State  that  a 


1866.]  A  SENATOR   OF  THE   UNITED  STATES.  287 

powerful,  rich,  and  influential  man  can  carry  in  his  pocket,  or  which 
he  can  control  by  that  which  he  does  carry  in  his  pocket. 

April  I9th. — Nor  am  I  willing  to  indorse  this  constitution  of 
Colorado  to-day,  with  a  perpetual  exclusion  of  the  colored  people 
of  that  State  from  voting,  and  then  to-morrow  undertake  to  confer 
the  elective  franchise  upon  colored  people  in  the  seceded  States.  I 
do  not  consider  myself  bound  by  any  past  action  of  Congress  to 
give  so  inconsistent  a  vote  as  that ;  and  never,  so  long  as  I  occupy 
a  seat  on  this  floor,  will  I  consent  to  do  it. 

This  bill  was  rejected,  March  13th,  yeas  14,  nays  21 ;  recon 
sidered  and  passed,  April  25th ;  vetoed  by  President  Johnson, 
May  15th. 

Supporting  a  bill  to  prohibit  a  register  as  an  American  ves 
sel  to  any  ship  that  had  been  transferred  during  the  rebellion  to 
a  foreign  flag,  except  by  act  of  Congress  in  each  particular  case, 
Mr.  Grimes  said,  February  7,  1866  : 

We  ought  to  impose  a  penalty  upon  ship-owners  who  have 
transferred  their  vessels  to  a  neutral  flag.  If  you  do  not,  when  you 
have  another  war,  the  first  day  that  war  is  declared,  all  the  shipping 
of  the  United  States  will  be  transferred  ;  and  how  are  you  going  to 
reenforce  your  navy,  or  secure  vessels  to  keep  up  a  blockade,  such 
as  you  kept  up  during  the  recent  war  ?  There  ought  to  be  a  pen 
alty  imposed  on  these  men,  who  have  shirked  the  payment  of  the 
extra  insurance  which  the  honest  and  patriotic  ship-owners  have 
paid,  and  who,  having  enjoyed  the  advantages  of  foreign  vessels  in 
the  carrying-trade,  and  filled  their  pockets  with  British  gold,  now 
come  and  ask  to  be  put  upon  the  same  foundation  with  the  loyal 
ship-owners,  who  have  been  paying  this  insurance  during  the  last 
five  years.  It  is  due  to  the  shipping  interests  of  the  country  and 
to  the  patriotism  of  the  country  that  a  bill  of  this  kind  should 
pass. 

THE    SEARCH   FOR   MISSING   SOLDIERS. 

Mr.  Grimes  interested  himself  in  the  search  for  missing  sol 
diers  that  was  undertaken  at  the  close  of  the  war  by  Miss  Clara 
Barton,  and,  after  personal  examination  of  her  work,  commended 
it  in  the  Senate  as  most  valuable  to  the  cause  of  humanity  and 
the  country,  and  advocated  an  appropriation  to  reimburse  her  for 


288  LIFE   OF  JAMES  W.   GEIMES.  [1866. 

what  she  had  expended,  and  to  aid  her  further  search.     He  said, 
February  5th,  and  March  5th : 

The  Government  owes  it  no  less  to  the  brave  men  who  lie  in 
unknown  graves  than  to  the  anxious  and  longing  friends  in  whom 
hope  is  not  yet  wholly  dead,  to  see  that  no  stone  is  left  unturned  to 
complete  the  personal  record  of  all  its  preservers.  With  suitable 
facilities,  some  trace  may  be  gained  of  four-fifths  of  all  who  have 
disappeared  amid  the  quicksands  of  war.  The  work  must  be  vig 
orously  prosecuted,  as  the  sources  of  information  are  rapidly  wast 
ing  away  by  disease  and  premature  decay.  Miss  Barton  was 
connected  with  the  Sanitary  Commission,  and  was  stationed  at  An 
napolis.  A  great  many  persons  came  there  in  grief  and  trouble  in 
search  of  their  friends,  expecting  them  on  the  ships  that  brought 
our  returned  prisoners  from  Belle  Isle  and  Andersonville.  A  few 
were  successful  in  finding  their  friends,  but  a  large  portion  were 
not.  They  were  unable  to  ascertain  whether  they  were  dead,  or 
whether  they  might  expect  them  on  any  other  transport-ship,  and 
there  was  no  system  by  which  the  facts  in  regard  to  those  missing 
soldiers  could  be  obtained.  Miss  Barton  devised  a  scheme  herself, 
and  undertook  to  perform  that  labor.  Whenever  the  missing  sol 
dier's  name  was  handed  to  her,  she  obtained  the  number  of  his  regi 
ment  and  company,  and  all  the  facts  in  connection  with  him.  She 
then  published  lists  of  missing  soldiers,  first  beginning  in  a  small 
way,  as  she  was  able  to  write  them  herself,  or  procure  assistance, 
and  posting  them  upon  barrack-doors  and  conspicuous  places  about 
Annapolis,  so  as  to  attract  the  attention  of  our  returned  prisoners. 
The  work  greatly  enlarged  until  it  was  impossible  to  post  them  all 
in  this  way.  It  was  soon  learned  that  she  was  in  search  of  those 
missing  soldiers,  and  letters  began  to  pour  in  upon  her  from  all  sec 
tions  of  the  country.  I  am  told  (I  judge  the  statement  true  from 
what  I  saw)  that  she  has  at  this  time  unanswered  nearly  six  thou 
sand  letters  from  the  parents,  wives,  and  relatives  in  one  degree  or 
another  of  missing  soldiers.  Her  means  are  exhausted,  and  the 
question  arose  among  the  people  who  were  interested  in  the  prose 
cution  of  this  work,  What  is  the  best  way  to  carry  it  forward  ? 
When  consulted  by  the  chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Military  Af 
fairs  (Mr.  Wilson,  of  Massachusetts)  as  to  my  opinion,  I  thought  it 
would  be  better  to  enlarge  this  appropriation  a  few  thousand  dol 
lars,  and  let  Miss  Barton  go  on  in  her  own  way  precisely  as  she  has 


1866.]  A  SENATOR  OF  THE   UNITED  STATES.  289 

been  doing.     She  deserves  well  of  Congress,  and  has  accomplished 
a  most  humane  and  excellent  work. 

AGAINST   AN   INCREASE    OF   THE   ARMY. 

The  House  of  Representatives  have  killed  their  army  bill,  and 
I  congratulate  the  House  and  the  country.  If  they  will  now  only 
kill  the  army  bill  we  sent  them,  they  will  have  accomplished  an 
object  equally  as  great  and  good,  for  we  now  have  a  large  army, 
fifty  thousand  men,  one-half  more  than  we  can  keep  full,  and  I 
know  of  no  necessity  for  increasing  the  army. — May  Mil. 

Upon  a  resolution  to  publish  a  roll  of  all  volunteer  officers  in 
the  Army  during  the  rebellion,  Mr.  Grimes  remarked,  May  7th  : 

I  would  not  give  a  straw  for  a  mere  roster  of  the  officers.  That 
indicates  nothing.  It  was  not  the  officers  that  fought  our  battles 
and  won  our  victories.  I  would  like  to  see  the  gradations  by  which 
those  men  went  up  from  privates  to  become  officers,  which  is  ex 
hibited  by  the  Adjutant-General's  report  of  my  State,  showing  that 
a  very  large  proportion  of  the  men  who  went  into  the  army  as  offi 
cers  ceased  very  soon  to  be  such,  and  that  the  men  who  went  in 
the  humblest  positions  very  soon  became  the  commanders,  not  only 
of  their  companies,  but  of  regiments  and  brigades.  We  have  a 
report  in  my  State  that  embraces  officers,  privates,  musicians,  every 
body  connected  with  the  service,  showing  when  he  entered,  when 
he  went  out,  what  offices  he  filled  during  the  time  he  was  in  ser 
vice,  what  has  become  of  him  since,  where  he  was  born,  and  in 
what  place  he  enlisted. 

Mr.  Grimes  regarded  it  as  one  of  the  great  sources  of  corrup 
tion  in  the  management  of  Indian  affairs  that  the  Indian  agents 
were  usually  partners  with  the  Indian  traders.  He  knew  a  trader 
to  pay  an  agent  twelve  thousand  dollars  for  the  purpose  of  be 
ing  selected  as  an  Indian  trader.  He  proposed  to  do  away  with, 
this,  and  allow  the  Indians  to  trade  with  any  loyal  citizen,  of 
good  moral  character,  who  should  comply  with  the  regulations 
prescribed  for  intercourse  with  the  Indians. 

Explaining  his  course  with  reference  to  some  private  claims 
against  the  Government,  Mr.  Grimes  said,  April  llth : 


290  LIFE   OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1866. 

Ever  since  I  have  been  a  member  of  this  body  I  have  had  only 
one  rule  on  these  matters;  that  is,  never  to  vote  for  putting  private 
bills  upon  appropriation  bills,  or  agree  to  make  any  kind  of  an  om 
nibus  bill,  by  which  a  bad  claim  shall  be  carried  through  Congress 
on  the  back  of  a  good  one. 

100. —  To  Mrs.  Grimes. 

WASHINGTON,  April  6,  1866. 

To-day  has  been  devoted  to  eulogies  on  Mr.  Foot.  Some  of 
them  were  very  good — one,  that  of  Mr.  Fessenden,  the  best  I  ever 
heard,  and  there  have  now  been  nine  Senators  buried  since  I  have 
been  here.  Fessenden  spoke  with  much  feeling,  and  his  remarks 
made  a  very  deep  impression  on  all.  There  was  a  marked  contrast 
in  this  respect  between  his  effort  and  that  of  Mr.  Sumner.  The 
latter  gentleman  pleased  no  one.  His  eulogy  was  considered  as  a 
strained  effort  to  appear  learned,  and  he  introduced  topics  that 
might  as  well  have  been  avoided  on  such  an  occasion.  Fessenden 
was  dissatisfied  with  his  last  paragraph — the  apostrophe  to  Mr. 
Foot — and  submitted  the  question  to  me  whether  or  not  he  should 
omit  it.  I  decided  for  its  retention,  and  it  was  delivered,  and  will 
be  published.  I  was  invited  by  Judge  Poland  to  say  something, 
but  declined,  believing  that  there  were  enough  to  speak. 

This  is  the  paragraph  :  "  Admirable  Senator  !  patriotic  citizen  ! 
dear  and  cherished  friend  !  this  scene  of  your  many  labors  will 
know  you  no  more,  but  long  will  your  memory  dwell  in  these  halls. 
This  marble  pile,  bearing  the  impress  of  your  watchful  care,  is  one 
of  your  monuments.  Its  massive  pillars  will  stand  erect,  giving 
their  testimony  to  our  country's  grandeur,  long  after  we  and  gen 
erations  yet  to  come  shall  have  passed  like  shadows  upon  the  wa 
ter  ;  yet  he,  who  like  yourself  shall  have  performed  his  duty  in  life, 
and  died  with  a  Christian's  hope,  will  survive  when  all  these  col 
umns  shall  be  lost  to  sight  in  the  accumulated  dust  of  ages." 

The  chaplain  of  the  Senate,  Byron  Sunderland,  D.  D.,  in  a 
funeral  discourse  over  the  bier  of  Mr.  Foot,  mentioned  the  fol 
lowing  among  other  incidents  of  his  last  hours  : 

At  this  time  Senator  Fessenden  approached  him,  to  whom  he 
eagerly  stretched  out  his  hand  and  said :  "  My  dear  friend  Fessen 
den,  the  man  by  whose  side  I  have  sat  so  long,  whom  I  have  re- 


18t'6.]  A  SENATOR  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  291 

garded  as  the  model  of  a  statesman  and  parliamentary  leader,  on 
whom  I  have  leaned,  and  to  whom  I  have  looked  more  than  to  any 
other  living  man  for  guidance  and  direction  in  public  affairs,  the 
strong  tie  which  has  so  long  bound  us  together  must  now  be  sev 
ered.  But,  my  dear  Fessenden,  if  there  is  memory  after  death, 
that  memory  will  be  active,  and  I  shall  call  to  mind  the  whole  of 
our  intercourse  on  earth."  The  Senator  thus  addressed,  too  much 
affected  to  reply  in  words,  stooped  over  and  kissed  the  brow  of  his 
dying  friend,  and  turned  away  in  silence. 

Afterward  Senator  Grimes  approached  him,  to  whom  he  said  : 
"  Ah,  my  dear  friend  Grimes,  have  you  come  to  see  me  ?  I  have 
been  through  a  terrible  ordeal  the  last  six  weeks."  Then  noticing 
that  all  were  deeply  affected,  he  added  :  "  Do  not  cease  to  talk ; 
these  things  cannot  alarm  me."  Then  taking  the  Senator  by  the 
hand,  he  said :  "  Yes,  I  know  the  man,  a  man  about  whom  there  is 
no  deceit ;  with  whom  neither  in  private  nor  in  public  was  there  a 
deceitful  thought  or  a  deceitful  word."  Then  recurring  to  scenes  of 
the  past,  in  which  he  had  mingled  with  his  friend,  as  if  soliloquiz 
ing,  he  added,  "  He  was  one  of  the  first  and  last  and  best  of  my 
associates,  and  there  was  no  mistake  about  him." 

101.— To  Mrs.  Grimes. 

WASHINGTON,  April  16,  1866. 

To-morrow  is  the  anniversary  of  freedom  in  this  District,  and  is 
to  be  celebrated  by  the  colored  people  by  processions,  displays,  etc. 
The  President  has  invited,!  hear,  the  procession  to  give  ham  a  call, 
and  they  will  do  so.  The  indications  are  that  the  President  has 
become  satisfied  that  he  has  gone  too  fast  and  too  far,  and  is  now 
inclined  to  cultivate  the  friendship  of  the  radicals.  I  am  inclined 
to  think  that  there  is  something  in  this  report. 

Allison  and  I  went  to  hear  Mr.  Hale  preach.  He  had  a  full 
house,  and  preached  a  good  sermon,  as  he  usually  does,  I  guess. 

The  "  Central  Directory  "  1  meet  to-morrow,  and  we  hope  soon 
to  agree  and  report  upon  a  plan  of  reconstruction.  I  regret  that 
I  am  one  of  the  committee,  but  I  do  not  know  that  I  ought  to 
shrink  from  my  share  of  the  very  grave  responsibility  imposed  on 
us. 

1  "  An  irresponsible,  central  Directory." — Speech  of  President  Johnson,  February 


292  LIFE   OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1866. 

April  3Qt/i. — We  have  at  last  agreed  upon  a  plan  of  reconstruc 
tion,  which  will  be  reported  to-morrow,  and  which,  so  far  as  I  can 
learn,  is  quite  acceptable  to  our  friends.  It  is  not  exactly  what 
any  of  us  wanted ;  but  we  were  each  compelled  to  surrender  some 
of  our  individual  preferences  in  order  to  secure  anything,  and  by 
doing  so  became  unexpectedly  harmonious.  You  will  observe  that 
the  proposition  I  offered  was  adopted  as  the  second  section,  em 
bracing  the  whole  question  of  representation,  negroes,  etc.,  etc. 

Mr.  Fessenden  is  able  to  be  out  again,  and  was  with  the  Com 
mittee  of  Fifteen  yesterday.  I  heard  Dr.  Bellows  preach  a  good 
sermon  this  morning,  and  intended  to  go  to  hear  him  this  evening, 
but  was  prevented  by  company. 

May  8th. — It  is  the  usual  wrangle  and  jangle  in  Congress. 
Thaddeus  Stevens  attacked  Sumner  to-day,  because  of  his  opposition 
to  the  first  proposed  constitutional  amendment,  which  Sumner  was 
instrumental  in  defeating.  I  did  not  hear  him,  but  of  course  he 
was  severe,  as  he  always  is. 

NOX-INTEKFERENCE    WITH   MATTERS   BELONGING   TO   THE    STATES. 

Upon  a  resolution  to  cause  a  rigid  quarantine  against  the 
Asiatic  cholera,  Mr.  Grimes  said,  May  8th : 

I  do  not  recognize  the  obligation  on  the  part  of  Congress,  that 
because  certain  physicians  in  the  city  of  New  York  believe  it 
necessary  that  there  should  be  a  cordon  established  in  order  to 
keep  the  cholera  away  from  this  country,  therefore  we  shall  be 
justified  in  abandoning  all  the  powers  of  Congress  into  the  hands 
of  a  commission,  and  in  conferring  upon  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury,  the  Secretary  of  War,  and  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  all 
control  over  the  military  arm  of  the  Government  and  over  the 
Treasury.  The  bill  does  not  require  that  the  Government  shall 
adopt  the  quarantine  officers  of  the  State  of  New  York.  They  are 
to  be  new  appointees.  We  are  to  have  another  batch  of  office 
holders,  innumerable  in  number,  if  extended  uniformly  over  the 
country. 

I  have  not  any  such  fear  of  the  cholera  as  to  induce  me  to  vote 
for  a  bill  like  this.  I  believe  that  it  will  be  attended  with  worse 
consequences  to  the  country  than  the  most  malignant  type  of 
cholera  that  ever  prevailed  upon  this  continent.  As  my  friend  near 


1866.]  A  SENATOR  OF  THE   UNITED   STATES.  293 

me  says,  one  thing  would  certainly  result — it  would  give  the  cholera 
to  the  Treasury  of  the  United  States.  It  may  perhaps  be  owing  to 
the  fact  that  I  have  no  very  great  fears  of  the  cholera,  having  lived 
in  a  town  with  it  three  years,  that  I  am  not  willing  to  break  down 
all  the  barriers  around  the  Treasury,  which  some  gentlemen  seem 
disposed  to  do.  In  my  locality  we  are  familiar  with  this  disease. 
We  know  that  it  has  no  such  terrors  as  it  seems  to  have  to  gentle 
men  who  are  not  familiar  with  it,  and  we  do  not  want  to  have  our 
liberty  restrained,  nor  our  privilege  of  locomotion,  nor  the  Treasury 
afflicted,  by  any  such  bill.  I  trust  that  the  time  has  gone  by  when 
we  are  going  to  be  called  on  to  legislate  in  the  manner  this  bill 
proposes.  During  the  war  we  drew  to  ourselves  here,  as  the  Federal 
Government,  authority  which  had  been  considered  doubtful  by  all, 
and  denied  by  many  of  the  statesmen  of  this  country.  That  time, 
it  seems  to  me,  has  ceased,  and  ought  to  cease.  Let  us  go  back  to 
the  original  condition  of  things,  and  allow  the  States  to  take  care 
of  themselves,  as  they  have  been  in  the  habit  of  taking  care  of 
themselves. 

THE   NAVAL   ACADEMY. 

Continuing  to  cherish  a  generous  care  for  the  Naval  Acade 
my,  Mr.  Grimes  advocated  Annapolis  as  its  proper  location, 
against  proposals  for  removing  it  to  Newport,  Khode  Island, 
or  to  the  vicinity  of  Newport  News,  James  Kiver,  and  secured 
appropriations  for  enlarging  the  grounds,  for  introducing  water 
from  the  Annapolis  water-works,  for  establishing  a  foundery 
and  machine-shop,  to  afford  instruction  and  practice  in  naval 
engineering,  for  a  new  chapel,  and  for  tablets  upon  its  walls, 
in  memory  of  persons  belonging  to  the  naval  service  who  have 
fallen  in  the  defense  of  the  country.  He  said,  March  20th  : 

The  Secretary  of  the  Navy  has  proposed  to  take  the  Academy 
down  to  the  waters  of  James  River ;  to  which  I  have  told  him  that 
I  was  unalterably  opposed.  He  has  assigned  various  reasons  why 
it  ought  not  to  be  continued  at  the  present  place.  I  believe  that 
nearly  every  one  of  those  reasons  is  fallacious.  I  do  not  think  that 
he  has  exhibited  his  usual  good  judgment  in  proposing  to  take  the 
Academy  from  Annapolis,  and  carry  it  down  to  a  country  where 
there  is  nobody,  remote  from  all  civilization,  where  there  is  not  a 
20 


294:  LIFE  OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1866. 

village  within  thirty  miles,  I  believe ;  and  although  I  am  in  the 
habit,  as  a  general  thing,  of  concurring  with  him,  for  I  think  that 
his  judgment  on  most  things  is  correct,  yet  upon  this  subject  I  am 
convinced  that  he  is  decidedly  in  error.  I  have  no  sort  of  partiality 
for  Annapolis.  I  think  I  am  capable  of  looking  at  this  question  of 
the  location  of  the  Academy  with  great  disinterestedness.  I  be 
lieve  that  it  is  now  located  where  it  ought  to  be;  in  the  proper 
climate,  in  the  right  location,  central  to  our  country,  and  near  the 
seat  of  Government.  The  grounds  are  not  quite  so  capacious  as 
they  ought  to  be,  but  we  have  made  provision  to  enlarge  them.  We 
have  expended  there  more  than  nine  hundred  thousand  dollars.  I 
do  not  think  it  is  the  dictate  of  economy  to  throw  away  the  money, 
and  appoint  a  roving  commission  to  travel  over  the  country  to  see 
if  they  cannot  find  a  place  where  they  can  expend  a  similar  sum 
for  the  same  purpose. 

Mr.  Grimes  held  that  seventeen  was  the  proper  limit  of  age 
for  boys  to  be  admitted  to  the  Academy,  and  said,  May  24th : 

There  happened  to  be  a  likely  boy  who  was  a  little  over  the 
age  of  seventeen,  and  could  not  be  admitted.  I  believe  it  was 
purely  through  the  influence  exerted  by  the  friends  of  that  young 
man  that  we  changed  the  period  to  eighteen  years.  He  was  ad 
mitted,  went  to  the  Academy,  was  there  three  months,  and  was 
unable  to  make  any  progress  in  his  studies,  had  not  any  adaptation 
to  the  profession,  and  was  dismissed ;  and  we  have  now  upon  the 
statute-book  a  limit  of  eighteen  in  place  of  seventeen  years,  when 
every  naval  officer  concurs  in  the  opinion  that  the  shorter  number 
of  years  is  the  r>roper  age  for  boys  to  go  into  the  naval  service.  v 

THE    MOOTTOKS. 

Of  the  progress  of  improvement  in  the  construction  of 
monitors,  Mr.  Grimes  gave  the  following  explanation,  April 
17,  1866 : 

Iron  vessels  have  been  built  before,  but  no  such  vessels  as  we 
have  built ;  and  almost  all  of  the  attachments  have  been  compelled 
to  be  of  a  different  character  from  what  was  known  before.  In  the 
first  place,  it  required  a  good  deal  of  time  and  ingenuity,  and  many 
experiments,  to  determine  the  best  character  of  a  rudder  to  apply 


1866.]  A   SENATOR  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  295 

«  ' 

to  these  monitors.  Then  there  were  constant  changes  made,  in 
order  to  obviate  the  defects  which  were  found  to  exist  in  the  origi 
nal  monitor,  so  as  to  prevent  the  great  overhanging,  which  was 
doubtless  the  cause  of  the  sinking  of  the  original  monitor.  Then 
it  was  exceedingly  difficult  to  arrange  the  compass ;  and  many  ex 
periments  were  made,  and  considerable  delay  occasioned  in  con 
sequence  of  the  variation  caused  by  the  action  of  the  iron  on  the 
deck  of  the  vessel  upon  the  compass.  They  finally  devised  a  way 
of  raising  the  compass  on  a  high  staff,  and  having  a  card  on  which 
it  could  be  read  down  in  front. 

If  the  Senator  (Mr.  Guthrie)  will  go  with  me  to  the  navy-yard, 
I  will  show  him  two  monitors,  one  built  in  1862,  and  another  one 
built  recently,  the  Tonawanda ;  and  he  would  hardly  suppose  that 
the  original  monitor  was  the  prototype  and  original  of  the  perfect 
vessel  that  is  now  lying  at  the  wharf.  These  changes  have  been 
going  on  gradually.  Every  battle  that  has  been  fought,  every 
storm  that  they  have  encountered,  every  experienced  and  capable 
man  who  has  commanded  one  of  them,  has  made  some  suggestive 
changes ;  and  when  these  changes  have  met  the  approval  of  the 
proper  advisory  officers  of  the  Navy  Department,  although  a  vessel 
might  be  upon  the  stocks,  availing  themselves  of  the  clause  in  the 
contracts  which  authorized  them  to  change  the  specifications,  they 
have  done  so.  Manifestly  it  was  the  interest  and  the  duty  of  the 
Government  to  make  such  changes.  I  am  happy  in  being  able  to 
say,  what  is  my  own  honest  conviction,  that  we  have  to-day  the 
most  perfect  iron  vessels  in  the  world ;  and  they  have  all  sprung 
out  of  a  defective  original  vessel,  and  been  perfected  through  those 
changes  which  have  been  gradually  going  on  in  the  various  ship 
yards,  either  private  ship-yards  or  our  own. 

I  rose  not  for  the  purpose  of  entering  into  a  discussion,  but 
simply  not  to  let  it  be  inferred  that  I  believed  there  had  been  any 
improper  blundering  in  regard  to  these  iron-clads.  I  know  that 
the  Navy  Department  have  made  mistakes,  egregious  mistakes  in 
regard  to  one  class  of  vessels.  I  am  not  here  to  defend  those  mis 
takes,  but  I  am  here  to  defend  every  improvement  and  change 
that  has  been  made  toward  making  a  perfect  ship-of-war,  which  I 
think  we  have  done. 

Mr.  Grimes  made  the  following  remarks  with  reference  to  the 
Assistant  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  Hon.  G.  Y.  Fox,  May  15th : 


296  LIFE  OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1866. 

• 

When  the  resolution  congratulating  the  Emperor  of  Russia  upon 
his  escape  from  assassination  was  adopted  by  Congress,  it  was  sug 
gested  by  the  Secretary  of  State,  and  by  some  other  persons  con 
nected  with  the  Administration,  that  Mr.  Fox  should  be  deputed  to 
carry  the  congratulatory  resolution  to  Russia ;  it  was  also  suggested 
to  him  that  he  should  withdraw  his  resignation  as  Assistant  Sec 
retary  of  the  Navy,  for  the  reason  that  it  would  be  more  acceptable 
to  the  Russian  Government  if  he  went  in  his  official  capacity  as 
second  in  authority  in  the  Navy  Department  than  if  he  went  as  a 
private  individual.  Mr.  Fox  proposes  to  start  in  the  Miantonomoh, 
an  iron-clad  ship,  a  class  of  improved  impregnable  vessels,  for  which 
this  country  is  indebted  to  him  more  than  to  any  other  person,  ex 
cept  Mr.  Ericsson ;  the  best  iron-clad  ship,  I  believe,  in  the  world, 
and  which  we  hope,  and  he  believes,  will  safely  cross  the  Atlantic. 
T  believe  the  appearance  of  that  ship  in  European  waters  would 
have  a  greater  tendency  to  promote  peace  between  the  nations  of 
Europe  and  this  country  than  all  the  diplomats  we  shall  be  likely 
to  send  to  Europe  during  the  next  thirty  years. 

In  explaining  a  bill  to  regulate  the  appointment  of  officers 
in  the  Navy,  Mr.  Grimes  said,  June  14th : 

Heretofore,  since  the  time  of'Decatur,  who  was  promoted  over 
the  heads  of  other  officers  for  his  distinguished  merit,  all  promo 
tions,  with  the  exception  of  six,  I  believe,  have  been  made  by  reg 
ular  gradation.  Captain  Worden,  Commodore  Rodgers,  Lieutenant 
Gushing,  Commodore  Rowan,  Admiral  Porter,  perhaps  one  or  two 
more,  were  promoted  over  the  heads  of  persons  who  stood  before 
them,  for  distinguished  merit.  This  bill  proposes  to  authorize  a 
few  persons  to  be  promoted  over  the  heads  of  those  who  have  not 
distinguished  themselves.  The  purpose  is  to  recognize  the  valuable 
services  of  officers  who  during  four  years  have  been  engaged,  some 
of  them,  almost  in  constant  battle,  and  to  enable  them  to  be  pro 
moted,  even  at  the  expense  of  others  who  have  not  seen  any  ser 
vice  during  that  time. 

Section  seven  provides  that  the  annual  compensation  of  the  ad 
miral  shall  be  ten  thousand  dollars  a  year.  I  need  not  say  that  that 
provision  was  intended  for  Admiral  Farragut,  to  give  him  a  cor 
responding  rank  to  that  which  is  contemplated  to  be  bestowed 
upon  General  Grant.  These  ranks  are  relative.  A  bill  has  been 


1866.]  A  SENATOR  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  297 

passed  by  the  House  of  Representatives,  making  General  Grant  a 
full  general ;  and  then  it  was  proposed  that  Admiral  Farragut 
should  be  made  a  full  admiral.  He  is  now  on  leave,  and  gets  five 
thousand  dollars  a  year.  The  officer  in  the  Army  of  corresponding 
rank  gets  between  seventeen  and  eighteen  thousand  dollars.  It  is 
proposed  by  this  bill  to  make  an  admiral,  and  give  him  all  the  time 
a  salary  of  ten  thousand  dollars.  I  thmk  the  country  will  say  that 
if  there  be  any  man  who  is  really  entitled  to  ten  thousand  dollars  a 
year  salary  it  is  Admiral  Farragut. 

102.—  To  Mrs.  Grimes. 

WASHINGTON,  May  11,  1866. 

The  House  has  passed  the  constitutional  amendment  by  an  un 
precedented  majority.  We  take  the  matter  up  in  the  Senate  next 
week,  will  have  a  long  debate,  possibly  make  an  amendment,  and  I 
think  finally  pass  the  measure  by  the  constitutional  majority  of 
two-thirds.  Debate  rages  in  the  Senate  on  the  same  old  subjects, 
rehashed  to  us  by  the  same  orators. 

May  23d. — Mr.  Fox  and  wife  left  the  city  this  morning.  He 
expects  to  sail  for  Europe  in  a  few  days  in  the  Miantonomoh.  The 
selection  of  him,  by  a  unanimous  vote  of  the  Senate,  and  by  a  large 
majority  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  to  carry  the  congratula 
tory  resolutions  of  Congress  to  the  Emperor  of  Russia,  was  a  fine 
culmination  of  his  public  services,  and  ought  to  be  regarded  by 
him  as  very  complimentary. 

LETTER    OF     HON.    G.    V.    FOX,    ASSISTANT   SECRETARY    OF   THE   NAVY, 
TO   MRS.    GRIMES. 

BOSTON,  MASS.,  May  27,  1866. 

I  have  left  Washington  forever  as  a  residence,  and  only  await 
the  cessation  of  a  storm  to  cross  the  Atlantic  in  a  monitor.  There 
is  no  tie  severed  which  causes  me  more  regret  than  that  which  has 
existed  between  Mr.  Grimes  and  myself.  Besides  the  esteem  which 
every  one  has  for  him,  I  have  felt  confidence  and  courage,  leaning 
upon  him,  and  not  only  have  defied  the  public  enemies,  but  by  his 
aid  have  triumphed  over  them.  He  has  known,  better  than  any 
other  person,  my  thoughts,  feelings,  and  actions,  and  his  good 
opinion  and  yours  are  the  result  of  such  knowledge.  It  is  to  be 
esteemed  by  such  friends,  that  I  find  more  solace  than  any  reward 


298  LIFE   OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1866. 

Government  could  bestow.     Wishing  you  both  every  happiness,  I 
bid  you  farewell. 

103.— To  Mrs.  Grimes. 

WASHINGTON,  May  26,  1866. 

Day  before  yesterday,  I  went  to  Annapolis  with  Governor  Morrill, 
of  Maine,  and  came  back  last  night.  The  examination  is  going  on 
there,  and  among  the  examiners  is  Mr.  Scammon,  of  Chicago,  who 
was  appointed  at  my  instance.  Two  years  ago  he  was  an  examiner 
at  West  Point,  and  I  wanted  a  comparison  between  the  two  schools, 
drawn  by  some  one  in  whose  judgment  I  had  confidence.  I  am 
happy  to  be  able  to  say  that  he  gives  the  preference  most  decidedly 
to  the  Naval  Academy.  His  opinion  is  that,  while  the  instruction 
is  quite  as  thorough  and  critical  as  at  West  Point,  there  is  as  much 
again  of  common-sense  here.  It  is  quite  evident  that  a  very  great 
improvement  has  been  made  in  the  school  within  the  last  year,  and 
Porter  turns  out  to  be,  what  I  believed  he  would  not  be,  an  excel 
lent  superintendent.  He  has  secured  the  confidence  and  affection 
of  the  young  men,  and  they  have  made  unprecedented  progress 
since  they  were  placed  under  his  charge.  I  need  not  say  that  I  was 
highly  pleased  with  all  that  I  saw  and  heard  of  the  school,  and  do 
not  regret  anything  that  I  have  done  for  it  in  the  past,  and  that  has 
been  a  good  deal,  as  you  know. 

We  shall,  I  think,  get  through  the  reconstruction  measures  this 
week  without  any  difficulty. 

104.— To  Mrs.  Grimes. 

WASHINGTON,  June  6,  1866. 

I  twice  made  the  attempt  yesterday  to  write,  but  was  so  sleepy 
and  exhausted  by  my  trip  to  West  Point  and  back  that  I  was  act 
ually  unable  to  do  it.  I  was  away  three  days  and  nights,  and  had 
sleep  only  one  of  the  three  nights.  I  made  with  friends  two  trips 
through  the  Central  Park,  when  in  New  York,  and  was  delighted 
with  what  I  saw.  It  is  certainly  the  most  beautiful  place  I  have 
ever  seen,  and  I  judge  it  is  destined  to  be,  when  the  trees  are 
grown,  and  the  work  completed,  the  most  beautiful  place  in  the 
world. 

I  am  satisfied  from  what  I  saw  and  heard  at  West  Point  that  the 
Naval  Academy  is  the  superior  institution  of  the  two.  The  truth 


1866.]  A   SENATOR  OF  THE  UNITED   STATES.  299 

is,  I  came  away  rather  disgusted  with  the  Military  Academy  people, 
though  Iowa  has  four  very  bright,  accomplished  young  fellows 
there,  who  stand  very  high  in  their  classes ;  young  Griffith  is  in 
point  of  scholarship  the  third  in  his  class,  and  young  Hoxie  the  first 
in  his  class. 

June  \\th. — You  learned  long  ago  of  the  passage  of  the  recon 
struction  measures.  I  am  happy  to  be  able  to  say  that  they  meet 
with  general  approval,  and  we  feel  much  more  confident,  and 
stronger,  since  their  passage  than  before.  The  final  report  of  the 
committee,  which  was  drawn  by  Mr.  Fessenden,  is  regarded  by 
everybody  here,  I  think,  as  a  very  able  paper ;  the  ablest,  in  my 
opinion,  submitted  to  Congress  as  a  report,  or  in  the  form  of  a 
speech,  since  I  have  been  in  the  Senate. 

June  18th. — Fessenden  is  very  poorly,  and  it  seems  to  me  as 
though  his  prediction  that  he  will  be  the  next  to  go  is  likely  to 
be  true.  I  have  made  the  Navy  officers  all  glad  by  passing  a  bill 
for  their  benefit,  but  I  fear  it  may  meet  with  trouble  in  the  House 
of  Representatives. 

Mr.  Grimes's  views  of  Napoleon  III.,  of  his  interference  in 
Mexico,  and  of  the  Paris  Universal  Exposition,  to  be  held  in 
1867,  were  given  June  13th : 

It  seems  to  me  that  the  whole  question  is  in  a  nutshell.  Every 
gentleman  who  has  visited  France  since  this  exposition  has  been 
projected,  has  returned  entertaining  the  opinion  that  it  was  gotten 
up  more  for  the  purpose  of  glorifving  the  present  Imperial  Govern 
ment  of  France  than  for  any  other  purpose ;  and  that  for  that  rea 
son  the  infant  Napoleon  has  been  made  president  of  the  exposition. 
Now,  I  am  not  disposed  to  be  in  any  way  instrumental  in  accom 
plishing  the  object  of  the  Imperial  Government  in  this  particular  at 
any  time,  and  especially  not  so  long  as  their  troops  shall  remain 
within  the  territorial  jurisdiction  of  the  republic  of  Mexico,  which 
would  not  have  been  sent  there,  as  everybody  knows,  but  for  the 
difficulties  that  were  occurring  in  this  country  at  that  time.  They 
were  sent  out  to  take  advantage  of  the  unfortunate  posture  of  pub 
lic  affairs  in  this  country.  I  do  not  want  to  assist  in  elevating  in 
public  estimation  in  any  part  of  the  world  the  present  dynasty  in 
France,  so  long  as  it  shall  stand  really,  morally,  and  militarily,  in  an 


300  LIFE   OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1866. 

antagonistic  position  to  this  Government;  and  France  does  stand 
in  that  position,  so  long  as  her  troops  remain  in  Mexico. 

I  am  utterly  opposed  to  the  principle  of  the  bill  (making  ap 
propriations  for  the  exposition).  There  is  no  authority  from  the 
Constitution  to  make  any  such  grant  of  money  from  the  Treasury ; 
and  I  believe  the  whole  scheme  is  antagonistic  to  the  spirit  of 
'republican  liberty,  which  should  be  propagated  by  the  Congress  of 
the  United  States. 

In  favor  of  authorizing  the  construction  of  a  bridge  over  the 
Mississippi  River  at  Burlington,  by  the  Chicago,  Burlington  & 
Quincy  Railroad  Company,  Mr.  Grimes  said,  April  30th  and 
July  18th: 

I  suppose  if  there  is  anybody  here  who  is  peculiarly  interested 
in  the  navigation  of  the  Mississippi  River,  I  am  as  much  interested 
as  any  one  else.  I  have  for  thirty  years  lived  immediately  upon  its 
banks,  and  am  familiar  with  the  condition  of  the  commerce  of  the 
country  connected  with  that  river.  A  portion  of  the  people  of  the 
town  in  which  I  live,  fancying  that  the  construction  of  a  bridge  will 
not  be  to  their  own  individual  benefit,  would  not  favor  the  passing 
of  this  law  ;  while  those  who  take  the  most  comprehensive  and  cor 
rect  view  would  favor  it. 

But,  whatever  may  be  the  opinions  of  my  fellow-citizens  of  that 
town,  there  cannot  be  any  question  that  the  commerce  and  the 
interests  of  the  State  at  large  demand  that  there  should  be  facili 
ties  for  crossing  the  river  without  breaking  the  bulk  of  the  freights 
that  are  to  go  over.  The  Chicago,  Burlington  &  Quincy,  Railroad 
Company  are  about  to  build  a  bridge  at  that  place.  They  have  the 
authority  to  do  it  from  the  State  of  Illinois  and  the  State  of  Iowa. 
They  will  not  put  in  as  wide  a  draw  as  is  required  by  this  statute, 
unless  this  statute  is  passed.  We  are  entirely  satisfied  that  the 
construction  of  a  bridge  with  a  draw  one  hundred  and  sixty  feet  wide, 
forty  feet  wider  than  the  two  bridges  now  built  across  the  Mississippi 
River,  will  be  ample.  If  found  to  be  otherwise  we  will  cause  them 
to  be  removed,  as  can  be  done  under  the  provisions  of  this  bill. 

We  are  deeply  interested  in  the  navigation  of  the  river,  which 
has  been  the  building  up  of  my  town.  We  want  for  the  present  time, 
and  we  want  for  all  future  ages,  to  have  uninterrupted  navigation 
of  the  stream ;  but  we  want  at  the  same  time,  if  it  can  be  done,  and 


1866.]  A   SENATOR  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  301 

we  are  satisfied  that  it  can  be  done,  opportunities  to  get  eastward, 
as  well  as  southward  and  northward.  We  want  to  be  able  to  trans 
port  our  produce  and  ourselves  with  as  little  inconvenience  as  pos 
sible  to  the  Eastern  markets;  and  that  is  the  reason  why  we  insist 
that  these  railroad  companies  shall  have  opportunity  to  bridge  the 
Mississippi  River,  provided  they  do  so  without  interfering  in  any 
degree  with  the  navigation  of  the  stream. 

I  think  I  represent  the  agricultural  interests  of  my  State,  when 
I  vote  not  for  the  benefit  of  a  particular  railroad  corporation,  but 
for  the  benefit  of  the  universal  commerce  of  the  Northwest,  that 
there  shall  be  bridges  across  the  Mississippi  River,  not  constructed 
in  such  a  way  that  they  can  by  any  possibility  obstruct  navigation, 
but  so  as  to  promote  the  interests  of  commerce  crossing  the  river. 
I  live  in  a  wheat-country.  That  is  one  of  the  staple  productions  of 
the  region.  However  valuable  and  rich  in  a  commercial  point  of 
view  St.  Louis  may  be,  yet  Chicago,  the  great  wheat-market  of  the 
continent,  is  the  point  to  which  we  desire  to  send  our  wheat.  It  is 
the  estimate  of  everybody  in  the  town  where  I  live,  that  there  is  a 
loss  of  seven  bushels  upon  every  car-load  that  is  transferred  across 
the  river  according  to  the  present  plan,  which,  at  the  present  price 
of  wheat  in  the  neighborhood  of  two  dollars  a  bushel,  is  fourteen 
dollars  on  a  car-load,  that  is  sustained  by  the  agricultural  interest. 
That  interest,  also  the  interest  of  the  consumer  in  the  East,  demands 
that  such  a  loss  may  be  obviated. 

Early  in  the  course  of  this  year,  upon  the  urgent  solicitation 
of  Mr.  Oakes  Ames,  a  gentleman  for  whose  integrity,  capacity, 
and  public  spirit  he  had  high  respect,  Mr.  Grimes  became  inter 
ested  in  the  construction  of  the  Union  Pacific  Railroad,  and 
took  stock  in  the  company  that  completed  it.  He  saw  no  im 
propriety  in  a  member  of  Congress  being  connected  with  a  rail 
road  company,  as  lie  remarked  in  the  Senate.  He  had  been  an 
advocate  of  railroads,  and  of  a  railroad  to  the  Pacific,  all  his  life, 
and  a  stockholder  and  director  in  several  companies.  Those 
who  first  undertook  to  build  the  road  had  faltered  ;  public  con 
fidence  had  been  shaken ;  capitalists  generally  were  suspicious 
of  the  hazards  and  risks.  In  this  juncture,  he  had  confidence  in 
Mr.  Ames,  and,  with  his  energy  and  resources  devoted  to  it,  in 
the  success  of  the  enterprise  ultimately. 


302  LIFE   OF  JAMES  W.   GEIMES.  [1866. 

Upon  a  bill  to  incorporate  the  Niagara  Ship-Canal  Company 
Mr.  Grimes  said,  June  28th  and  July  12th  : 

I  entertain  very  great  doubts  whether  we  have  the  power  to  cre 
ate  a  corporation,  and  endow  them  with  authority  for  commer 
cial  purposes  to  go  within  the  jurisdiction  of  the  State  of  New 
York  and  construct  a  canal ;  but  whether  we  have  that  power  or 
not,  believing  that  we  can  do  the  work  ourselves,  and  control  it,  I 
am  wholly  unwilling  to  agree  that  Congress  shall  devolve  this 
power  on  a  private  corporation,  to  enjoy  the  benefits  of  the  immense 
water-power  that  will  be  created,  and  establish  such  tolls  upon  the 
transportation  of  our  agricultural  products  as  they  maj7  see  fit.  This 
is  one  of  the  grandest  privileges  and  will  result  in  being  one  of  the 
most  tremendous  monopolies  ever  devised  on  this  continent.  I  am 
not  disposed  to  put  the  agricultural  interests  of  my  section  of  the 
country  into  the  keeping  of  any  such  corporation. 

No  man  is  more  anxious  to  have  proper  channels  of  communi 
cation  between  the  Northwest  and  the  Atlantic  and  the  Gulf  of 
Mexico.  I  have  no  doubt  as  to  the  constitutional  power  of  Con 
gress  to  make  those  channels  of  communication.  I  am  as  anx 
ious  as  anybody  is  that  Congress  shall  do  it,  although  not  so 
anxious  as  some  gentlemen  seem  to  be  for  the  purpose  merely 
of  making  the  West  an  agricultural  country,  continuing  us  mere 
ly  as  an  agricultural  population,  as  the  producers  of  heavy  arti 
cles  for  export.  If  the  Committee  on  Commerce  will  report  a 
bill  providing  that  appropriations  shall  be  made  and  expended  un 
der  our  engineer  corps,  who  are  created  and  maintained  for  just 
such  purposes,  to  construct  a  line  of  communication  between  Lake 
Erie  and  Lake  Ontario,  I  will  vote  for  it.  I  will  go  farther,  and 
vote  for  a  bill  continuing  the  construction  of  a  ship-canal  beyond 
Lake  Ontario.  But  I  do  not  want  to  put  the  public  Treasury  into 
the  hands  of  a  private  corporation  for  building  any  such  channel, 
and  allowing  that  corporation  to  fix  such  tolls  as  they  please.  My 
sole  purpose  is  to  make  it  truly  a  national  work.  I  never  will  con 
sent  to  the  Government  of  the  United  States  making  it  in  any  other 
light  than  as  a  national  work.  It  may  cost  the  Government  more 
than  if  this  company  undertakes  to  build  it  ;  but  we  can  afford  to 
pay  a  great  deal  more.  When  we  have  made  it,  we  are  not  to  be 
oppressed  with  tolls  in  the  future ;  we  shall  have  the  control  of  that 
subject.  All  that  will  be  necessary  will  be  to  keep  it  in  repair, 


1866.]  A  SENATOR   OF  THE   UNITED   STATES.  303 

and  furnish  the  gate-keepers  and  the  agents.  They  can  be  paid 
through  a  small  toll  to  be  levied,  or  directly  from  the  Treasury  of 
the  United  States. 

At  the  next  session  he  again  pledged  his  hearty  support  to 
such  a  measure,  February  26,  186T. 

Upon  a  bill  for  the  leasing  of  saline  lands,  Mr.  Grimes  said, 
June  29th : 

I  suppose  members  of  the  Senate  are  aware  that  by  the  passage 
of  this  bill  we  are  to  inaugurate  a  new  system  in  this  country,  and 
that  is,  the  leasing  of  the  public  lands  for  manufacturing  purposes. 
The  result  will  be  that  these  salt-lands  will  never  be  half  developed 
under  such  a  system.  We  shall  have  agents,  appointed  by  the 
central  power  here,  who  will  have  control  of  these  salt-springs,  and 
I  cannot  apprehend  that  any  advantage  will  result  to  the  Govern 
ment.  The  right  way  is  to  sell  these  lands,  let  them  be  owned  by 
citizens  of  the  country,  and  let  them  develop  them.  The  Govern 
ment  ought  never  to  become  the  landlord  of  a  portion  of  the  people 
of  this  country.  That  is  not  the  relation  that  is  encouraged  by  the 
laws  of  our  States  to  any  considerable  extent,  and  it  ought  not  to 
be  encouraged  by  the  Government  of  the  United  States.  The  true 
principle  in  a  republican  government  is,  that  so  far  as  possible  every 
man  shall  be  the  owner  of  his  own  soil,  and  of  his  own  tools,  labor, 
and  machinery.  So  long  as  you  undertake  to  maintain  the  relation 
of  landlord  to  the  persons  who  are  going  to  carry  on  these  salt 
works,  the  country  will  never  realize  a 'tenth  part  of  the  advantages 
that  we  would  realize  if  they  were  conducted  by  private  enterprise. 
That  is  the  experience  of  this  Government,  and  has  been  from  its 
foundation.  It  is  the  experience  of  every  government  on  the  face 
of  the  earth.  I  feel  a  great  deal  of  interest  in  this  subject.  I  do 
not  know  of  any  salt-springs  of  value  on  the  public  domain  except 
those  in  Kansas  and  Nebraska,  immediately  west  of  the  State  in 
which  I  live.  We  hope  that  the  time  is  not  far  distant  when  we 
shall  be  able  to  secure  our  supply  of  salt  from  that  region.  We  do 
not  want  to  be  compelled  to  become  tributary  to  any  such  parties  as 
may  happen  to  be  able  to  secure  a  long  lease  under  the  provisions 
of  this  bill.  Why  not  apply  the  principle  to  your  iron  on  Lake  Su 
perior  and  in  Missouri  ?  Why  not  apply  it  to  your  gold  and  silver  ? 
Why  is  it  that  this  necessity  of  life,  without  which  we  cannot  exist 


304  LIFE  OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1866. 

at  all,  is  selected  and  put  into  the  keeping  of  a  few  men,  who  man 
age  to  secure  a  lease  from  the  Government  ? 

Opposing  a  resolution  to  release  the  Pacific  Mail  Company's 
steamships,  engaged  to  carry  the  mails  between  the  United 
States  and  China,  from  the  obligation  to  touch  at  Honolulu,  Mr. 
Grimes  said,  July  2d : 

It  has  so  happened,  in  the  last  three  or  four  years,  that  I  have 
every  day  almost  been  brought  in  contact  with  persons  who  have 
been  stationed  more  or  less  of  their  time  at  the  Sandwich  Islands, 
mostly  officers  of  the  naval  profession.  A  large  proportion  of  the 
property  there  is  owned  by  citizens  of  the  United  States,  and,  until 
the  last  eight  or  ten  years,  American  interests  have  been  vastly  in 
the  preponderance.  A  few  years  ago  the  present  king  overturned 
the  constitution,  and  established  a  new  government,  and  this  new 
government  has  been  in  the  interest  of  Great  Britain.  The  ques 
tion  is,  whether  at  this  juncture  we  ought  to  relax  any  of  our  efforts 
to  keep  up  a  close  and  immediate  communication  between  this  con 
tinent  and  the  Sandwich  Islands.  There  are  political  interests  of 
the  highest  consideration  that  should  restrain  us  at  all  hazards,  no 
matter  what  it  may  cost,  from  allowing  a  single  tie  to  be  severed 
that  can  possibly  bind  us  to  the  Sandwich  Islands.  About  the  only 
thing  in  the  bill,  when  it  passed  originally,  that  gave  me  any  sort 
of  consideration  for  it,  was  that  these  steamships  would  be  com 
pelled  to  touch  at  Honolulu,  and,  by  bringing  us  in  connection  with 
our  friends  there,  serve  to  maintain  them  in  their  position,  and  in 
some  measure  overthrow  the  British  interest  that  is  so  much  antag 
onized  to  us. 

THE   TAEIFF. 

Upon  a  motion  for  a  tax  of  three  per  cent,  ad  valorem  upon 
agricultural  implements,  Mr.  Grimes  said,  June  21st : 

If  necessary  that  everything  in  the  hands  of  the  farmer  be  taxed, 
I  am  content  that  tax  shall  be  levied,  provided  it  be  levied  upon 
everything  in  commerce  and  manufactures,  as  well  as  in  agriculture. 
My  objection  is,  that  there  are  exceptions  in  favor  of  manufactures 
and  commerce  to  a  considerable  extent  in  the  free  list,  while  there 
are  not  corresponding  exemptions  to  the  agriculturists  and  the 
manufacture  of  implements  used  in  agriculture.  I  trust  we  shall 


1866.]  A  SENATOR   OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  305 

not  have  this  burden  thrown  upon  us,  if  the  free  list  at  any  rate  is 
to  remain  as  it  now  is. 

A  tariff  bill  that  had  passed  the  House  of  Representatives 
was,  on  his  motion,  July  12th,  postponed  to  the  next  session. 
He  said : 

We  are  now  in  the  eighth  month  of  a  very  long  and  arduous  ses 
sion.  This  tariff  bill,  which  affects  the  prosperity  of  the  country, 
and  the  personal  and  business  interests  of  every  man  in  it,  reaches 
us  at  this  late  period ;  and  I  undertake  to  say  that  the  members  of 
this  body  are  not  prepared  to  enter  upon  a  consideration  of  such  a 
subject  at  this  time.  A  bill  making  such  radical  changes  as  this 
proposes,  should  be  laid  a  sufficient  length  of  time  before  the  people 
of  the  country,  that  there  may  be  some  response  from  them  as  to 
what  their  judgment  is  of  the  merits  of  the  proposition. 

I  think  it  will  be  some  time  before  we  shall  be  able  to  bring  the 
people  of  the  Northwest  to  the  belief  that  it  is  to  their  advantage 
to  increase  the  duty  on  salt,  an  essential  to  their  existence  and  pros 
perity,  thirty-three  per  cent.  I  do  not  believe  that  you  can  con 
vince  the  people  of  my  State  that  it  will  be  to  their  advantage  to 
put  a  duty  upon  lumber,  without  which  they  cannot  fence  their 
farms  and  make  them  productive  of  a  single  cent,  of  three  dollars  a 
thousand ;  or  to  increase  the  duty  on  iron  variously  from  ten  to 
fifty  dollars  a  ton ;  or  the  duty  on  low  grades  of  cutlery,  such  as  go 
into  every  farmer's  house,  six  hundred  per  cent. 

I  stand  hqre  as  the  representative  of  the  laboring-man,  quite  as 
much  as  the  Senator  from  Ohio  (Mr.  Wade),  and  it  is  not  to  be 
thrown  in  my  teeth  that  I  am  not  as  willing  as  he,  or  anybody  else, 
to  protect  the  laboring-man.  I  do  not  stand  here  as  the  representa 
tive  of  a  class,  of  the  wool-growers  alone,  who  among  my  constitu 
ents  are  not  more  than  one  in  a  thousand.  I  come  here  to  represent 
the  mass  of  the  people  of  my  State,  who  wear  the  woolen  fabric  when 
it  is  made  up  into  goods ;  and  they  do  not  tell  me  to  vote  for  any 
such  provision  as  this,  to  oppress  the  mass  of  the  people  for  the  sake 
of  securing  an  advantage  to  a  select  few. 

I  was  raised  as  a  tariff  protection  Whig,  and  still  entertain  the 
same  notions  in  regard  to  tariffs  as  those  in  which  I  was  early  edu 
cated.  But  I  "am  not  in  favor  of  this  tariff,  nor  of  any  tariff  except 
the  one  upon  our  statute-books,  until  we  can  see  what  may  be 


306  LIFE  OF  JAMES  W.   GEIMES.  [1866. 

the  operation  of  our  internal  revenue  law  that  we  have  already 
passed.  This  question  is  vital  to  the  interests  of  the  State  that 
I  have  the  honor  in  part  to  represent.  The  passage  of  this  bill, 
in  anything  like  the  shape  in  which  it  is  now  lying  upon  your 
table,  will  be  ruinous  to  the  prosperity  of  Iowa. 

THE   AGRICULTURAL   BUREAU. 

This  is  altogether  too  great  a  thing  to  be  run  by  a  central 
government  here  at  Washington,  and  we  shall  discover  that  after 
a  while.  We  must  have  these  organizations  in  each  State.  The 
idea  of  one  man  here  at  Washington  undertaking  to  tell  the  people 
of  this  country,  extending  as  it  does  through  so  many  parallels  of 
latitude  and  longitude,  what  may  be  the  particular  fruits  or  cereals 
adapted  to  a  particular  kind  of  soil  or  climate,  is  a  great  humbug. 
It  is  too  big  a  business.  So  long  as  the  Federal  Government  ar 
rogates  to  itself  the  power  of  concentrating  all  information  here,  so 
long  the  States  will  neglect  to  obtain  that  kind  of  information ; 
but  the  moment  we  decline  to  do  it,  your  agricultural  colleges  in 
the  various  States  will  undertake  this  service,  and  you  will  get  such 
information  as  will  be  of  value  to  the  people  of  the  respective 
States  (July  25th). 

Mr,  Grimes  advocated  a  provision  of  law  that  in  the  city  of 
Washington  all  public  money  should  be  deposited  in  the  Treas 
ury  of  the  United  States,  and,  in  cities  where  there  is  a  sub- 
Treasury,  with  the  sub-treasurer.  He  said,  July  19th : 

» 

The  result  of  depositing  in  the  banks  is  to  cause  that  very  infla 
tion  which  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  says  he  is  attempting  to 
check.  I  do  not  profess  to  be  a  financier ;  it  may  be  that  all  knowl 
edge  on  questions  of  this  kind  is  confined  to  a  few  men  in  this  body 
or  out  of  it ;  but  this  is  a  question  that  has  been  before  this  body 
for  the  last  six  months.  I  introduced  a  resolution  months  ago,  call 
ing  on  the  Committee  on  Finance  to  investigate  this  whole  subject. 
According  to  the  last  report  I  read,  there  were  forty-seven  millions 
of  the  public  money  deposited  in  the  different  banks,  the  bulk  of  it 
in  the  large  cities.  It  is  used  there  as  the  basis  upon  which  the 
banks  make  discounts  ;  and  the  purpose  with  which  the  banks  seek 
to  hold  these  deposits  is  to  inflate  the  currency,  the  very  thing 
which  I  understand  it  is  the  purpose  of  the  Government  to  avoid, 


1866.]  A  SENATOR   OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  307 

so  far  as  practicable.  I  should  think  we  had  had  a  warning  by  the 
occurrences  of  the  last  few  months  in  this  city  in  this  regard.  I 
should  think,  when  a  bank  right  under  the  eyes  of  the  Treasury  De 
partment  explodes,  in  the  manner  in  which  the  National  Merchants' 
Bank  of  Washington  did,  holding  some  half  a  million  of  the  public 
money,  from  which,  I  understand  the  Government  will  not  realize 
one  farthing,  that  should  be  a  sufficient  warning  to  us  in  regard  to 
the  proper  methods  in  which  we  should  dispose  of  the  public  de 
posits. 

It  is  said  that  it  would  be  some  inconvenience  to  men  to  procure 
greenbacks  with  which  to  pay  their  taxes.  I  do  not  believe  it.  If 
it  be,  then  I  am  in  favor  of  withdrawing  more  of  your  national  cur 
rency,  and  issuing  more  of  your  greenbacks,  if  they  are  better  than 
your  national  currency.  That  is  the  way  to  obviate  that.  I  voted 
against  your  national  banking  system.  I  voted  against  every  amend 
ment  to  it.  I  believed  that  the  true  system  was  to  issue  your  green 
backs.  I  did  not  believe  there  could  be  any  better  security.  But 
now  after  you  have  created  your  national  banks,  when  we  propose 
to  render  the  Treasury  perfectly  secure  and  safe,  by  providing  that 
the  public  money  shall  not  be  deposited  with  the  national  banks, 
but  with  the  sub-Treasuries,  the  argument  is  presented  that  we 
ought  not  to  allow  this  national  currency  to  be  received  in  the 
discharge  of  public  dues,  and  nothing  except  the  national  Treas 
ury  notes.  I  had  not  anything  to  do  with  bringing  about  that 
condition  of  affairs.  It  having  been  brought  about,  it  seems  to 
me  that  the  safest  and  wisest  way  now  is  to  begin  to  remedy  the 
evils  in  which  we  find  ourselves  involved,  by  restoring  the  old  sub- 
Treasury  system,  so  far  as  we  can.  If  the  sub-Treasury  and  the 
Treasury  of  the  United  States  are  to  be  administered  in  the  in 
terest  of  banks,  of  course  the  provision  of  the  law  which  compels 
the  collector  to  receive  national-bank  notes  in  discharge  of  the 
national  taxes,  but  does  not  allow  him  to  pay  that  kind  of  cur 
rency  over  to  the  sub-Treasury,  will  be  permitted  to  remain  upon 
the  statute-book ;  and  that  will  always  furnish  an  admirable  argu 
ment  for  never  authorizing  deposits  of  any  other  description,  and 
anywhere  else  except  in  the  vaults  of  these  pet  banks.  The  Sec 
retary  of  the  Treasury  cannot  foresee  the  evils  that  will  result, 
when  he  succeeds  in  what  he  says  he  is  attempting  to  do,  to  curtail 
the  currency  and  bring  us  back  to  specie  payments.  Then  will 


308  LIFE   OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1866. 

come  the  time  when  these  deposit  banks  will  not  be  able  to  re 
spond  to  the  demands  that  will  be  made  upon  them ;  and  I  am 
disposed  to  have  the  record  appear  in  such  a  shape,  that  I  shall 
not  be  put  in  the  category  of  those  who  voted  in  favor  of  allowing 
the  public  treasure  to  remain  in  their  hands.  Why  is  it  that  we 
authorize  the  collector  to  receive  national-bank  notes,  and  yet  re 
fuse  to  receive  them  from  him  at  the  sub-Treasury  ?  Is  it  not 
because  we  are  administering  the  Government  in  the  interest  of 
the  banks  ? 

His  motion  was  non-concurred  in :  yeas  13,  nays  22. 

Mr.  Grimes  voted  against  the  resolution  to  increase  the  pay 
of  members  of  Congress  to  five  thousand  dollars  per  annum, 

July  25th. 

105.— To  Mrs.  Grimes. 

WASHINGTON,  December  5,  1866. 

I  went  to  see  Ristori  last  night.  She  is  a  large,  tall  woman,  with 
a  long,  prominent  Roman  nose,  and  is  ease  and  grace  personified. 
Such  tall  women  are  not  unfrequently  awkward,  but  every  step, 
gesture,  and  movement,  was  so  artistic  and  perfect  as  to  be  most 
pleasing;  and  although  I  did  not  understand  a  word  that  was 
uttered,  yet  I  could  not  take  my  eyes  away  from  her ;  and  I  imag 
ined,  at  least,  that  I  was  following  and  comprehending  her  by  her 
pantomime.  She  is  not  pretty,  nor  are  any  of  the  Italian  women 
in  the  company ;  the  men  are  better  looking.  It  is  an  excellent  com 
pany,  and  the  only  one  I  ever  saw  in  which  there  was  no  one  who 
ranted  in  the  play. 

We  are  getting  along  quietly  thus  far,  and  the  indications  are 
that  we  shall  have  an  easy-going  session.  Still,  no  one  can  say 
what  may  be  done.  I  think  that  the  policy  I  started  out  with  of 
letting  the  President  severely  alone  will  finally  be  the  policy  of 
Congress. 

NEBRASKA. 

Upon  the  question  of  the  admission  of  Nebraska  into  the 
Union,  Mr.  Grimes  held  it  the  duty  of  Congress  to  provide  that 
there  should  be  no  denial  of  the  elective  franchise  in  that  State 
by  reason  of  race  or  color,  and  that  a  majority  of  the  voters  of 
the  Territory  should  assent  to  this  condition,  in  order  to  place 


1867.]  A  SENATOR  OF  THE  UNITED   STATES.  309 

it  beyond  the  possibility  of  an  adverse  decision  by  any  tribunal. 
He  said,  January  8th : 

If  that  shall  be  adopted,  although  I  have  many  doubts  as  to 
whether  there  be  a  sufficient  number  of  people  in  the  Territory  to 
entitle  her  to  a  representation  in  Congress,  yet  I  shall  forego  those 
doubts,  and  vote  for  the  passage  of  the  bill.  If  that  be  not  adopt 
ed,  I  shall  not  vote  for  the  bill.  Are  we  willing,  upon  a  mere 
matter  of  expediency,  to  abandon  that  principle  which  our  constit 
uents  hold  so  dear,  when  it  is  in  doubt  whether  or  not  the  people 
of  Nebraska  will  ratify  this  condition  ?  There  is  no  doubt  as  to 
our  power  to  legislate  in  regard  to  the  District  of  Columbia,  and 
we  have  exercised  that  power.  There  is  no  doubt  as  to  our  power 
to  control  the  constitution  of  the  State  of  Nebraska,  and  determine 
the  form  in  which  it  shall  be  presented  to  us.  There  is  some  doubt 
in  the  minds  of  many  as  to  our  power  to  control  the  subject  in 
some  of  the  States  lately  in  rebellion ;  and  are  we  going  to  foreclose 
ourselves  to-day,  by  saying  that  we  will  not  undertake  to  control 
this  question  in  a  State  where  confessedly  we  have  the  power? 
For  my  part,  having  as  a  matter  of  principle  voted  the  other  day 
for  free  suffrage  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  and  having  voted  for  it 
again  over  the  presidential  veto  yesterday,  I  am  not  to-day  to  be 
hurried  by  a  consideration  of  expediency  to  ignore  and  turn  my 
back  upon  that  vote,  and  to  say  that  I  was  wrong  then.  We  have 
the  power  to  fix  this  question  now,  beyond  cavil  and  doubt,  and  I 
want  to  have  it  thus  fixed  before  it  goes  out  of  our  hands. 

The  proposition  to  submit  the  matter  to  a  vote  of  the  people 
of  Nebraska  failing,  Mr.  Grimes  voted  against  the  bill.  Sub 
sequently,  an  amendment  being  adopted,  requiring  the  Legis 
lature  of  Nebraska  to  assent  to  the  proposed  condition,  and  to 
declare  that  it  shall  be  held  as  a  part  of  the  organic  law  of  the 
State,  he  voted  for  the  bill,  over  the  President's  veto.  He  also 
voted  for  free  suffrage  in  Colorado,  while  he  continued  to  op 
pose  the  admission  of  Colorado  as  a  State,  for  the  reasons  as 
signed  in  his  speech  of  March  13,  1866. 

TENURE    OF    OFFICE. 

Upon  a  bill  regulating  the  tenure  of  office,  Mr.    Grimes 

said,  January  16,  1867 : 
21 


310  LIFE  OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1867. 

T  have  abandoned  nearly  all  the  political  theories  of  the  party 
into  which  I  was  born ;  but  that  sentiment  is  yet  remaining  in  my 
breast,  which  was  the  war-cry  of  that  party  when  I  first  became  a 
voter,  the  curtailment  of  executive  power  and  patronage.  That 
sentiment  I  have  always  entertained,  and  entertain  as  strongly  to 
day  as  at  any  period  of  my  life.  I  propose  to  record  my  vote  in 
favor  of  the  amendment,  that  every  officer  of  the  United  States 
who  receives  a  salary  exceeding  one  thousand  dollars  shall  be  sent 
to  the  Senate  for  confirmation.  We  now  have  that  law  applying 
to  postmasters.  Why  should  it  not  apply  to  other  officers  ?  It  is 
said  that  they  are  too  numerous,  that  we  cannot  attend  to  it.  I 
know  it  will  throw  great  burdens  upon  your  committees.  That  is 
no  reason  why  we  should  not  pass  the  law.  Make  new  committees ; 
organize  them  in  a  different  manner,  and  you  will  be  able  to  transact 
the  business.  The  very  fact  that  you  have  the  right  to  pass  upon 
the  nominations  will  exercise  a  restraining  influence  on  ther  ap 
pointing  power.  Confirm  them  in  groups,  if  you  please ;  but  leave 
any  Senator,  who  knows  about  bad  men  being  appointed,  to  select 
those  whom  he  knows  to  be  unworthy.  Do  you  suppose  that,  if  the 
power  of  confirmation  or  rejection  had  been  lodged  in  the  Senate 
in  regard  to  inspectors,  a  man  would  have  been  appointed  from  my 
State  as  an  inspector  who  onlv  last  year  was  guilty  of  smuggling 
cigars,  and  who  condoned  his  offense  by  the  payment  of  several 
thousand  dollars  ?  I  want  the  opportunity  to  put  my  seal  of  con 
demnation  upon  such  men ;  and  if  there  be  only  one  man  rejected 
in  a  State,  or  in  the  whole  United  States,  for  having  violated  your 
laws,  that  will  have  a  moral  influence  and  a  political  influence  upon 
the  President,  and  upon  others  who  make  appointments. 

Mr.  Grimes  voted  for  the  bill  to  regulate  the  tenure  of  cer 
tain  civil  offices,  over  the  President's  veto,  March  2d. 

THE   TARIFF. 

Mr.  Grimes  called  attention  in  the  Senate,  January  18th,  to 
a  libelous  attack  in  The  Iron  Age,  the  organ  of  the  manufact 
urers  of  iron  and  cutlery  in  the  United  States,  with  reference 
to  his  motion  for  the  postponement  of  the  tariff  bill,  July  12, 
1866,  representing  that  he  had  "  used  his  influence  as  a  member 


1867.]  A  SENATOR  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  3H 

of  the  Senate  to  promote  his  own  private  ends."     Mr.  Reverdy 
Johnson  remarked : 

The  honorable  member  from  Iowa,  wherever  he  is  known,  and 
be  is  known  well  to  all  of  us,  needed  not  for  his  vindication  any 
thing  to  be  said  by  himself  in  contradiction  of  the  charge.  I  can 
not  say  all  that  I  think  in  his  presence ;  but  I  may,  without  violat 
ing  any  good  taste,  I  hope,  say  that  every  Senator  upon  this  floor 
must  be  convinced  that  there  is  no  member  of  the  body  who  is 
more  incapable  of  acting  from  improper  or  interested  motives.  His 
appearance  in  this  Chamber  is  not  of  a  day  only ;  he  has  been  with 
us  for  years,  he  was  reflected  by  an  almost  unanimous  vote  of  his 
Legislature,  and  has  resolved,  wisely  I  suppose  for  himself,  long 
before  his  term  expired,  to  do  nothing  more  than  serve  out  that 
term,  and  then  retire  to  private  life,  where  I  am  sure  he  will  be 
respected,  as  much  as  he  has  been  respected,  and,  by  those  who 
know  him,  beloved,  by  the  members  of  this  body.  The  public, 
however,  may  not  know  the  character  of  the  honorable  member, 
and  I  think  it  is  due — a  debt  which  we  owe  each  to  the  other  at  all 
times  and  under  all  circumstances — when  we  find  a  brother  member 
assailed,  to  denounce  it,  if  we  believe  it  to  be  false,  as  a  groundless 
slander.  Such,  I  am  sure,  is  the  case  in  this  instance. 

Mr.  Fessenden  remarked : 

I  am  informed  that  the  article  makes  an  allusion  to  the  Com 
mittee  on  Finance,  and  to  the  influence  that  was  probably  exerted 
by  the  honorable  Senator  from  Iowa  upon  that  committee.  I  can 
answer  only  for  one  of  them,  and  I  will  say  very  frankly  that,  if 
there  is  a  man  in  or  out  of  this  Senate  who  possesses  influence  with 
me,  it  is  the  honorable  Senator  from  Iowa.  No  man  possesses  more. 
I  have  great  respect  for  his  opinions,  and  for  the  uniform  integrity 
of  his  character,  as  we  all  have.  But  I  must  say  in  justification  of 
the  Senator,  and  of  the  committee,  or  of  the  chairman  of  it  in  this 
particular  instance,  that  the  honorable  Senator  never  spoke  to  me, 
that  I  know  of,  upon  the  subject  referred  to,  or  alluded  to  it  in  any 
way  whatever.  All  I  ever  heard  him  say  on  the  subject  was  said 
here,  on  the  floor  of  the  Senate. 

Upon  the  tariff  bill  Mr.  Grimes  said,  January  24th : 
The  man  who  opposes  the  passage  of  this  bill  must  expect  to 
be  slandered.     The  "  protectionists,"  as  they  choose  to  call  them- 


312  LIFE   OF  JAMES  W.   GEIMES.  [1867. 

selves,  have  opened  the  vials  of  their  wrath  upon  those  whose  op 
position  they  anticipated.  Threats  of  political  extinction  are  hurled 
against  every  man  who,  in  the  exercise  of  an  independent  judg 
ment,  is  not  prepared  to  impose  upon  his  constituents  the  burdens 
which  the  various  manufacturing  combinations  demand.  That  por 
tion  of  the  public  press  suborned  to  their  interest  is  rife  with 
charges  that  "  the  capital  is  thronged  with  free-traders,  and  that 
British  gold  is  operating  to  secure  American. legislation  for  British 
interests."  Every  man  is  condemned  in  advance,  who  would  inquire 
before  he  would  vote. 

We  know  what  this  means  ;  that  two  or  three  large  manufact 
uring  interests,  not  satisfied  with  enormous  profits  during  the  last 
six  years,  are  determined  at  whatever  hazard  to  put  more  money  in 
their  pockets,  and  to  this  end  have  persuaded  some  and  coerced 
other  manufacturing  interests  to  unite  with  them  in  a  great  combi 
nation  demand  for  what  they  call  protection  to  American  labor,  but 
what  some  others  call  robbery  of  the  American  laborer  and  agri 
culturist.  It  seems  that  the  men  specially  interested  in  the  pas 
sage  of  this  bill  are  bent  upon  taking  the  legislation  of  the  country 
into  their  own  hands,  are  unwilling  that  there  should  be  impartial, 
free  inquiry  into  the  subject ;  that,  conscious  of  the  interested  mo 
tives  from  which  their  own  action  springs,  they  cannot  conceive  it 
possible  that  those  who  disagree  with  them  can  be  inspired  by  any 
other  than  selfish  considerations. 

This  mad-dog  cry  of  "  free  trade  and  British  gold  "  passes  by 
me  like  the  idle  wind.  Nor  am  I  alarmed  at  the  scheme  of  sending 
free  of  charge  to  every  prominent  man  in  Iowa,  and  elsewhere  in 
the  Northwest,  a  weekly  copy  of  a  "  protectionist "  journal  of  New 
York,  for  the  double  purpose  of  building  up  a  sentiment  there  in 
favor  of  high  duties,  and  of  politically  destroying  such  members 
of  Congress  as  m'ay  not  vote  in  favor  of  them.  The  people  have 
not  asked  for  this  bill ;  so  far  as  we  know,  they  are  satisfied  with 
the  present  tariff  laws.  The  members  of  this  Congress  were  not 
elected  upon  any  issue  of  this  kind.  This  enactment  is  solely  de 
manded  by  the  manufacturers  of  iron,  and  a  few  wool  agriculturists 
and  speculators,  who  call  themselves  the  wool-growers  of  the  coun 
try.  They  have  organized  associations,  contributed  large  sums  of 
money  to  mould  public  sentiment  through  the  press,  and  formed 
combinations  with  other  interests  to  control  legislation.  The  result 


1867.]  A  SENATOR   OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  313 

is  before  us,  and  we  are  to  determine  whether  we  will  permit  these 
clubs  and  associations  of  interested  parties  to  govern  us  in  our  ac 
tion,  as  the  clubs  and  associations  of  revolutionary  France  governed 
the  constituent  assembly  of  that  country. 

It  is  the  fashion  to  denounce  every  man  who  does  not  favor  a 
prohibitory  tariff  as  a  free-trader.  The  charge  is  made  that  free- 
trade  agents  are  at  work  to  influence  Congress.  Who  has  seen 
these  free-trade  agents  ?  I  have  yet  to  see  the  first  man  who  is 
in  favor  of  free-trade,  nor  have  I  seen  any  man  who  was  opposed  to 
a  revenue  tariff  which  should  incidentally  protect  such  branches  of 
American  industry  as  needed  the  fostering  care  of  the  Government. 
It  is  on  questions  of  detail  that  we  differ,  as  to  how  much  shall  be 
taken  from  the  pocket  of  Peter  to  support  and  enrich  his  brother 
Paul. 

We  are  told  that  for  some  centuries  England  maintained  a  pro 
tective  system  almost  amounting  to  prohibition,  and  grew  rich  and 
powerful  under  it ;  and  that  example  is  presented  to  us  as  worthy 
of  imitation,  as  though  the  world  had  made  no  progress  in  arts  and 
sciences,  in  productive  resources  and  machinery,  in  the  science  of 
political  economy,  and  the  application  of  its  principles  to  practical 
life.  God  forbid  that  we  should  go  back  to  the  early  days  of  the 
British  Empire,  or  to  her  more  modern  da}*s,  for  laws  or  policies 
upon  which  to  model  our  systems,  national,  social,  or  economic ! 
Besides,  the  prosperity,  wealth,  and  renown  of  England  are  due  in 
a  far  greater  degree  to  her  commerce  than  to  her  manufactures.  It 
is  commerce  that  is  the  great  civilizer  and  elevator.  It  is  commerce 
that  has  poured  the  wealth  of  the  world  into  the  lap  of  England. 

The  measure  before  us  purports  to  be  a  bill  "  to  provide  increased 
revenue  from  imports,  and  for  other  purposes."  If  this  bill,  when 
passed  into  a  law,  would  "  provide  increased  revenue  from  imports," 
no  man  could  support  it  more  cheerfully  than  I  would.  That  is  pre 
cisely  what  my  constituents  desire,  and  believe  the  interests  of  the 
country  demand.  They  would  be  glad  to  see  that  kind  of  legisla 
tion  adopted  which  would  secure  such  an  "  increased  revenue  from 
imports  "  as  would  be  sufficient  to  pay  the  annual  governmental 
expenses  and  the  interest  on  the  public  debt,  without  resort  to  in 
ternal  taxes.  True  relief  is  only  to  be  found  in  the  abolition  of  the 
manufacturers'  tax.  But  the  friends  of  this  bill  do  not  support  it 
upon  any  such  theory  as  that.  They  do  not  pretend  that  it  will 


314:  LIFE  OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1867. 

"  provide  increased  revenue  from  imports."  If  they  thought  it 
would,  they  would  utterly  repudiate  it.  It  is  for  precisely  the  re 
verse  reason  assumed  in  the  title  of  the  bill — it  is  because  it  will  not 
"  provide  increased  revenue  from  imports  ;  "  it  is  because  they  be 
lieve  that  under  its  provisions  foreign  products,  coming  in  compe 
tition  with  American  products,  will  be  so  excluded  from  our  ports 
that  no  duty  at  all  can,  be  collected  on  them,  that  they  require  its 
passage.  The  title  is  a  misnomer.  Let  it  be  amended  so  as  to 
read,  "  An  act  to  prevent  the  collection  of  duties  from  imports,  and 
defray  the  expenses  of  Government  by  direct  taxation." 

This  bill  is  said  to  contain  a  provision  for  the  benefit  of  the  wool- 
growers  of  the  Western  States,  and  on  that  account  my  aid  is  in 
voked  to  secure  its  passage.  No  one  could  be  more  gratified  to 
render  to  that  class  of  our  people  any  legislative  assistance  in  my 
power,  provided  I  could  do  so  without  detriment  to  the  common 
interests  of  the  whole  country ;  and  not  otherwise.  The  Wool- 
Growers'  Association,  and  the  Wool-Manufacturers'  Association,  co 
operating  with  them  to  secure  the  adoption  of  this  bill,  demand 
that  for  every  cent  of  duty  imposed  on  wool  there  shall  be  four 
cents  per  pound  imposed  on  imported  woolens,  and  thirty-five  per 
cent,  ad  valorem  added,  to  cover  the  cost  of  chemicals,  dye-stuffs, 
transportation,  etc.  What  will  be  the  effect  ?  Granted,  for  the 
argument,  that  it  will  increase  the  price  of  both  domestic  and  for 
eign  wools,  to  the  temporary  advantage  of  the  home  producer ;  but 
at  whose  cost  ?  Of  course,  every  man  knows  that  the  profits  of  both 
the  wool-grower  and  wool-manufacturer  must  be  derived  from  the 
consumer.  I  would  not  advise  the  people  of  my  State,  under  the 
stimulus  of  a  high  duty,  to  rush  into  attempts  to  produce  wool  on  a 
large  scale,  which  cannot  be  of  advantage  to  the  State,  and  must 
be  disastrous  to  them.  From  the  time  of  the  Shepherd  Kings  down 
to  the  present  moment,  no  nation,  people,  or  community,  that  de 
voted  their  energies  principally  to  the  husbandry  of  flocks,  ever  be 
came  rich  or  powerful. 

I  admit  that  the  agriculturist  who  diversifies  his  labor,  the 
farmer  with  fifteen  horses,  forty  cattle,  fifty  swine,  and  one  hundred 
head  of  sheep,  is  a  benefactor,  and  should  be  encouraged.  Let  us 
see  how  this  bill  encourages  him.  His  one  hundred  head  of  sheep 
will  furnish  two  hundred  and  fifty  pounds  of  wool,  which  will  be 
increased  in  value  by  the  passage  of  this  bill,  if  it  does  what  its 


1867.]  A  SENATOR   OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  315 

most  ardent  friends  claim,  fifteen  cents  a  pound.  But,  in  order  to 
secure  this,  he  must  consent  to  be  taxed  six  cents  a  bushel  on  the 
salt  that  he  feeds  to  his  sheep,  and  with  which  he  cures  his  meat 
and  seasons  his  food  ;  he  must  agree  to  an  additional  tax  upon  the 
ploughs,  harrows,  shovels,  hoes,  and  reapers,  with  which  he  cultivates 
his  crops,  and  the  engine  that  drags  his  products  to  market ;  upon 
his  clothing,  the  household  utensils  used  in  preparing  his  food,  and 
the  table  cutlery  with  which  he  eats  it.  I  wrould  be  pleased  to 
know  where  the  net  profit  on  the  one  hundred  head  of  sheep  would 
be  found  in  this  transaction  ;  and,  if  that  would  be  small,  where 
wrould  the  equally  deserving  farmer,  who  was  not  the  owner  of 
sheep,  find  a  compensation  for  the  additional  taxation  put  upon  him 
by  this  bill  ?  And  let  it  be  remembered  that  those  who  raise  wool 
are  only  as  one  in  a  thousand,  by  the  side  of  those  who  consume  it. 
But  the  truth  is,  this  bill  will  not  cause  any  permanent  and  reliable 
advance  in  the  price  of  wool.  There  may  be  a  sort  of  spasmodic 
rise  brought  about,  for  the  benefit  of  speculators  holding  large 
quantities,  but  it  cannot  last.  This  bill  will  only  benefit  the  man 
ufacturer  by  placing  the  consumer  completely  in  his  power.  Never 
was  the  innocent  sheep  more  completely  shorn  than  the  wool- 
growers  have  been  in  the  combination  they  entered  into  with  the 
manufacturers  to  increase  the  price  of  wearing-apparel  and  blankets 
on  the  consumer. 

The  iron-makers  insist  that  they  are  in  distress  and  must  be 
relieved.  I  do  not  profess  to  be  as  well  informed,  upon  the  subject 
of  iron-manufacture  as  some  others,  or  perhaps  as  I  ought  to  be ; 
but,  so  far  as  my  observation  and  inquiries  have  extended,  I  am  con 
vinced  that  every  iron  establishment  in  the  country,  properly  located 
and  economically  conducted,  is  yielding  reasonable  profits  to  its 
owners,  and  some  of  them  yield  enormous  profits.  The  average 
varieties  of  iron  used  by  blacksmiths,  machinists  and  ship-builders, 
now  protected  to  the  extent  of  fifty-five  per  cent.,  are  advanced  by 
this  bill  fifteen  per  cent.  Nail-plate,  hoop-iron,  and  small  bar-iron, 
now  protected  by  sixty  per  cent,  duty,  are  advanced  from  fifteen  to 
seventy-five  per  cent.,  and  some  of  them  over  one  hundred  per  cent. 
But  the  iron-manufacturers  are  not  satisfied  with  the  monstrous 
duties  apparent  upon  the  face  of  the  bill.  By  adroitly  changing  the 
classification  of  iron,  several  descriptions  have  been  carried  from 
lower  to  higher  classes,  thus  making  an  additional  increase,  not  ap- 


316  LIFE   OF  JAMES  W.   GEIMES.  [1867. 

parent  to  a  casual  observer.  The  rates  of  duty  average  somewhat 
over  one  hundred  per  cent,  on  the  cost,  on  shipboard,  at  the  port  of 
shipment. 

Is  it  possible  that  we  are  prepared  to  place  such  a  tax  upon 
iron,  which  is  the  raw  material  of  all  our  industries,  and  which  it 
has  been  the  policy  of  all  civilized  nations  to  afford  to  their  people 
cheap  ?  Can  I  justify  myself  to  my  constituents,  for  voting  to 
doable  the  cost  of  iron,  by  pleading  that  in  their  behalf  we  secured 
the  blessed  boon  of  compelling  them  to  pay  double  for  all  the  cloth 
ing  they  wear  ? 

The  steel-manufacturers  tell  us  that  in  1859,  under  an  ad  va 
lorem  duty  of  twelve  per  cent.,  the  manufacture  of  steel  became  an 
assured  success ;  that  the  duty  fixed  by  the  act  of  1861  was  agreed 
on  between  the  importers  and  manufacturers,  and  was  well  adapted 
to  the  then  existing  state  of  the  manufacture  in  this  country. 
Now,  they  demand  an  increase  of  from  forty-six  to  sixty-seven  per 
cent,  on  the  existing  tariff.  Upon  Bessemer  steel  rails  is  fixed  a 
duty  of  forty-five  dollars  per  ton,  intended  to  be  prohibitory,  for  the 
benefit  of  the  rich  monopolists  who  are  the  assignees  of  the  patent 
ed  process  by  which  it  is  manufactured. 

Now,  what  is  to  be  the  effect  of  this  great  increase  in  the  price 
of  iron  and  steel  ?  Need  any  one  be  told  that  iron  and  steel  are 
the  bases  of  all  production,  and  that  the  enhancement  of  their  value 
will  increase  the  cost  of  every  variety  of  manufacture  ?  Can  any 
one  name  a  single  fabric  the  cost  of  which  will  not  be  augmented 
by  this  increased  duty  ?  The  manufacturers  of  every  variety  of 
hardware  and  cutlery  asked,  with  great  justice,  that  we  should  give 
to  them  an  increased  protection,  because  of  the  anticipated  increase 
in  the  value  of  what  is  to  them  the  raw  material,  iron  and  steel. 
There  is  not  a  single  industry  that  does  not  demand  and  need 
greater  protection,  because  of  the  increase  you  will  give  to  these 
articles.  The  manufacturers  of  machinery  require,  they  tell  us, 
that  the  duty  on  machinery  be  raised  from  thirty -five  per  cent,  to 
sixty-five  per  cent,  ad  valorem.  They  insist  that  a  machine  for 
spinning  cotton-yarn,  costing  in  gold  ten  thousand  dollars,  shall 
have  added  to  it  a  duty  of  six  thousand  five  hundred  dollars,  and 
all  other  machinery  employed  in  the  manufacture  of  cotton  and 
wool  must  be  enhanced  in  a  corresponding  degree.  Mills  already 
built  will  become  monopolies. 


1867.]  A  SENATOR  OF  THE  UNITED   STATES.  317 

Do  the  advocates  of  this  measure  insist  that  this  is  the  way  to 
build  up  manufactures  and  make  cheap  goods  ?  Is  this  the  way  to 
spread  prosperity  through  the  land,  and  make  glad  the  hearts  of 
the  poor  ?  Is  any  one  so  blind  as  not  to  see  that  the  effect  of  the 
bill  will  be  to  increase  the  colossal  fortunes  of  iron  and  steel 
masters,  and  of  owners  of  woolen  and  cotton  mills,  at  the  expense 
of  consumers  of  their  products  ?  Is  this  the  way  to  pay  the  inter 
est  on  the  public  debt  ?  Will  an  increase  of  price  of  every  neces 
sary  of  life  and  of  every  consumable  fabric  enable  the  people  to 
more  easily  pay  their  internal  taxes,  or  make  them  more  willing  to 
do  it  ?  These  are  questions  that  it  would  do  well  for  us  to  ponder. 
Yet  we  are  expected  to  vote  for  all  this,  because  we  are  permitted 
to  have  an  increased  duty  on  wool !  We  were  reminded  that  the 
farmers'  interests  were  to  be  specially  protected  under  this  bill,  and 
so  it  contains  a  provision  by  which  the  duty  on  salt  is  increased  one 
hundred  and  sixty  per  cent,  above  its  cost.  We  in  the  West  pro 
duce  beef  and  pork,  which  are  packed  and  sent  to  foreign  countries, 
where  they  come  in  competition  with  that  which  is  packed  else 
where  with  salt  that  pays  no  tribute,  free  salt.  Yet  the  farmers' 
interests  are  protected  ! 

Another  effect  of  this  bill  will  be  to  destroy  the  commerce  of 
this  country.  I  am  not  interested  either  in  manufactures  or  com 
merce.  I  speak  from  the  knowledge  of  historic  facts  I  have 
gathered  in  the  course  of  my  life.  I  hold  that  no  nation  can  be 
great  and  powerful,  and  occupy  a  prominent  and  respectable  posi 
tion  in  the  family  of  nations,  without  commerce.  When  I  said  this 
to  one  of  the  gentlemen  outside  of  the  Senate,  who  were  advocat 
ing  the  passage  of  this  bill,  he  denied  my  proposition,  and  referred 
me  to  Austria,  as  a  great  nation  without  commerce — priest-ridden, 
bankrupt,  despotic,  disintegrating  Austria — as  an  example  to  the 
country  !  You  have  already  by  hostile  legislation  nearly  destroyed 
your  commerce.  You  have  destroyed  your  business  with  Mexico 
and  with  Central  America ;  your  carrying-trade  is  to  a  great  ex 
tent  done  in  foreign  bottoms.  I  am  told  by  those  upon  whom  I 
rely  that  where  ten  years  ago  there  were  ten  vessels  of  this  country 
in  the  South  American  ports,  there  is  not  one  now.  This  change 
has  not  been  wrought  by  the  Alabamas  and  Floridas,  but  by  us. 
This  bill  will  effectually  destroy  your  trade  with  the  countries  of 
Northern  Europe. 


318  LIFE   OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1867. 

The  true  relief 'for  the  manufacturer  and  the  people  alike  should 
be  sought  in  a  reduction  of  the  internal  tax  on  manufactures. 
But  the  passage  of  this  bill  will  preclude  us  from  making  such  a 
reduction ;  for  its  practical  effect  would  be  to  increase  the  duty 
for  the  benefit  of  the  manufacturer,  and  throw  so  much  greater 
burden  upon  the  other  sources  of  internal  revenue.  This  measure 
will  derange  the  business  of  the  country,  and  afford  relief  to  no 
considerable  portion  of  the  people.  Its  inequalities  and  partiali 
ties  and  onesidedness  will  receive  the  condemnation  of  the  people, 
whenever  they  shall  have  an  opportunity  to  pass  upon  it. 

With  reference  to  tbe  plea  that  a  high  tariff  protects  Amer 
ican  labor,  Mr.  Grimes  said,  January  28th : 

We  have  other  laborers  than  those  employed  in  manufactures  ; 
the  labor  of  the  country  is  done  upon  the  farms;  and  the  basis 
of  our  products  and  of  all  our  manufactures  and  commerce  is  dug 
out  of  the  earth  by  the  farmers.  But  it  is  proposed  to  increase 
the  cost  and  expense  of  the  products  of  the  American  farmer, 
by  an  additional  imposition  even  upon  the  grindstones  with  which 
he  sharpens  his  tools.  That  tax  upon  the  importation  of  grind 
stones  will  be  an  excuse  for  the  owners  of  quarries  in  Ohio  and 
Michigan  to  increase  the  price,  in  the  proportion  that  Congress 
increases  the  duty. 

A  Senator  having  represented  Mr.  Grimes  as  denying  the 
whole  principle  of  protection  to  American  industry,  he  replied, 
January  30th: 

The  gentleman  is  entirely  misinformed.  I  have  never  declared 
myself  a  free-trader,  but  am  in  favor  of  a  revenue  tariff  with  inci 
dental  protection  to  such  branches  of  American  industry  as  need  the 
fostering  care  of  the  Government.  The  question  at  issue  is  as  to 
what  these  branches  are,  and  how  the  duties  can  be  properly  laid. 

He  added : 

T  do  not  know  but  that  this  constant  iteration  and  reiteration 
of  the  charge  of  free-trader  against  me  will  finally  lead  me  to  believe 
myself  that  I  am  actually  one ;  but  I  did  not  come  here  with  that 
conviction  on  my  mind,  and  up  to  this  time  I  have  never  avowed 
myself  to  be  such. 


1867.]  A  SENATOR  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  319 

LEAGUE   ISLAND. 

Mr.  Grimes  continued  to  advocate  earnestly  the  removal  of 
the  navy-yard  at  Philadelphia  to  League  Island.  The  matter 
had  been  upon  his  hands  for  more  than  four  years,  and  he  was 
anxious  to  have  it  disposed  of.  He  said,  February  12th  : 

The  country  does  not  want  another  navy-yard.  The  great  trouble 
with  us  is  that  we  have  too  many,  and  those  we  have  are  too  small. 
A  simple  proposition  comes  from  the  Navy  Department,  asking  that 
the  present  yard  at  Philadelphia  be  enlarged ;  and  the  question  was, 
whether  we  should  enlarge  that  yard  by  acquiring  the  adjacent 
property,  taking  it  out  of  the  business  property  of  the  city  that  is 
necessary  for  commercial  uses,  or  whether  we  should  move  it  to 
another  locality.  We  decided  that  it  was  best  for  the  Government 
to  move  to  another  locality,  and  then  the  question  was,  whether  we 
should  move  it  a  mile  and  a  half  off  to  League  Island,  or  farther 
down  the  river  to  Red  Bank  or  Chester. 

We  have  been  enlarging  our  yards  ever  since  the  foundation  of 
the  Government.  In  1798  the  Navy  Department  was  established. 
An  act  of  Congress  was  passed  authorizing  the  construction  of  six 
frigates.  At  that  time  Benjamin  Stoddart  was  the  Secretary  of  the 
Navy.  There  was  never  any  authority  of  Congress  to  establish  the 
six  navy-yards  that  we  had  in  this  country  ;  but  Mr.  Stoddart,  under 
the  latitudinarian  notions  that  prevailed  in  John  Adams's  Adminis 
tration  (as  his  enemies  said),  thought  that  the  authority  to  con 
struct  the  six  frigates  carried  with  it  the  power  to  purchase  the 
land  upon  which  they  should  be  built ;  and  therefore  that  Secretary 
of  the  Navy,  the  first  one  we  had,  bought  small  pieces  of  ground 
at  different  points,  upon  which  the  ships  were  built,  and  from  that 
day  to  this  we  have  been  continually  enlarging  these  yards.  Since 
I  have  been  a  member  of  this  body,  we  have  made  two  purchases 
to  add  to  the  Philadelphia  Navy-Yard ;  and  it  is  in  that  way  that 
all  our  navy-yards  have  sprung  up.  We  have  never  succeeded  in 
getting  a  yard  as  an  entirety,  except  that  noble  one  which  we  pos 
sess  on  Mare  Island,  on  the  Pacific  coast.  Now,  there  is  an  oppor 
tunity  to  secure  a  yard  as  an  entirety,  to  lay  it  off  as  it  ought  to  be, 
to  make  such  a  yard  as  is  demanded  by  the  commercial  and  naval 
interests  of  the  country,  and  worthy  of  a  great  maritime  power. 

I  did  not  commit  myself  in  favor  of  League  Island  until  I  had 


320  LIFE   OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1867. 

made  personal  inspection  of  it.  I  examined  it  before  I  reported  in 
favor  of  it.  I  have  been  there  three  times.  It  is  a  common,  low, 
interval  land,  like  the  land  you  find  along  the  streams  where  there 
is  tidal  water  in  any  of  the  Northern  States.  The  soil  is  firm,  and 
admits  of  as  good  constructions  being  raised  upon  it  as  the  ground 
of  any  navy-yard  we  have,  unless  it  be  at  Kittery  and  Mare  Island, 
where  we  have  stone ;  and  for  some  purposes,  as  the  construction 
of  works  for  the  fabrication  of  arms,  and  working  with  trip-ham 
mers,  it  is  better. 

It  will  be  to  our  advantage  that  the  ground  is  low.  What  are 
the  necessities  of  navy-yards  at  this  time  ?  Let  me  read  an  extract 
showing  what  Great  Britain  is  doing,  and  what  we  shall  be  com 
pelled  to  do,  if  we  intend  to  occupy  a  first-class  position  as  a  naval 
power : 

"The  designs  for  the  enlargement  of  the  Chatham  yard  will 
necessitate  the  taking  in  of  three  hundred  and  eighty  acres  adjoin 
ing  the  present  establishment,  by  which  the  entire  area  will  be  en 
larged  to  nearly  five  hundred  acres.  Of  this,  seventy-four  acres 
will  be  deep-water  space,  consisting  of  three  basins ;  the  fitting-out 
basin  of  thirty-three  acres,  the  repairing-basin  of  twenty-one  acres, 
and  the  factory -basin  of  twenty  acres." — (CHATHAM,  January  17, 
1867.  London  News.) 

The  time  will  come  when  we  shall  have  to  make  preparations 
for  establishing  as  extensive  navy-yards  as  they  have  in  Great 
Britain.  Need  I  undertake  to  illustrate  and  prove  before  the  mem 
bers  of  the  Senate  that  it  is  to  our  advantage  that  the  ground  is 
low  ?  The  earth  which  will  be  taken  from  the  excavations  for  the 
basins  will  be  sufficient  to  elevate  the  adjacent  ground  to  the  neces 
sary  height ;  and  the  nearer  your  dumping-ground  to  the  place  you 
are  excavating,  the  greater  is  the  saving  in  expense ;  whereas,  when 
you  take  your  navy-yard  to  some  other  place,  where  you  have  a 
granite  or  a  hard-pan  formation,  the  expense  for  preparing  the 
grounds  for  basins  will  be  immense. 

THE    DES   MOINES    EAPIDS. 

Advocating  the  improvement  of  the  navigation  of  the  Des 
Moines  Rapids  of  the  Mississippi  River  as  of  great  importance 
to  the  people  of  the  Northwest,  and  to  the  commerce  of  the 
whole  country,  Mr.  Grimes  remarked,  February  25th : 


1867.]  A  SENATOR  OF  THE  UNITED   STATES.  321 

The  first  survey  of  the  rapids  by  authority  of  law  was  made  in 
1836  or  1837,  by  Lieutenant  Robert  E.  Lee,  the  late  general  of  the 
rebel  arm}'.  He  reported  that  it  was  feasible  to  blow  out  the 
"  chains  "  across  the  river  which  make  the  rapids ;  and  appropria 
tions  of  a  small  amount  have  from  time  to  time  been  made  for  the 
purpose  of  carrying  out  his  views.  Another  survey,  but  not  a  mi 
nute  one,  T  think,  was  subsequently  made  by  General  Warren,  who 
decided  that,  although  such  a  process  as  that  might  not  make  the 
most  perfect  navigation,  yet  it  would  very  much — I  think  he  used 
the  expression — ameliorate  the  condition  of  the  stream.  Last  year 
an  appropriation  was  made  for  the  same  purpose,  and  General 
Wilson  was  sent  to  make  a  survey.  He  reports  in  favor  of  a  canal, 
instead  of  the  course  that  was  recommended  by  Lieutenant  Lee. 
On  the  strength  of  this  recommendation,  it  is  proposed  that  we 
appropriate  one  million  dollars  for  the  purpose  of  improving 
navigation  "  on  the  Mississippi  River,"  and  I  suppose  the  word 
"  on  "  is  used  in  that  phrase  to  convey  the  idea,  and  is  to  be  re 
garded  as  authority  by  the  War  Department,  to  make  a  canal,  in 
stead  of  improving  the  navigation  .itself.  I  am  not  prepared  to  say 
that  a  canal  is  the  right  way  to  improve  these  rapids.  I  do  not 
think  it  is.  I  am  unwilling,  unless  there  shall  be  something  more 
done  than  the  mere  survey  of  General  Wilson,  that  the  commerce 
of  the  country  shall  be  liable  to  the  interruption  which,  I  think,  a 
canal  will  impose  upon  it.  But  I  am  willing  that  the  Secretary  of 
War,  calling  to  his  aid  a  board  of  competent  officers,  and  taking 
the  report  of  General  Wilson,  in  connection  with  that  of  Lieutenant 
Lee,  and  that  of  General  Warren,  shall  decide  the  question  ;  and  I 
am  willing  to  abide  the  result. 

On  his  motion,  the  proviso  was  incorporated  into  the  law, 
that  any  canal  constructed  around  the  rapids  shall  be  and  for 
ever  remain  free  to  navigation  and  commerce,  and  no  tolls  shall 
ever  be  collected  thereon. 

106.— To  Mrs.  Grimes. 

WASHINGTON,  January  25,  1867. 

I  made  a  speech  yesterday,  which  is  regarded  as  a  pretty  good 
one,  but  for  which  I  shall  be  roundly  abused  by  those  who  call  them 
selves  protectionists,  but  who  are  more  properly  prohibitionists. 


322  LIFE   OF  JAMES  W.   GEIMES.  [1867. 

February  \st. — I  send  the  inclosed  from  the  New  York  Tribune,1 
to  show  you  what  a  fool  your  husband  is.  Horace  thinks  that  when 
one  becomes  a  man,  he  ought  not,  like  St.  Paul,  to  put  away  child 
ish  things. 

February  §th. — I  attended  the  performance  of  Handel's  "  Mes 
siah"  last  evening;  it  was  worth  a  thousand  operas.  The  leading 
female  voice  was  the  celebrated  Miss  Houston,  of  Boston.  There 
were  about  one  hundred  voices  in  the  chorus,  and  it  was  grand, 
according  to  my  judgment. 

I  notice  that  the  papers  are  still  discussing  me  and  the  tariff. 
The  tariff  is  dead  ;  perhaps  it  may  be  the  death  of  me  also. 

107. — To  Mrs.  Grimes. 

WASHINGTON,  February  18, 1867. 

I  postponed  writing  until  yesterday,  Sunday,  expecting  to  have 
leisure ;  but,  when  yesterday  came,  I  was  hardly  able  to  wield  a 
pen.  On  Friday  we  were  in  session  until  half-past  three  o'clock, 
Saturday  morning ;  Saturday,  in  committee  at  10  A.  M.,  and  in 
session  from  12  M.  to  half-past  six  o'clock,  Sunday  morning.  Our 
bill  was  the  new  reconstruction  measure,  which  the  House  are  now 
trying  to  defeat. 

My  health  has  been  excellent  this  winter,  but  that  session  put  a 
great  strain  upon  me,  and  I  have  not  entirely  got  over  it.  I  have 
about  made  up  my  mind  not  to  sit  up  through  another  session  in 
the  night. 

I  found  Mary's  abstract  of  her  history  very  pleasant,  and  do  not 
doubt  that  it  will  greatly  improve  her,  if  she  makes  a  similar  synop 
sis  of  each  chapter,  as  she  reads,  and  then  a  full  and  general  one  of 
each  volume.  It  will  improve  her  style,  and  teach  her  to  think. 
Advise  her  to  keep  it  up,  therefore. 

I  am  still  of  the  opinion  that  we  shall  get  away  by  the  middle 
of  March.  I  shall  go  at  any  rate. 

1  An  article,  -entitled  "  A  mirror  for  Grimes,"  concluding  thus :  "  The  outcry 
against  protection,  as  favoring  Pennsylvania  and  New  England,  at  the  cost  of  the 
West,  is  a  false,  delusive  clamor,  which  old  Clay  Whigs,  like  Mr.  Grimes,  ought  to 
be  ashamed  of." 


1867.]  A  SENATOR  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  323 


§  5.— In  the  Fortieth  Congress.— 1867-1869. 

The  impeachment  of  President  Johnson  was  first  bruited  in 
the  House  of  Representatives,  January  7,  1867.  It  was  regard 
ed  by  Mr.  Grimes,  at  the  time,  as  an  impolitic  measure,  and 
without  sufficient  warrant.  In  the  course  of  this  year  affairs 
assumed  a  gloomy  aspect.  Mr.  Grimes  had  serious  apprehen 
sions  of  anarchy  for  a  time.  The  excesses  of  the  President  pro 
voked  extreme  measures  in  opposition.  New  constructions 
were  given  to  the  Constitution.  The  powers  of  the  respective 
departments  of  the  Government  were  disturbed.  As  Mr.  Grimes 
predicted,  the  Republicans  lost  ground  in  the  fall  elections. 
The  first  session  of  the  Fortieth  Congress  was  held  in  March, 
July,  and  November. 

108.— To  Mrs.   Grimes. 

WASHINGTON,  March  12,  1867. 

The  impeachment  project  is  subsiding  ;  it  being  the  almost  uni 
versal  opinion  that,  while  the  President  has  been  guilty  of  many 
great  follies  and  wickednesses,  he  has  not  been  guilty  of  those 
overt,  flagrant,  corrupt  acts  that  constitute  "  high  crimes  and  misde 
meanors,"  and  make  an  impeachable  offense;  and  that  it  is  not  worth 
while  to  establish  an  example  which  might  result  in  making  ours  a 
sort  of  South  American  republic,  where  the  ruler  is  deposed  the 
moment  the  popular  sentiment  sets  against  him.  We  have  very 
successfully  and  thoroughly  tied  his  hands,  and,  if  we  had  not,  we 
had  better  submit  to  two  years  of  misrule,  which  is  a  very  short 
space  in  the  lifetime  of  a  nation,  than  subject  the  country,  its  insti 
tutions,  and  its  credit,  to  the  shock  of  an  impeachment.  I  have 
always  thought  so,  and  everybody  is  now  apparently  coming  to  my 
conclusion. 

AGAINST   CLASS   LEGISLATION. 

Upon  a  proposition  to  place  in  the  care  of  the  Freedmen's 
Bureau  moneys  due  colored  soldiers,  to  be  deposited  in  the 
Freedmen's  Savings  and  Trust  Company,  Mr.  Grimes  re 
marked,  March  13th: 


324  LIFE  OF  JAMES  W.   GEIMES.  [1867. 

I  do  not  know  that  any  very  great  degree  of  consistencj?  is 
expected  of  public  men  nowadays.  Certainly  I  do  not  think  we 
exhibit  any  very  great  degree  of  it.  During  the  session  that  has 
just  closed,  we  solemnly  declared  by  act  of  Congress  that  all  the 
colored  men  of  this  country  have  intelligence  enough,  and  position 
enough,  and  consequence  enough  in  the  country,  to  entitle  them  to 
the  elective  franchise.  We  have  made  them  citizens.  We  have 
said  nobody  shall  exercise  guardianship  over  them.  And  now  comes 
a  resolution  which  declares  that  the  Freedmen's  Bureau  shall  take 
possession  of  the  property  of  these  men ;  that  the  bureau,  or  its 
agents,  shall  be  authorized  to  receive  the  drafts  issued  to  them 
from  the  Treasury  Department  for  their  bounty,  pay,  or  pensions ; 
and  that  under  certain  circumstances  the  money  shall  be  deposited 
to  the  credit  of  the  commissioner,  not  in  a  sub-Treasury  of  the 
United  States,  not  in  a  national  bank,  but  in  the  Freedmen's  Sav 
ings  and  Trust  Company;  which,  so  far  as  I  know,  the  Senator  from 
Massachusetts  knows  no  more  about  the  solvency  of  than  I  do ; 
which  has  made  no  exhibit  of  the  condition  of  its  affairs  to  the  Sen 
ate,  or  to  Congress,  or  to  the  Military  Committee ;  and  which  may 
be  no  more  solvent  than  the  bank  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  Sen 
ator,  at  Newtonville,  which,  I  suppose,  he  would  have  been  willing 
to  indorse  two  weeks  ago,  in  as  emphatic  terms  as  he  has  indorsed 
this  savings-bank  to-day.1 

The  men  belonging  to  the  party  to  which  the  Senator  from 
Massachusetts  and  I  belong  have  always  claimed  that  this  class  leg 
islation  was  a  great  error,  that  it  was  wrong,  that  it  was  wicked ; 
that  we  should  not  single  out  one  class,  and  say  that  the  nation 
should  take  the  guardianship  of  that  class,  to  the  exclusion  of 
another  class,  and  confer  upon  them  a  consequence  which  we  would 
not  confer  upon  another  class.  I  had  thought  and  hoped  that  that, 
time  had  gone  by  ;  that  we  were  successful ;  that  we  had  triumphed 
in  this  regard ;  and  that  we  were  to  see  and  hear  no  more  of  class 

1  In  1873,  a  national-bank  examiner,  under  instructions  from  the  Controller  of 
the  Currency,  examined  the  books  of  the  Freedmen's  Bank,  and  reported  its  affairs 
to  be  unsatisfactory,  and  pointed  out  a  number  of  irregularities,  which  might 
well  have  been  characterized  first  as  last  as  so  many  robberies.  In  1874,  another 
examination  was  held,  and  the  concern  was  pronounced  insolvent.  And  in  little 
less  than  a  year  from  the  time  that  the  insolvency  of  the  bank  became  known — such 
was  the  involved  and  atrocious  condition  of  its  affairs — none  of  its  wronged  and 
needy  depositors  has  received  a  cent. — (The  Nation,  April  15,  1875.) 


1867.]  A  SENATOR  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  325 

legislation.  But  what  is  this  proposition  but  placing,  by  an  act  of 
Congress,  the  business  affairs  of  all  the  colored  men  who  have  been 
in  the  Army  and  Navy  and  marine  corps,  under  the  guardianship  of 
the  Government  and  of  the  Freedmen's  Savings  and  Trust  Com 
pany  ?  I  have  no  doubt  that  wrong  has  been  perpetrated  on  col 
ored  men  in  the  collection  of  this  money.  So  it  has  on  white  men, 
and  there  is  no  reason  why  we  should  pass  such  a  law  applicable  to 
colored  people,  and  not  apply  it  to  the  white  people. 

With  reference  to  tendering  the  thanks  of  Congress  to  sev 
eral  generals  for  their  civil  administration  in  the  South,  Mr. 
Grimes  said,  July  8th  : 

I  think  it  would  be  exceedingly  immature  and  improper  for  the 
Congress  of  the  United  States,  upon  the  little  testimony  they  have 
before  them  on  the  subject,  to  adopt  these  resolutions.  Until  within 
the  last  two  or  three  years,  a  vote  of  thanks  of  Congress  was  re 
garded  as  the  highest  benefaction  that  could  be  bestowed  upon  an 
American  citizen.  We  have  already  greatly  lowered  it  in  the  esti 
mation  of  the  public  by  conferring  it  upon  civilians  1  for  no  distin 
guished  merit ;  and  now  it  has  been  proposed,  not,  as  heretofore,  in 
regard  to  Army  and  Navy  officers,  for  distinguished  services  in  the 
field  where  they  have  periled  their  lives,  but  for,  it  is  supposed, 
civil  administration.  I  do  not  know  enough  about  the  administra 
tion  of  these  men  to  be  able  to  pronounce  such  a  judgment  as  I 
ought  to  be  able  to  pronounce,  when  I  cast  a  vote  for  such  a  propo 
sition.  So  far  as  General  Sheridan  is  concerned,  we  have  thanked 
him  for  his  services  in  the  field.  What  do  we  know  about  his  ad 
ministration  at  New  Orleans,  except  such  information  as  we  get 
through  the  newspapers  ? 

THE    COTTON-TAX   AND   THE   PROSPEBITT    OF   THE    SOUTHERN   STATES. 

I  considered  this  cotton-tax  at  the  time  it  was  imposed,  two 
years  ago,  as  a  temporary  tax.  All  the  taxes  imposed  at  that  time 
were,  in  fact,  experiments.  We  all  so  regarded  them,  and  spoke 
of  them.  We  have  been  taking  them  off  from  some  articles,  and 
putting  them  on  others,  and  changing  them  every  session  since  we 
began  this  system  of  internal  direct  taxation.  The  question  is, 

1  Cornelius  Vanderbilt,  George  Peabody. 
22 


326  LIFE   OF  JAMES  W.   GEIMES.  [1867. 

What  has  experience  taught  on  this  subject  ?  Is  it  wise  to  continue 
the  tax  ?  Does  the  condition  of  our  finances  require  it  ?  Will  it 
improve  the  industries  of  the  country  ?  Can  its  continuance  be 
longer  justified  ?  I  have  always  voted  for  taxes  on  cotton,  not  be 
cause  they  are  based  upon  the  slightest  principle  in  the  world,  ex 
cept  the  same  principle  that  will  justify  a  forced  loan. 

I  should  like  to  call  the  attention  of  the  Senate  to  the  chapter 
that  we  are  now  making  in  American  history,  as  it  is  to  be  read  in 
the  future.  There  were  eleven  States  of  the  Union  that  undertook 
to  destroy  our  Government,  for  the  sake,  as  they  insisted,  of  pre 
serving  their  property  in  men.  They  levied  war  and  appealed  to 
arms.  In  those  eleven  States,  slaves  had  been  held  as  property  for 
many  generations.  In  six  of  those  States,  slaves  were  employed 
almost  exclusively  in  the  production  of  cotton  for  nearly  a  century. 
That  was  the  means  by  which  they  supported  and  accumulated 
wealth  for  their  masters,  and  procured  their  own  daily  bread.  They 
are  accustomed  to  no  other  kind  of  labor.  The  rebellion  against 
the  Government  was  crushed.  We  have  been  the  victors.  As  the 
victors,  we  have  imposed  terms  upon  the  rebels.  One  of  those 
terms  is,  that  the  slaves  shall  be  free  men  from  this  time  forward. 
We  have  done  that  as  an  act  of  precaution,  and  as  an  act  of  justice. 
We  have  felt  it  to  be  our  duty  to  elevate,  to  educate,  and  to  make 
free  men,  in  every  sense,  of  these  colored  people,  and  have  bestowed 
upon  them  the  elective  franchise.  And  now,  while  attempting  to 
elevate  and  ennoble  that  class  of  men,  we  propose  to  strike  at  the 
industry  to  which  they  have  been  accustomed — the  only  instrumen 
tality  which  it  is  in  the  power  of  those  men  to  use,  in  order  to  edu 
cate  and  support  their  families — by  selecting  the  article  of  cotton, 
the  only  agricultural  product  reared  upon  American  soil  that  is 
taxed,  and  impose  upon  it  a  tax  of  twenty-three  per  cent.  And 
you  do  this,  when  you  protect  free  labor  in  the  North,  by  imposing 
an  average  duty  of  sixty-five  per  cent,  upon  all  articles  which  come 
in  competition  with  Northern  labor  from  abroad.  Do  you  say  that 
this  is  not  striking  at  free  labor  in  the  South  ?  We  all  know  that 
it  is.  If  it  be  not,  what  becomes  of  the  argument  of  forty  years' 
standing,  that  the  free  labor  of  the  country  needed  protection,  and 
that  your  tariff  had  a  tendency  to  foster,  protect,  ennoble,  and  dig 
nify  American  labor  ?  Yet  here  you  take  from  the  very  poorest, 
the  most  dependent  agricultural  laborer  in  the  country,  twenty-five 


1867.]  A  SENATOR  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  327 

per  cent,  of  the  value  of  his  product,  while  you  protect  the  skilled 
laborer  of  the  country  to  the  average  extent  of  sixty-five  per  cent., 
knowing  at  the  same  time  that  this  burden  which  you  impose  upon 
the  needy  American  producer  of  cotton  operates  as  a  forty  per  cent, 
bonus  to  the  grower  of  cotton  in  India  and  Egypt,  to  enable  the 
latter  to  drive  your  own  producer  out  of  the  markets  of  the  world. 
This  is  the  chapter  of  history  we  are  making. 

We  are  deeply  interested  in  this  subject.  We  are  not  anxious, 
as  some  gentlemen  avow  that  they  are  anxious,  that  the  production 
of  cotton  in  the  South  shall  be  broken  up,  and  the  people  of  that 
section  only  produce  corn  and  the  cereals  in  the  place  of  cotton. 
We  want  labor  in  the  South  to  be  rehabilitated  and  reorganized. 
We  want  the  old  productions  resumed,  and  labor  there  to  have  its 
proper  reward.  We  want  the  Southern  States  to  furnish  in  the 
future,  as  they  once  did,  a  reliable  market  for  the  agricultural  prod 
ucts  of  the  Northwest.  Is  there  anything  improper  in  this  ?  What 
is  the  argument  that  our  New  England  friends  urge  here  in  favor 
of  their  sixty-five  per  cent,  upon  all  the  imports  of  the  country  ? 
That  by  the  aid  of  that  duty  they  build  up  a  market  where  our  ag 
ricultural  products  are  consumed.  Are  they  unwilling  that  we 
should  have  two  markets  ?  Is  it  not  as  proper  for  us  to  be  in 
terested  in  having  a  market  at  the  South,  and  to  that  end  allow 
the  Southern  people  to  raise  such .  products  as  they  please,  as  that 
we  should  vote  to  enforce  sixty-five  per  cent,  of  duties  on  such 
imported  articles  as  we  consume,  and  then  attempt  to  justify  our 
selves  on  the  ground  that  we  thereby  make  a  market  for  agricult 
ural  products  in  the  Eastern  States? 

I  am  willing  that  the  tax  should  be  suspended  for  one  year,  un 
til  we  can  see  what  may  be  the  effect  of  that  suspension  upon  the 
industry  and  finances  of  the  country  ;  otherwise,  I  shall  vote  for  its 
entire  repeal  (December  20th). 

In  the  fall  of  186T,  before  leaving  home  for  Washington,  Mr. 
Grimes  expressed  to  a  few  friends  his  desire  to  aid  in  founding 
a  public  library  in  Burlington.  An  association  was  organized 
for  that  purpose,  February  22, 1868.  His  original  donation  was 
five  thousand  two  hundred  and  four  dollars  and  twenty-five 
cents,  which  he  expended  in  the  purchase  of  twenty-one  hun 
dred  and  four  volumes,  many  of  them  large  and  costly  books. 


328  LIFE   OF  JAMES  W.   GEIMES.  [1868. 

Subsequently,  he  sent  from  Europe  two  hundred  and  fifty-six 
volumes  in  the  German  language.  He  also  contributed  six 
hundred  volumes  of  public  documents,  covering  the  period  of 
his  service  in  Congress. 

109. — To  Henry  W.  Starr,  Esq.,  Burlington, 

WASHINGTON,  January  20,  1868. 

If  the  citizens  of  Burlington  will  organize  a  library  association, 
by  whatever  name  and  in  whatever  manner  the^y  choose,  so  that  it 
shall  be  virtually  a  free  library,  and  give  ample  assurance  of  being 
always  preserved  and  maintained  as  such,  I  will  place  in  the  hands 
of  a  gentleman,  competent  to  the  task,  the  sum  of  five  thousand 
dollars,  with  which  to  purchase  such  books  as  shall  form  the  nucleus 
of  a  permanent  library. 

I  do  not  wish  to  designate  the  names  of  the  trustees.  I  only 
hope  that  they  will  be  worthy  men,  who  will  take  some  interest  in 
the  subject ;  but  I  do  not  intend  to  become  in  the  most  remote 
degree  responsible  for  the  management  of  the  library.  I  have  read 
the  constitution  of  the  Keokuk  Association.  I  am  not  much  of  a 
believer  in  lectures  or  lecturers.  They  are,  as  a  class,  rather  shal 
low,  and  their  productions  as  shallow  as  the  authors.  Still  I  do 
not  object  to  lectures  being  established  as  a  part  of  the  plan. 

You  can  make  use  of  this  letter,  so  you  do  not  permit  it  to  get 
into  the  newspapers.  I.  think  there  is  no  one  who  dislikes  to  see 
his  name  in  a  newspaper  as  much  as  I  do,  and  especially  in  connec 
tion  with  a  charity,  or  with  such  an  object  as  this.  If  the  library 
succeeds,  I  shall  probably  do  something  further  for  it,  but  I  do  not 
think  it  wise  to  place  myself  under  any  obligation  to  that  effect,  and 
therefore  shall  not  pledge  myself  to  anything  of  the  sort.  Money 
must  be  raised  from  other  sources  to  furnish  the  necessary  appur 
tenances  of  a  library,  such  as  furniture,  carpets,  shelves,  light,  fuel, 
and  to  keep  the  property  owned  by  the  association  forever  insured. 

Advocating  a  resolution  authorizing  the  President  to  appoint 
naval  officers  on  the  retired  list,  not  below  the  rank  of  command 
er,  to  vacant  consulates,  Mr.  Grimes  remarked,  January  16th : 

A  naval  officer  is  a  man  taken  when  a  youth  and  educated  for  the 
service  of  his  country,  who  has  been  instructed  at  the  Naval  School 
in  international  law.  During  a  service  of  twenty  or  twenty-five 


1868.]  A  SENATOK   OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  329 

years  he  has  mingled  among  gentlemen,  both  in  our  own  country  and 
abroad ;  it  is  his  business  to  understand  the  commercial  laws,  for  that 
is  a  part  of  the  profession  of  a  naval  officer,  and  he  is  sent  abroad  for 
the  purpose  of  enforcing  them  ;  and  we  think  that  competent  men 
may  be  selected  from  that  branch  of  the  service  to  perform  consular 
duty.  We  think  that  is  a  very  good  school  in  which  to  prepare  them 
for  these  consulates.  The  Government  will  save  a  considerable 
amount  of  money  by  allowing  naval  officers,  who  are  receiving  half- 
pay,  to  be  appointed  consuls.  In  doing  so  we  follow  the  practice  of 
every  commercial  nation.  One-half  of  the  consulates  of  Great  Brit 
ain  throughout  the  world  are  held  by  half-pay  officers,  both  of  the 
army  and  navy.  It  is  the  same  with  the  other  governments  of  the 
world.  The  question  as  to  whether  a  particular  man  was  compe 
tent  to  fill  one  of  these  offices  would  be  determined  by  the  Presi 
dent  when  he  appointed  him,  and  by  the  Senate  when  they  came  to 
act  upon  his  confirmation.  We  have  a  surplus  of  officers.  Some 
are  unqualified  for  sea-duty,  but  they  all  have  the  capacity  for 
doing  shore-duty,  such  as  pertains  to  a  consular  agency. 

THE  NAVAL  PENSION  FUND. 

When  the  Navy  was  established,  at  the  beginning  of  this  cen 
tury,  there  was  a  law  passed  that  in  all  future  time  the  proceeds  of 
prizes  captured  upon  the  high-seas  by  vessels  of  the  United  States, 
and  brought  into  ports  of  the  United  States  and  condemned, 
should  be  distributed,  one  half  to  the  captors,  in  the  proportion 
specified  by  the  law,  and  the  other  half  should  go  into  the  naval 
pension  fund,  from  which  the  widows  and  orphans  of  naval  officers 
and  seamen  should  be  guaranteed  the  payment  of  their  pensions. 
That  is  the  way  in  which  this  fund  was  created ;  by  the  earnings, 
in  effect,  of  the  sailors  and  men  belonging  to  the  Navy.  Whether 
it  be  true  that  the  Government  technically  pledged  its  faith  to  pre 
serve  the  fund  intact  or  not,  it  is  true  that  they  are  regarded  by 
the  seamen  of  the  country  as  having  made  that  pledge,  and  it  has 
stood  good  for  about  seventy  years. 

Whenever  a  sailor  who  has  been  employed  in  the  service  of  the 
United  States  presents  his  claim  for  prize-money,  and  he  finds  that 
it  is  not  as  great  as  he  had  anticipated,  he  is  immediately  told,  "  It 
is  true  your  distributive  share  is  not  as  great  as  you  think  you  are 
entitled  to,  but  you  must  remember  that  one-half  of  the  whole  pro- 


330  LIFE  OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1868. 

ceeds  of  the  prizes,  in  the  capture  of  which  you  took  part,  has 
gone  into  the  Treasury,  and  is  part  of  a  fund  in  Washington, 
which  is  dedicated  to  your  benefit  and  the  benefit  of  your  children, 
and  which  the  Government  of  the  United  States  is  under  a  moral 
obligation,  at  any  rate,  if  not  a  legal  obligation,  never  to  interfere 
with."  ]STow,  the  question  is,  whether  it  is  advisable  to  change  the 
course  of  the  Government  during  the  last  seventy  years,  and  say 
that  an  act  shall  be  done,  which  will  be  considered  by  these  sea 
men,  whether  correctly  or  not,  as  a  violation  of  the  public  faith. 

I  am  free  to  say  that  I  am  in  favor  of  letting  the  matter  stand 
as  it  is.  If  ever  there  was  a  fund  equitably  and  justly  adminis 
tered,  this  has  been ;  and  the  only  difficulty  is,  that  it  has  been  so 
well  administered  that  these  sailors  and  officers  have  gathered  to 
gether  so  large  a  fund  that  it  is  proposed  by  certain  gentlemen  to 
put  their  hands  into  the  Treasury  and  grab  it,  because  it  has  be 
come  so  large.  But  it  is  said  that  we  ought  to  abolish  the  naval 
pension  fund  for  the  purpose  of  simplifying  the  accounts.  How  far 
would  that  simplify  the  accounts  ?  Three  or  four  years  ago  we 
passed  a  bill  directing  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  to  invest  all 
this  money  in  registered  securities  of  the  United  States ;  but  we 
all  know  that  it  is  realty  no  indebtedness  of  the  United  States, 
that  it  is  simply  keeping  the  money ;  and  the  proposition  is  to  take 
this  money  out  of  one  pocket  and  virtually  put  it  into  another. 

Am  I,  then,  asked  why  I  object  to  the  proposition  ?  It  is  because 
it  bears  upon  its  face,  in  the  estimation  of  a  large  class  of  our  fel 
low-citizens,  the  idea  that  it  is  diverting  a  fund  which  has  been 
dedicated  for  their  benefit.  This  fund  is  composed  of  the  earnings 
of  men  in  our  employment.  We  pledged  ourselves  that,  when 
they  attacked  the  enemy's  vessels  and  captured  them,  if  they  would 
bring  them  into  our  ports,  where  they  could  be  condemned  by 
our  courts,  this  fund  should  be  dedicated  for  all  time  to  come  for  a 
specific  purpose.  I  am  free  to  confess  that  the  subject  of  this  fund 
has  given  me  a  good  deal  of  thought.  I  am  willing  to  admit  that 
it  has  been  accumulating  too  rapidly  ;  not  that  we  have  gathered 
too  many  prizes,  but  that  the  fund  is  getting  larger,  probably,  than 
it  ought  to  be.  My  effort  has  been  to  find  some  way  in  which  we 
could  dispose  of  this  matter  without  violating  what  is  understood 
to  be  the  public  faith  of  the  country.  I  have  been  waiting  for  some 
proposition,  not  like  this,  to  sweep  the  whole  fund  away,  but  such 


1868.]  A  SENATOR   OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  331 

as  that  of  the  Senator  from  Maine  (Mr.  Fessenden),  to  pay  the  sur 
plus  of  interest  into  the  Treasury  of  the  United  States.  I  would 
be  content  to  vote  for  a  proposition  that  would  reduce  the  rate  of 
interest  on  the  certificates  which  are  held  by  the  Secretary  of  the 
Navy  in  trust,  as  a  trustee,  for  this  fund,  say  to  three  per  cent.,  or 
to  such  other  rates  as  shall  pay  the  ordinary  pensions  of  the  officers 
and  men  of  the  Navy.  What  I  want  to  preserve  is  the  principal 
of  the  fund,  and  the  faith  of  the  nation  pledged  to  these  men,  as 
they  understand  it  (March  7th). 

THE   PENSION   SYSTEM. 

It  is  not  a  gratuity,  to  reward  men  for  what  they  have  done ; 
but  we  say  to  the  citizens  of  this  country  in  advance  :  "  We  have 
established  a  pension  system  ;  if  you  choose  to  volunteer,  or  are 
drafted  for  the  service  of  the  United  States,  and  are  killed  or 
wounded,  you  shall  be  provided  for,  in  the  one  case  during  the  bal 
ance  of  your  life,  or  your  family  in  the  other."  That  has  been  the 
policy  of  the  Government  from  its  foundation.  We  have  proceeded 
upon  that  idea,  and  it  is  a  part  of  the  national  system ;  if  you  choose 
to  call  it  so,  to  encourage  patriotism.  It  says  to  the  poor  man,  "  If 
you  choose  to  leave  your  family  and  risk  your  life,  in  the  defense 
of  the  country,  and  in  holding  up  its  flag  when  it  is  attacked,  your 
family  shall  be  provided  for,  and  your  wants  supplied  in  the  future." 
It  was  never  intended  to  meet  a  charitable  case,  if  you  please,  but 
is  part  of  a  system. 

Now,  the  question  is,  whether  or  not  we  had  better  establish  a 
precedent,  by  which  we  shall  pay  all  the  deputy  provost-marshals. 
But  the  principle  extends  beyond  a  deputy  provost-marshal.  Why 
shall  we  not  extend  it  to  a  deputy-marshal,  who  in  the  execution  of 
the  process  of  a  United  States  court  is  shot  down  ?  A  Senator  says 
we  ought  to  do  so.  That  may  be  his  idea.  His  idea  of  the  Gov 
ernment  may  be  that  of  a  great  system  of  pensioned  citizens.  That 
is  not  my  idea,  and  that,  I  apprehend,  was  not  the  idea  of  the  men 
who  founded  the  Government  (March  12th). 

THE    NAVY. 

Mr.  Grimes  advocated  its  reduction  to  eight  thousand  five  hun 
dred  men,  as  before  the  war.  In  this  he  stood  alone,  among  those 
who  were  regarded  as  friends  of  the  Navy.  No  other  member 


332  LIFE   OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1868. 

of  the  Senate  Committee  on  Naval  Affairs,  nor  the  Navy  De 
partment,  approved  such  a  reduction.  The  proposition  was 
attributed  to  an  extraordinary  fit  of  economy.  Of  the  Marine 
Corps,  he  said : 

I  know  no  reason  why  there  should  be  a  greater  number  of  men 
or  officers  in  it  now  than  before  the  war ;  and  I  give  notice  to  those 
gentlemen  who  are  electioneering  about  the  Senate  in  behalf  of  the 
Marine  Corps,  that,  if  I  can  reduce  them  to  where  they  were  before 
the  war,  I  shall  use  ray  utmost  effort  to  do  it. 

In  reply  to  some  criticisms  upon  his  views,  he  remarked : 
I  have  never  arrogated  to  myself  any  particular  knowledge  upon 
naval  affairs.  It  has  so  happened  that  during  my  past  life  I  have 
been  brought  into  rather  intimate  connection  with  the  subject,  and 
during  the  term  of  my  service  in  the  Senate  I  have  been  on  the 
Naval  Committee.  I  have  done  the  best  that  was  in  my  power  to 
inform  myself  upon  the  subjects  that  came  before  the  committee, 
and  have  honestly  attempted  to  convey  the  information  I  have  ob 
tained  to  the  body  of  which  I  was  a  member. 

He  said,  March  2,  1869 : 

The  proper  way  to  conduct  the  Department,  if  a  civilian  is 
to  be  at  the  head  of  it,  is  for  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  to  detail 
a  naval  officer  to  act  for  the  time  being  as  Assistant  Secretary. 

Explaining  the  system  of  naval  apprentices,  Mr.  Grimes 
said,  April  6th : 

That  is  a  system  which  'has  grown  up  during  the  war.  It  was 
discovered,  both  in  the  commercial  and  in  the  naval  marine,  that  the' 
number  of  sailors  was  gradually  diminishing,  and  that  it  was  almost 
impossible  to  secure  the  service  of  men  who  were  fit  to  perform 
duty  as  man-of- wars-men.  It  was,  therefore,  thought  advisable  to 
establish  what  is  known  in  our  service  as  the  apprentice  system, 
picking  up  boys  along  the  coast,  and  putting  them  upon  old  sail 
ing-vessels,  under  the  charge  of  naval  officers,  where  they  are  in 
structed  in  the  rudimentary  branches  of  education,  enlisting  them 
until  they  are  twenty-one  years  of  age,  preparing  them  for  the  per 
formance  of  the  duties  of  petty  officers  on  board  ship  ;  and,  in  order 
to  encourage  this  class  of  young  men  to  enter  the  service,  we  have 


1868.]  A  SENATOR  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  333 

said  that  ten  of  them  shall  every  year  be  taken  from  on  board  these 
practice-ships,  and  be  sent  to  the  Naval  Academy,  to  be  educated 
as  officers.  The  opinion  of  naval  officers  is,  that  this  system  has 
worked  admirably.  They  do  not  desire  that  it  should  be  disturbed. 
The  purpose  I  had  in  view  was  to  save  this  system,  to  encourage 
the  education  of  this  class  of  boys  for  the  naval  and  the  commercial 
marine  in  the  future. 

ADMIRAL   FARRAGUT. 

The  Franklin  is  the  only  large  ship  we  have  now  afloat.  She  is 
in  the  European  waters,  and  bears  the  pennant  of  the  only  admiral 
this  country  ever  saw.  Festivities  have  been  enjoyed  by  that  gen 
tleman,  whose  father  was  a  native  of  one  of  the  islands  in  the 
Mediterranean,  such  as  have  never  been  enjoyed  by  any  one  else  in 
this  country;  and  greater  honors  have  been  bestowed  upon  him. 
Let  me  relieve  any  who  may  have  apprehensions  on  this  subject, 
by  saying  that  not  a  dollar  is  spent  by  Admiral  Farragut  in  any  of 
the  festivities  in  which  he  participates,  or  that  he  gives,  which  does 
not  come  out  of  his  own  pocket,  and  that  ours  is  the  only  nation  on 
the  globe,  that  has  a  fleet,  that  does  not  furnish  money  to  its  ad 
mirals,  situated  as  he  is,  to  entertain  distinguished  people  where 
they  cruise  (April  7th). 

THE   TARIFF. 

Proposing  a  reduction  of  duties  upon  all  importations,  to 
the  extent  of  ten  per  cent.,  Mr.  Grimes  said,  March  18th  : 

I  offer  this  proposition  for  several  reasons : 

1.  To  redeem  the  faith  of  the  Government,  that,  if  not  techni 
cally,  is  virtually  pledged  to  a  proportionate  reduction  of  the  duties 
on  imports,  as  the  taxes  on  domestic  manufactures  shall  be  removed. 
We  passed  a  war  tariff  in  1861,  by  which  we  greatly  increased  the 
duties  imposed  by  the  tariff 'of  1857.     The  argument  urged  by  the 
advocates  of  the  tariffs  of  1862  and  1864  was,  that  it  was  necessary 
to  pass  those  acts  in  order  to  adjust  the  tariff  to  the  existing  in 
ternal  taxes.    In  fact,  the  internal  tax  law  was  the  only  pretext  for 
imposing  the  high  rates  of  duties  under  the  tariff  acts  of  those 
years. 

2.  Because  it  is  but  fair  that  while  we  relieve  the  manufacturers 
of  the  country,  and  enable  them  to  make  money,  we  should  at  the 


334  LIFE  OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1368. 

same  time  relieve  the  consumers  of  the  country,  and  enable  them 
to  save  a  little  money ;  for,  however  we  may  arrange  our  tariff  and 
tax  laws,  or  however  we  may  reason  about  them,  we  cannot  escape 
from  the  conclusion  that  the  revenues  of  the  Government,  through 
whatever  channels  paid  into  the  Treasury,  are  wholly  drawn  from 
the  consumers.  Without  the  amendment  I  propose,  the  advantage 
will  be  exclusively  to  the  manufacturers  and  not  to  the  consumers. 
Every  dollar  that  we  prevent  going  into  the  Treasury  for  the  bene 
fit  of  these  manufacturers,  only  serves  to  so  much  increase  the 
tariff  upon  the  consumers. 

3.  Because  it  is  fair  and  important  that  all  branches  of  industry 
should  understand  what  is  to  be  the  whole  policy  of  the  Govern 
ment.     The  manufacturers  are  a  comparatively  small  class  in  this 
country.     While  it  is  important  to  them  to  know  whether  their 
products  are  hereafter  to  be  taxed,  it  is  of  equal  importance  that 
the  mercantile,  the  commercial,  and  the  agricultural  interests  should 
know  whether  or  not  we  are  to  be  content  to  improve  the  condition 
of  the  manufacturers,  and  ignore  the  claims  of  all  other  classes  of 
people  and  all  other  descriptions  of  industry. 

4.  Because  a  reduction  of  the  tariff  will  greatly  increase  the 
revenue  from  imports,  and  for  two  reasons  :  first,  as  we  increase  the 
cost  of  an  article,  we  diminish  the  number  of  those  who  will  be  able 
to  consume  it ;  and,  second,  because  you  will  thereby  lessen  the 
amount  of  frauds  upon  the  revenue.     Your  tariff  laws  now  furnish 
an  incitement  to  smuggling,  and  the  passage  of  the  act  as  reported 
will  stimulate  that  description  of  enterprise  still  further.     I  can 
enumerate  many  imported  articles  now  openly  sold  in  the  market 
of  New  York  at  one-half  the  import  duty.     Why  ?     Because  your 
high  duty  has  encouraged  smuggling. 

I  do  not  know  that  it  makes  much  difference  to  the  Senate  or 
the  country  what  may  be  my  opinions,  or  whether  or  not  I  have 
changed  my  opinions  ;  whether  or  not  I  was  once  in  favor  of  pro 
tection,  and  am  now  in  favor  of  free  trade.  But  it  is  not  true  that 
I  ever  was  a  protectionist,  if  by  a  protectionist  you  mean  what  I 
understand  to  be  meant  by  the  high-tariff  men  of  this  body,  a  pro 
hibitionist,  or  a  restrictionist,  and  there  is  not  any  difference.  The 
word  "  protection,"  as  applied  to  this  subject,  is  a  misnomer.  It 
never  should  be  used  in  connection  with  it,  for  there  cannot  be  a 
protection  unless  to  the  extent  that  the  article  is  protected  ;  to  that 


1868.]  A  SENATOR  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  335 

extent  it  is  prohibited.  There  are  certain  impediments  thrown  in 
the  way  of  carrying  on  commerce  or  trade,  so  as  to  protect  the  man 
who  manufactures  the  article  at  home  against  the  man  who  manu 
factures  it  abroad;  and,  so  far  as  it  is  a  protection,  it  is  a  hinderance, 
a  restriction,  a  prohibition  upon  trade.  I  never  was  a  protectionist 
of  that  description.  I  never  voted,  as  I  have  been  charged  in  the 
New  York  Tribune  and  other  places,  for  Mr.  Clay.  I  never  had  an 
opportunity  to  do  it.  The  first  presidential  vote  I  ever  gave  was 
in  1848.  As  I  am  charged  here  with  being  a  free-trader,  I  will  say 
that  if  it  be  a  free-trader  to  try  to  obtain  just  as  much  money  as 
possible  for  the  benefit  of  the  United  States  from  imports,  I  am  a 
free-trader.  I  am  in  favor  of  a  revenue  tariff.  That  is  legitimate 
and  proper;  but  the  moment  the  Government  undertakes  to  go  be 
yond  that,  and  take  money  from  my  pocket,  or  take  the  profit  of 
my  labor,  for  the  purpose  of  building  up  a  particular  manufacture 
for  the  benefit  of  the  Senator  from  Vermont,  that  moment  the 
Government  transcends  its  obligation  and  its  duty.  That  is  the 
kind  of  a  free-trader  I  am.  I  am  in  favor  of  getting  just  as  much 
money  as  possible,  and  I  would,  if  I  could,  pay  the  entire  expenses 
of  this  Government  from  the  duties  received  from  imported  arti 
cles.  There  is  not  any  trouble  about  building  up  manufactures. 
They  will  be  created  just  as  fast  as  the  capital  of  the  country  shall 
become  concentrated,  and  can  be  used  in  that  way  more  profitably 
than  in  any  other  business.  Some  specific  articles  of  domestic 
production  might  be  taxed.  I  speak  in  general  terms  with  regard 
to  the  tariff.  In  my  conviction  a  man  has  a  right  to  his  limbs,  and 
he  has  as  much  right  to  the  product  of  his  limbs,  to  the  productions 
of  his  industry,  as  he  has  to  his  person  ;  and  when  you  undertake 
to  say  that  I  shall  not  be  permitted  to  send  the  product  of  my  in 
dustry,  in  the  shape  of  wheat,  to  Montevideo,  to  Brazil,  or  to  Buenos 
Ayres,  to  obtain  with  twenty  bushels  of  my  product  a  thousand 
pounds  of  wool  with  which  to  clothe  my  family,  but,  on  the  other 
hand,  I  shall  buy  »nly  a  hundred  pounds  of  wool  from  a  farmer  of 
Vermont,  it  is  incumbent  upon  the  Government  to  show  a  good  rea 
son  why  I  should  thus  be  restrained.  And  the  only  reason  they  can 
assign  is,  that  it  is  necessary  in  order  to  procure  the  means  with 
which  the  Government  can  be  conducted.  To  that  extent  it  has 
a  right  to  restrain  me,  and  no  further. 


336  LIFE  OF  JAMES  W.  GRIMES.  [1868. 

110.— To  H.  W.  Starr,  Esq.,  Burlington. 

WASHINGTON,  March  6,  1868. 

Mr.  Spofford,  the  Librarian  of  Congress,  and  a  noted  bibliopo- 
list,  is  making  out  for  me  a  catalogue  of  books  to  cost  five  thou 
sand  dollars.  He  is  very  familiar  with  the  subject,  and  will  try  to 
secure  the  very  best  editions.  If  money  can  be  raised  to  put  Ma 
rion  Hall  in  complete  order,  and  heat  it  with  stearn,  the  only  proper 
method  of  heating  a  library,  I  would  be  in  favor  of  buying  it. 

The  Senate  is  now  organized  as  a  court,  and  we  have  a  six 
months'  job  upon  us  in  the  trial  of  the  President.  About  a  dozen 
men  are  determined  to  convict,  about  the  same  number  are  deter 
mined  to  acquit,  and  the  balance  intend  to  hear  the  evidence  and 
weigh  the  law  before  they  pronounce  judgment.  The  President, 
as  you  observe,  is  to  be  defended  by  the  most  eminent  lawyers  in 
the  country,  and  the  House  managers  are  no  match  for  them.  It 
will  be  the  greatest  trial  in  history,  but  I  wish  to  Heaven  that  I 
had  nothing  to  do  with  it,  for  it  is  sure  to  be  to  a  great  extent  par 
tisan,  and,  in  so  far  as  it  may  be,  it  will  in  the  future  be  discredi 
table  to  all  concerned  in  it.  I  am  over  the  ague,  etc.,  and  pretty 
well. 

The  Burlington  &  Missouri  River  Railroad  will  be  completed 
at  once.  I  do  not  see  why  the  prospects  for  Burlington's  prosperity 
are  not  bright  at  present. 

March  15th. — With  the  proper  action,  Burlington  will  become 
the  most  important  city  in  Iowa. 

We  are  in  a  tumult  here.  I  advise  you  to  believe  nothing  you 
see  or  hear  from  Washington,  until  you  see  the  proof;  especially 
believe  no  telegraphic  reports.  They  are  generally  lies,  and  sent 
from  here  by  the  most  worthless  and  irresponsible  creatures  on  the 
face  of  the  earth. 

A  resolution  for  the  impeachment  of  President  Johnson 
was  adopted  in  the  House  of  Representative^  February  24th, 
and  on  the  following  day  a  committee  of  the  House  appeared 
before  the  Senate,  and  impeached  him  of  high  crimes  and  mis 
demeanors  in  office. 

In  the  discussions  preliminary  to  the  trial,  Mr.  Grimes  held 
that  it  was  not  proper  to  establish  rules  of  procedure  and  prac 
tice  beforehand,  as  to  the  admission  or  exclusion  of  testimony, 


1868.]  A  SENATOR  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  337 

/ 

the  number  of  counsel  that  should  be  heard,  or  limitations  of 
time  upon  arguments,  but  that  these  matters  should  be  deter 
mined  after  the  Senate  was  resolved  into  a  court,  and  when  pre 
sided  over  by  the  Chief -Justice.  Different  views  prevailed,  and 
the  Senate,  March  2d,  adopted  rules  of  proceeding.  The  court 
was  formed  March  5th,  and  on  that  day  Mr.  Grimes  took  the 
prescribed  oath,  administered  upon  the  Bible  by  Judge  Chase, 
in  the  following  words : 

I  do  solemnly  swear  that  in  all  things  pertaining  to  the  trial 
of  the  impeachment  of  Andrew  Johnson,  President  of  the  United 
States,  I  will  do  impartial  justice,  according  to  the  Constitution 
and  the  laws :  so  help  me  God. 

The  following  day,  the  rules  of  procedure  adopted  by  the 
Senate,  at  the  suggestion  of  the  Chief -Justice,  were  adopted  by 
the  body  sitting  as  a  court.  Mr.  Grimes  gave  close  attention 
to  the  conduct  of  the  trial  through  all  its  weary  stages,  and 
having  heard  the  testimony,  and  having  weighed  the  whole 
matter  thoroughly,  on  the  llth  of  May  delivered  his 

OPINION. 

The  President  of  the  United  States  stands  at  the  bar  of  the 
Senate  charged  with  the  commission  of  high  crimes  and  misde 
meanors.  The  principal  offense  charged  against  him  is  embodied 
in  various  forms  in  the  first  eight  articles  of  impeachment.  This 
offense  is  alleged  to  consist  in  a  violation  of  the  provisions  of  the 
first  section  of  an  act  of  Congress  entitled  "  An  act  regulating  the 
tenure  of  certain  civil  offices,"  approved  March  2,  1867,  in  this,  that 
on  the  21st  day  of  February,  1868,  the  President  removed,  or  at 
tempted  to  remove,  Edwin  M.  Stanton  from  the  office  of  Secretary 
for  the  Department  of  War,  and  issued  a  letter  of  authority  to 
General  Lorenzo  Thomas  as  Secretary  for  the  Department  of  War, 
ad  interim. 

The  House  of  Representatives  charge  in  their  first  three  articles 
that  the  President  attempted  to  remove  Mr.  Stanton,  and  that  he 
issued  his  letter  of  authority  to  General  Thomas  with  an  intent  to 
violate  the  law  of  Congress,  and  with  the  further  "  intent  to  violate 
the  Constitution  of  the  United  States."  The  President,  by  his 


338  LIFE  OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1868. 

answer,  admits  that  he  sought  to  substitute  General  Thomas  for 
Mr.  Stanton  at  the  head  of  the  Department  of  War ;  but  insists  that 
he  had  the  right  to  make  such  substitution  under  the  laws  then 
and  now  in  force,  and  denies  that,  in  anything  that  he  has  done  or 
attempted  to  do,  he  intended  to  violate  the  laws  or  the  Constitution 
of  the  United  States. 

To  this  answer  there  is  a  general  traverse  by  the  House  of  Rep 
resentatives,  and  thereon  issue  is  joined  ;  of  that  issue  we  are  the 
triers,  and  have  sworn  that  in  that  capacity  we  will  do  "  impartial 
justice  according  to  the  Constitution  and  the  laws." 

It  will  be  perceived  that  there  is  nothing  involved  in  the  first 
eight  articles  of  impeachment  but  pure  questions  of  law  growing 
out  of  the  construction  of  statutes.  Mr.  Johnson's  guilt  or  innocence 
upon  those  articles  depends  wholly  on  the  fact  whether  or  not  he 
had  the  power,  after  the  passage  of  the  tenure-of-office  act  of  March 
2,  1867,  to  remove  Mr.  Stanton  and  issue  the  letter  of  appointment 
to  General  Thomas ;  and  upon  the  further  fact,  whether,  having  no 
such  legal  authority,  he  nevertheless  attempted  to  exercise  it  "  with 
intent  to  violate  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States." 

Mr.  Stanton  was  appointed  Secretary  for  the  Department  of 
War  by  Mr.  Lincoln  on  the  15th  day  of  January,  1862,  and  has  not 
since  been  reappointed  or  recommissioned.  His  commission  was 
issued  to  continue  "  for  and  during  the  pleasure  of  the  President." 
His  appointment  was  made  under  the  act  of  August  7, 1789,  the  first 
two  sections  of  which  read  as  follows : 

"  There  shall  be  an  executive  Department  to  be  denominated 
the  Department  of  War  ;  and  there  shall  be  a  principal  officer 
therein,  to  be  called  the  Secretary  for  the  Department  of  War,  who 
shall  perform  and  execute  such  duties  as  shall  from  time  to  time  be 
enjoined  on  or  intrusted  to  him  by  the  President  of  the  United 
States,  and  the  said  principal  officer  shall  conduct  the  business  of 
the  said  Department  in  such  manner  as  the  President  of  the  United 
States  shall  from  time  to  time  order  and  instruct. 

"  There  shall  be  in  the  said  Department  an  inferior  officer,  to  be 
appointed  by  said  principal  officer,  to  be  employed  therein  as  he 
shall  deem  proper,  and  to  be  called  the  chief  clerk  of  the  Depart 
ment  of  War ;  and  whenever  the  said  principal  officer  shall  be 
removed  from,  office  by  the  President  of  .the  United  States,  and  in 
any  other  case  of  vacancy,  shall,  during  the  same,  have  charge  of 
the  records,  books,"  etc. 

At  the  same  session  of  Congress  was  passed  the  act  of  July  27, 


1808.]  A  SENATOR   OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  339 

1789,  creating  the  Department  of  Foreign  Affairs.  The  two  first 
sections  of  the  two  acts  are  precisely  similar  except  in  the  designa 
tions  of  the  two  Departments.  Upon  the  passage  of  this  last  act 
occurred  one  of  the  most  memorable  and  one  of  the  ablest  debates 
that  ever  took  place  in  Congress.  The  subject  under  discussion  was 
the  tenure  of  public  officers,  and  especially  the  tenure  by  which  the 
Secretaries  of  the  Executive  Departments  should  hold  their  offices. 
Without  going  into  the  particulars  of  that  great  debate,  it  is  suffi 
cient  to  say  that  the  reasons  assigned  by  Mr.  Madison  and  his  asso 
ciates  in  favor  of  a  "  tenure  during  the  pleasure  of  the  President " 
were  adopted  as  the  true  constitutional  theory  on  this  subject. 
That  great  man,  with  almost  a  prophetic  anticipation  of  this  case, 
declared,  on  the  16th  of  June,  1789,  in  his  speech  in  the  House  of 
Representatives,  of  which  he  was  a  member  from  Virginia,  that — 

"  It  is  evidently  the  intention  of  the  Constitution  that  the  First 
Magistrate  should  be  responsible  for  the  Executive  Department. 
So  far,  therefore,  as  we  do  not  make  the  officers  who  are  to  aid  him 
in  the  duties  of  that  department  responsible  to  him  he  is  not  re 
sponsible  to  the  country.  Again,  is  there  no  danger  that  an  officer, 
when  he  is  appointed  by  the  concurrence  of  the  Senate  and  his 
friends  in  that  body,  may  choose  rather  to  risk  his  establishment 
on  the  favor  of  that  branch  than  rest  it  upon  the  discharge  of  his 
duties  to  the  satisfaction  of  the  executive  branch,  which  is  consti 
tutionally  authorized  to  inspect  and  control  his  conduct  ?  And  if 
it  should  happen  that  the  officers  connect  themselves  with  the  Sen 
ate,  they  may  mutually  support  each  other,  and  for  want  of  efficacy 
reduce  the  power  of  the  President  to  a  mere  vapor,  in  which  case 
his  responsibility  would  be  annihilated,  and  the  expectation  of  it 
unjust.  The  high  executive  officers  joined  in  cabal  with  the  Senate 
would  lay  the  foundation  of  discord,  and  end  in  an  assumption  of 
the  executive  power,  only  to  be  removed  by  a  revolution  of  the 
Government." 

It  will  be  observed  that  it  is  here  contended  that  it  is  the  Con 
stitution  that  establishes  the  tenure  of  office.  And,  in  order  to  put 
this  question  beyond  future  cavil,  Chief-Justice  Marshall,  in  his 
"  Life  of  Washington,"  volume  ii.,  page  162,  says : 

"  After  an  ardent  discussion,  which  consumed  several  days, 
the  committee  divided,  and  the  amendment  was  negatived  by  a 
majority  of  thirty-four  to  twenty.  The  opinion  thus  expressed  by 
the  House  of  Representatives  did  not  explicitly  convey  their  sense 
of  the  Constitution.  Indeed,  the  express  grant  of  the  power  to  the 
President  rather  implied  a  right  in  the  Legislature  to  give  or  with- 


340  LIFE   OF  JAMES  W.   GTftMES.  [1868. 

hold  it  at  their  discretion.  To  obviate  any  misunderstanding  of  the 
principle  on  which  the  question  had  been  decided,  Mr.  Benson 
moved  in  the  House,  when  the  report  of  the  Committee  of  the 
Whole  was  taken  up,  to  amend  the  second  clause  in  the  bill  so  as 
clearly  to  imply  the  power  of  removal  to  be  solely  in  the  President. 
He  gave  notice  that  if  he  should  succeed  in  this  he  would  move  to 
strike  out  the  words  which  had  been  the  subject  of  debate.  If 
those  words  continued,  he  said,  the  power  of  removal  by  the  Presi 
dent  might  hereafter  appear  to  be  exercised  by  virtue  of  a  legisla 
tive  grant  only,  and  consequently  be  subjected  to  legislative  insta 
bility,  when  he  was  well  satisfied  in  his  own  mind  that  it  was  by 
fair  construction  fixed  in  the  Constitution.  The  motion  was  sec 
onded  by  Mr.  Madison,  and  both  amendments  were  adopted." 

And  Judge  Marshall  adds  : 

"  As  the  bill  passed  into  a  law  it  has  ever  been  considered  as  a 
full  expression  of  the  sense  of  the  Legislature  on  this  important 
part  of  the  American  Constitution." 

And  Chancellor  Kent  says,  when  speaking  of  the  action  of  this 
Congress,  many  of  the  members  of  which  had  been  members  of  the 
convention  that  framed  the  Constitution,  the  chiefest  among  them, 
perhaps,  being  Madison,  who  has  been  called  the  father  of  that  in 
strument  : 

"  This  amounted  to  a  legislative  construction  of  the  Constitu 
tion,  and  it  has  ever  since  been  acquiesced  in  and  acted  upon  as  of 
decisive  authority  in  the  case.  It  applies  equally  to  every  other 
officer  of  the  Government  appointed  by  the  President  and  Senate 
whose  term  of  duration  is  not  specially  declared.  It  is  supported 
by  the  weighty  reason  that  the  subordinate  officers  in  the  Executive 
Department  ought  to  hold  at  the  pleasure  of  the  head  of  that  de 
partment,  because  he  is  invested  generally  with  the  executive  au 
thority,  and  every  participation  in  that  authority  by  the  Senate  was 
an  exception  to  a  general  principle,  and  ought  to  be  taken  strictly. 
The  President  is  the  great  responsible  officer  for  the  faithful  execu 
tion  of  the  law,  and  the  power  of  removal  was  incidental  to  that 
duty,  and  might  often  be  requisite  to  fulfill  it." — 1  Kentfs  Commen 
taries •,  310. 

Thus  the  Constitution  and  the  law  stood,  as  expounded  by  the 
courts,  as  construed  by  commentators  and  publicists,  as  acted  on 
by  all  the  Presidents,  and  acquiesced  in  by  all  of  the  Congresses 
from  1789  until  the  3d  of  March,  1867,  when  the  tenure-of-ofiice  act 
was  passed.  The  first  section  of  this  act  reads  as  follows  : 

"  That  every  person  holding  any  civil  office,  to  which  he  has 


1868.]  A  SENATOR  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  341 

been  appointed  by  and  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Senate, 
and  every  person  who  shall  hereafter  be  appointed  to  any  such 
office,  and  shall  become  duly  qualified  to  act  therein,  is  and  shall  be 
'entitled  to  hold  such  office  until  a  successor  shall  have  been  in  a 
like  manner  appointed  and  duly  qualified,  except  as  herein  other 
wise  provided." 

Then  comes  what  is  "  otherwise  provided  :  " 

"  Provided,  That  the  Secretaries  of  State,  of  the  Treasury,  of 
War,  of  the  Navy,  and  of  the  Interior,  the  Postmaster-General,  and 
the  Attorney-General,  shall  hold  their  offices  respectively  for  and 
during  the  term  of  the  President  by  whom  they  may  have  been  ap 
pointed,  and  for  one  month  thereafter,  subject  to  removal  by  and 
with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Senate." 

The  controversy  in  this  case  grows  out  of  the  construction  of 
this  section.  How  does  it  affect  the  act  of  1789,  and  does  it  change 
the  tenure  of  office  of  the  Secretary  for  the  Department  of  War  as 
established  by  that  act?  To  this  inquiry  I  propose  to  address  my 
self.  I  shall  not  deny  the  constitutional  validity  of  the  act  of  March 
2,  1867.  That  question  is  not  necessarily  in  this  case. 

The  first  question  presented  is,  Is  Mr.  Stanton's  case  within  the 
provisions  of  the  tenure-of-office  act  of  March  2,  1867  ? 

Certainly  it  is  not  within  the  body  of  the  first  section.  The 
tenure  which  that  provides  for  is  not  the  tenure  of  any  Secretary. 
All  Secretaries  whose  tenure  is  regulated  by  this  law  at  all  are  to 
go  out  of  office  at  the  end  of  the  term  of  the  President  by  whom 
they  shall  be  appointed,  and  one  month  thereafter,  unless  sooner 
removed  by  the  President,  by  and  with  the  advice  and  consent  of 
the  Senate,  while  all  other  civil  officers  are  to  hold  until  a  successor 
shall  be  appointed  and  duly  qualified.  The  office  of  Secretary  has 
attached  to  it  one  tenure  ;  other  civil  officers  another  and  different 
tenure ;  and  no  one  who  holds  the  office  of  Secretary  can,  by  force 
of  this  law,  hold  by  any  other  tenure  than  the  one  which  the  law 
specially  assigns  to  that  office.  The  plain  intent  of  the  proviso  to 
the  first  section  is  to  prescribe  a  tenure  for  the  office  of  Secretary 
different  from  the  tenure  fixed  for  other  civil  officers.  This  is  known 
to  have  been  done  on  account  of  the  marked  difference  between  the 
heads  of  Departments  and  all  other  officers,  which  made  it  desira 
ble  and  necessary  for  the  public  service  that  the  heads  of  Depart 
ments  should  go  out  of  office  with  the  President  by  whom  they 
were  appointed.  It  would,  indeed,  be  a  strange  result  of  the  law 
23 


LIFE   OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1868. 

if  those  Secretaries  appointed  by  Mr.  Lincoln  should  hold  by  the 
tenure  fixed  by  the  act  for  ordinary  civil  officers,  while  all  the  other 
Secretaries  should  hold  by  a  different  tenure ;  that  those  appointed 
by  the  present  and  all  future  Presidents  should  hold  only  during 
the  term  of  the  President  by  whom  they  may  have  been  appointed, 
while  those  not  appointed  by  him  should  hold  indefinitely  ;  and  this 
under  a  law  which  undertakes  to  define  the  tenure  of  all  the  Secre 
taries  who  are  to  hold  their  offices  under  the  law.  I  cannot  come 
to  that  conclusion.  My  opinion  is  that,  if  Mr.  Stanton's  tenure  of 
office  is  prescribed  by  this  law  at  all,  it  is  prescribed  to  him  as  Sec 
retary  of  War,  under  and  by  force  of  the  proviso  to  the  first  sec 
tion  ;  and  if  his  case  is  not  included  in  that  proviso  it  is  not  included 
in  the  law  at  all. 

It  is  clear  to  my  mind  that  the  proviso  does  not  include,  and 
was  not  intended  to  include,  Mr.  Stanton's  case.  It  is  not  possible 
to  apply  to  his  case  the  language  of  the  proviso  unless  we  suppose 
it  to  have  been  intended  to  legislate  him  out  of  office ;  a  conclusion, 
I  consider,  wholly  inadmissible.  He  was  appointed  by  President 
Lincoln  during  his  first  term  of  office.  He  cannot  hereafter  go  out 
of  office  at  the  end  of  the  term  of  the  President  by  whom  he  was 
appointed.  That  term  was  ended  before  the  law  was  passed.  The 
proviso,  therefore,  cannot  have  been  intended  to  make  a  rule  for 
his  case ;  and  it  is  shown  that  it  was  not  intended.  This  was 
plainly  declared  in  debate  by  .the  conference  committee,  both  in  the 
Senate  and  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  when  the  proviso  was 
introduced,  and  its  effect  explained.  The  meaning  and  effect  of 
the  proviso  were  then  explained  and  understood  to  be  that  the  only 
tenure  of  the  Secretaries  provided  for  by  this  law  was  a  tenure  to 
end  with  the  term  of  service  of  the  President  by  whom  they  were 
appointed,  and,  as  this  new  tenure  could  not  include  Mr.  Stanton's 
case,  it  was  here  explicitly  declared  that  it  did  not  include  it.  When 
this  subject  was  under  consideration  in  the  House  of  Representa 
tives  on  the  report  of  the  conference  committee  on  the  disagreeing 
vote  of  the  two  Houses,  Mr.  Schenck,  of  Ohio,  chairman  of  the  con 
ference  committee  on  the  part  of  the  House,  said : 

It  will  be  remembered  that  by  the  bill  as  it  passed  the  Senate 
it  was  provided  that  the  concurrence  of  the  Senate  should  be  re 
quired  in  all  removals  from  office,  except  in  the  case  of  the  heads 
of  Departments.  The  House  amended  the  bill  of  the  Senate  so  as 


1868.]  A  SENATOR  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  343 

to  extend  this  requirement  to  the  heads  of  Departments  as  well  as 
to  their  officers. 

The  committee  of  conference  have  agreed  that  the  Senate  shall 
accept  the  amendment  of  the  House.  But^  inasmuch  as  this  would 
compel  the  President  to  keep  around  him  heads  of  Departments 
until  the  end  of  his  term  who  would  hold  over  to  another  term,  a 
compromise  was  made  by  which  a  further  amendment  is  added  to 
this  portion  of  the  bill,  so  that  the  term  of  office  of  the  heads  of 
Departments  shall  expire  with  the  term  of  the  President  who  ap 
pointed  them,  allowing  these  heads  of  Departments  one  month 
longer. 

When  the  bill  came  to  the  Senate  and  was  considered  on  the 
disagreeing  vote  of  the  two  Houses,  and  Mr.  Doolittle,  of  Wiscon 
sin,  charged  that,  although  the  purpose  of  the  measure  was,  in  his 
opinion,  to  force  the  President  against  his  will  to  retain  the  Secre 
taries  appointed  by  Mr.  Lincoln,  yet  that  the  phraseology  was  such 
that  the  bill,  if  passed,  would  not  accomplish  that  object,  Mr.  Sher 
man,  of  Ohio,  who  was  a  member  of  the  conference  committee, 
and  assisted  to  frame  the  proviso,  said  : 

I  do  not  understand  the  logic  of  the  Senator  from  Wisconsin. 
He  first  attributes  a  purpose  to  the  committee  of  conference  which 
I  say  is  not  true.  I  say  that  the  Senate  have  not  legislated  with 
a  view  to  any  persons  or  any  President,  and  therefore  he  commences 
by  asserting  what  is  not  true.  We  do  not  legislate  in  order  to 
keep  in  the  Secretary  of  War,  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  or  the 
Secretary  of  State. 

Then  a  conversation  arose  between  the  Senator  from  Ohio  and 
another  Senator,  and  the  Senator  from  Ohio  continued  thus  : 

That  the  Senate  had  no  such  purpose  is  shown  by  its  vote 
twice  to  make  this  exception.  That  this  provision  does  not  apply 
to  the  present  case  is  shown  by  the  fact  that  its  language  is  so 
framed  as  not  to  apply  to  the  present  President.  The  Senator 
shows  that  himself,  and  argues  truly  that  it  would  not  prevent 
the  present  President  from  removing  the  Secretary  of  War,  the 
Secretary  of  the  Navy,  and  the  Secretary  of  State.  And,  if  I 
supposed  that  either  of  these  gentlemen  was  so  wanting  in  man 
hood,  in  honor,  as  to  hold  his  place  after  the  politest  intimation 
by  the  President  of  the  United  States  that  his  services  were  no 
longer  needed,  I  certainly,  as  a  Senator,  would  consent  to  his 
removal  at  any  time,  and  so  would  we  all. 

Did  any  one  here  doubt  the  correctness  of  Mr.  Sherman's  inter 
pretation  of  the  act  when  he  declared  that  it  "  would  not  prevent 


34A  LIFE  OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1&58. 

the  present  President  from  removing  the  Secretary  of  War,  the 
/Secretary  of  the  Navy,  and  the  Secretary  of  State  f  "  Was  there 
any  dissent  from  his  position  ?  Was  there  not  entire  acquiescence 
in  it? 

Again,  said  Mr.  Sherman : 

In  this  case  the  committee  of  conference — I  agreed  to  it,  I 
confess,  with  some  reluctance — came  to  the  conclusion  to  qualify 
to  some  extent  the  power  of  removal  over  a  cabinet  minister.  We 
provide  that  a  cabinet  minister  shall  hold  his  office  not  for  a  fixed 
term,  not  until  the  Senate  shall  consent  to  his  removal,  but  as  long 
as  the  power  that  appoints  him  holds  office. 

But,  whatever  may  have  been  the  character  of  the  debates  at 
the  time  of  the  passage  of  the  law,  or  whatever  may  have  been 
the  contemporaneous  exposition  of  it,  I  am  clearly  convinced  that 
the  three  Secretaries  holding  over  from  Mr.  Lincoln's  Administration 
do  not  fall  within  its  provisions  under  any  fair  judicial  interpreta 
tion  of  the  act;  that  Mr.  Stan  ton  held  his  office  under  the  act  of 
1789,  and  under  his  only  commission,  issued  in  1862,  which  was  at 
the  pleasure  of  the  President ;  and  I  am,  consequently,  constrained 
to  decide  that  the  order  for  his  removal  was  a  lawful  order.  Any 
other  construction  would  involve  us  in  the  absurdity  of  osten 
sibly  attempting  to  limit  the  tenure  of  all  cabinet  officers  to  the 
term  of  the  officer  having  the  power  to  appoint  them,  yet  giving  to 
three  of  the  present  cabinet  ministers  an  unlimited  tenure  ;  for,  if 
the  construction  contended  for  by  the  managers  be  the  correct  one, 
while  four  of  the  present  cabinet  officers  will  go  out  of  office  abso 
lutely,  and  without  any  action  by  the  Senate,  on  the  4th  of  March 
next,  they  having  been  appointed  by  Mr.  Johnson,  the  three  cabi 
net  officers  appointed  by  Mr.  Lincoln,  will  hold  by  another  and  dif 
ferent  tenure,  and  cannot  be  removed  until  the  incoming  President 
and  the  Senate  shall  mutually  agree  to  their  removal. 

If  I  have  not  erred  thus  far  in  my  judgment,  then  it  follows 
that  the  order  for  the  removal  of  Mr.  Stanton  was  not  a  violation 
of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  by  reason  of  its  having 
been  issued  during  the  session  of  the  Senate.  If  Mr.  Stanton  held 
his  office  at  the  pleasure  of  the  President  alone  under  the  act  of 
1789,  as  I  think  he  did,  it  necessarily  follows  that  the  President 
alone  could  remove  him.  The  Senate  had  no  power  in  reference  to 
his  continuation  in  office.  I  am  wholly  unable  to  perceive,  there- 


1868.]  A  SENATOR  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  345 

fore,  that  the  power  of  the  President  to  remove  him  was  affected  or 
qualified  by  the  fact  that  the  Senate  was  in  session. 

It  has  sometimes  been  put  forward,  as  it  was  by  Mr.  Webster 
in  the  debate  of  1835,  that  the  usual  mode  of  removal  from  office 
by  the  President  during  a  session  of  the  Senate  had  been  by  the 
nomination  of  a  successor  in  place  of  A  B,  removed.  This  would 
naturally  be  so  in  all  cases  except  the  few  in  which  the  officer  could 
not  be  allowed,  consistently  with  the  public  safety,  to  continue  in 
office  until  his  successor  should  be  appointed  and  qualified,  and  also 
should  refuse  to  resign.  Such  cases  cannot  often  have  occurred. 
But,  when  they  have  occurred,  I  Relieve  the  President  has  exercised 
that  power  which  was  understood  to  belong  to  him  alone,  and  which 
in  the  statute  tenure  of  most  offices  is  recognized  by  the  acts  of  Con 
gress  creating  them  to  be  the  pleasure  of  the  President  of  the  United 
States.  A  number  of  cases  of  this  kind  have  been  put  in  evidence. 
I  do  not  find,  either  in  the  debates  which  have  been  had  on  the 
power  of  removal,  or  in  the  legislation  of  Congress  on  the  tenure 
of  offices,  any  trace  of  a  distinction  between  the  power  of  the  Presi 
dent  to  remove  in  recess  and  his  power  to  remove  during  a  session 
of  the  Senate  an  officer  who  held  solely  by  his  pleasure ;  and  I  do 
not  see  how  such  a  distinction  could  exist  without  some  positive 
and  distinct  provision  of  law  to  make  and  define  it.  I  know  of  no 
such  provision.  If  that  was  the  tenure  by  which  Mr.  Stanton  held 
the  office  of  Secretary  for  the  Department  of  War,  and  I  think  it 
was,  then  I  am  also  of  the  opinion  that  it  was  not  a  violation  of 
the  Constitution  to  remove  him  during  a  session  of  the  Senate. 

If  Mr.  Stanton  held  under  the  act  of  1789,  no  permission  of  the 
President  to  continue  in  office,  no  adoption  of  him  as  Secretary 
for  the  Department  of  War,  could  change  the  legal  tenure  of  his 
office  as  fixed  by  law,  or  deprive  the  President  of  the  power  to 
remove  him. 

My  opinion  on  the  matter  of  the  first  article  is  not  affected  by 
the  facts  contained  in  it,  that  the  President  suspended  Mr.  Stanton 
and  sent  notice  of  the  suspension  to  the  Senate,  and  the  Senate 
refused  to  concur  in  that  suspension.  In  my  opinion  that  action  of 
the  President  could  not  and  did  not  change  the  tenure  of  Mr.  Stan- 
ton's  office,  as  it  subsisted  by  law  at  the  pleasure  of  the  President, 
or  deprive  the  President  of  that  authority  to  remove  him,  which 
necessarily  arose  from  that  tenure  of  office. 


346  LIFE  OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1868. 

If  the  order  of  the  President  to  Mr.  Stanton  was  a  lawful  order, 
as  I  have  already  said  I  thought  it  was,  the  first  question  under  the 
second  article  is  whether  the  President  did  anything  unlawful  in 
giving  the  order  to  General  Thomas  to  perform  the  duties  of  Sec 
retary  for  the  Department  of  War  ad  interim. 

This  was  not  an  appointment  to  office.  It  was  a  temporary  desig 
nation  of  a  person  to  discharge  the  duties  of  an  office  until  the  office 
could  be  filled.  The  distinction  between  such  a  designation  and  an 
appointment  to  office  is  in  itself  clear  enough,  and  has  been  recog 
nized  certainly  since  the  act  of  February  13,  1795.  Many  cases 
have  occurred  in  which  this  autkority  has  been  exercised.  The 
necessity  of  some  such  provision  of  law,  in  cases  of  vacancy  in 
offices  which  the  Executive  cannot  instantly  fill,  must  be  apparent  to 
every  one  acquainted  with  the  workings  of  our  Government,  and  I 
do  not  suppose  that  a  reasonable  question  can  be  made  of  the  con 
stitutional  validity  of  a  law  providing  for  such  cases. 

The  law  of  1795  did  provide  for  such  cases  ;  and  the  President, 
in  his  answer,  says  he  was  advised  that  this  was  a  subsisting  law 
not  repealed.  It  may  be  a  question  whether  it  has  been  repealed ; 
but,  from  the  best  examination  I  have  been  able  to  bestow  upon  the 
subject,  I  am  satisfied  it  has  not  been  repealed. 

I  do  not  propose  to  enter  into  the  technical  rules  as  to  implied 
repeals.  It  is  a  subject  of  great  difficulty,  and  I  do  not  profess  to 
be  able  to  apply  those  rules  ;  I  take  only  this  practical  view  of  the 
subject :  When  the  act  of  February  20,  1863,  was  passed,  which  it 
is  supposed  may  have  repealed  the  act  of  1795,  it  is  beyond  all  dis 
pute  that  vacancies  in  office  might  be  created  by  the  President ; 
and  there  might  be  the  same  necessity  for  making  temporary  provi 
sion  for  discharging  the  duties  of  such  vacant  offices  as  was  provided 
for  by  the  act  of  1795.  The  act  of  1863  is  wholly  silent  on  this 
subject.  Why  should  I  say  that  a  public  necessity,  provided  for  in 
1795  and  not  negatived  in  1863,  was  not  then  recognized ;  or  why 
should  I  say  that  if  recognized  it  was  intended  by  the  act  of  1863 
that  it  should  not  thereafter  have  any  provision  made  for  it? 
Comparing  the  act  of  1863  and  the  cases  it  provided  for,  I  see  no 
sufficient  reason  to  say  that  it  was  the  intention  of  Congress  in 
1863  to  deprive  the  President  of  the  power  given  by  the  act  of 
1795  to  supply  the  temporary  necessities  of  the  public  service  in 
case  of  vacancy  caused  by  removal. 


1868.]  A  SENATOR  OF  THE.  UNITED   STATES.  347 

But  if  I  thought  otherwise  I  should  be  unable  to  convict  the 
President  of  a  crime  because  he  had  acted  under  the  law  of  1795. 
Many  cases  of  ad  interim  appointments  have  been  brought  before  - 
us  in  evidence.  It  appears  to  have  been  a  constant  and  frequent 
practice  of  the  Government,  in  all  cases  when  the  President  was  not 
prepared  to  fill  an  office  at  the  moment  when  the  vacancy  occurred, 
to  make  an  ad  interim  appointment.  There  were  one  hundred 
and  seventy-nine  such  appointments  specified  in  the  schedule  an 
nexed  to  the  message  of  President  Buchanan,  found  on  page  584  of 
the  printed  record,  as  having  occurred  in  little  more  than  the  space 
of  thirty  years.  I  have  not  minutely  examined  the  evidence  to 
follow  the  practice  further,  because  it  seems  to  me  that  if,  as  I 
think,  the  President  had  the  power  to  remove  Mr.  Stanton,  he 
might  well  conclilde,  and  that  it  cannot  be  attributed  to  him  as  a 
high  crime  and  misdemeanor  that  he  did  conclude,  that  he  might 
designate  some  proper  officer  to  take  charge  of  the  War  Depart 
ment  until  he  could  send  a  nomination  of  a  suitable  person  to  be 
Secretary  ;  and,  when  I  add  that  on  the  next  day  after  this  designa 
tion  the  President  did  nominate  for  that  office  an  eminent  citizen  in 
whose  loyalty  to  our  country  and  in  whose  fitness  for  any  duties  he 
might  be  willing  to  undertake  the  people  would  be  willing  to  con 
fide,  I  can  find  no  sufficient  reason  to  doubt  that  the  President  acted 
in  good  faith  and  believed  that  he  was  acting  within  the  laws  of 
the  United  States.  Surely  the  mere  signing  of  that  letter  of  ap 
pointment,  neither  attended  nor  followed  by  the  possession  of  the 
office  named  in  it,  or  by  any  act  of  force,  of  violence,  of  fraud,  of 
corruption,  of  injury,  or  of  evil,  will  not  justify  us  in  depriving  the 
President  of  his  office. 

I  have  omitted  to  notice  one  fact  stated  in  the  second  article. 
It  is  that  the  designation  of  General  Thomas  to  act  ad  interim  as 
Secretary  of  War  was  made  during  a  session  of  the  Senate.  This 
requires  but  few  words.  The  acts  of  Congress,  and  the  nature  of 
the  cases  to  which  they  apply,  admit  of  no  distinction  between  ad 
interim  appointments  in  the  sessions  or  the  recess  of  the  Senate. 
A  designation  is  to  be  made  when  necessary,  and  the  necessity  may 
occur  either  in  session  or  in  recess. 

I  do  not  deem  it  necessary  to  state  any  additional  views  con 
cerning  the  third  article,  for  I  find  in  it  no  allegations  upon  which  I 
have  not  already  sufficiently  indicated  my  opinion. 


348  LIFE   OF  JA^fES  W.   GRIMES.  [1868. 

The  fourth,  fifth,  sixth,  and  seventh  articles  charge  a  conspir 
acy.  I  deem  it  sufficient  to  say  that,  in  my  judgment,  the  evidence 
adduced  by  the  House  of  Representatives  not  only  fails  to  prove  a 
conspiracy  between  the  President  and  General  Thomas  to  remove 
Mr.  Stan  ton  from  office  by  force  or  threats,  but  it  fails  to  prove  any 
conspiracy  in  any  sense  I  can  attach  to  that  word. 

The  President,  by  a  written  order  committed  to  General  Thomas, 
required  Mr.  Stan  ton  to  cease  to  act  as  Secretary  for  the  Department 
of  War,  and  informed  him  that  he  had  empowered  General  Thomas 
to  act  as  Secretary  ad  interim.  The  order  to  General  Thomas  em 
powered  him  to  enter  on  the  duties  of  the  office  and  receive  from 
Mr.  Stanton  the  public  property  in  his  charge.  There  is  no  evi 
dence  that  the  President  contemplated  the  use  of  force,  threats,  or 
intimidation ;  still  less  that  he  authorized  General  Thomas  to  use 
any.  I  do  not  regard  the  declarations  of  General  Thomas,  as  ex 
plained  by  himself,  as  having  any  tendency  even  to  fix  on  the  Presi 
dent  any  purpose  beyond  what  the  orders  on  their  face  import. 

Believing,  as  I  do,  that  the  orders  of  the  President  for  the  re 
moval  of  Mr.  Stanton,  and  the  designation  of  General  Thomas  to 
act  ad  interim,  were  legal  orders,  it  is  manifestly  impossible  for  me 
to  attach  to  them  any  idea  of  criminal  conspiracy.  If  those  orders 
had  not  been,  in  my  judgment,  lawful,  I  should  not  have  come  to 
the  conclusion,  upon  the  evidence,  that  any  actual  intent  to  do  an 
unlawful  act  was  proved. 

The  eighth  article  does  not  require  any  particular  notice  after 
what  I  have  said  of  the  first,  second,  and  third  articles,  because  the 
only  additional  matter  contained  in  it  is  the  allegation  of  an  intent 
to  unlawfully  control  the  appropriations  made  by  Congress  for  the 
military  service  by  unlawfully  removing  Mr.  Stanton  from  the  office 
of  Secretary  for  the  Department  of  War, 

In  my  opinion,  no  evidence  whatever,  tending  to  prove  this  in 
tent,  has  been  given.  The  managers  offered  some  evidence  which 
they  supposed  might  have  some  tendency  to  prove  this  allegation, 
but  it  appeared  to  the  Senate  that  the  supposed  means  could  not, 
under  any  circumstances,  be  adequate  to  the  supposed  end,  and  the 
evidence  was  rejected.  Holding  that  the  order  for  the  removal  of 
Mr.  Stanton  was  not  an  infraction  of  the  law,  of  course  this  article 
is,  in  my  opinion,  wholly  unsupported. 

I  find  no  evidence  sufficient  to  support  the  ninth  article. 


1868.]  A  SENATOR   OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  349 

The  President,  as  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  Army,  had  a  right 
to  be  informed  of  any  details  of  the  military  service  concerning 
which  he  thought  proper  to  inquire*  His  attention  was  called  by 
one  of  his  Secretaries  to  some  unusual  orders.  He  sent  to  General 
Emory  to  make  inquiry  concerning  them.  In  the  course  of  the 
conversation  General  Emory  himself  introduced  the  subject  which 
is  the  gist  of  the  ninth  article,  and  I  find  in  what  the  President  said 
to  him  nothing  which  he  might  not  naturally  say  in  response  to 
General  Emory's  inquiries  and  remarks  without  the  criminal  intent 
charged  in  this  ninth  article. 

I  come  now  to  the  question  of  intent.  Admitting  that  the 
President  had  no  power  under  the  law  to  issue  the  order  to  remove 
Mr.  Stanton  and  appoint  General  Thomas  Secretary  for  the  Depart 
ment  of  War  ad  interim,  did  he  issue  those  orders  with  a  manifest 
intent  to  violate  the  laws  and  "the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States,"  as  charged  in  the  articles,  or  did  he  issue  them,  as  he  says 
he  did,  with  a  view  to  have  the  constitutionality  of  the  tenure-of- 
office  act  judicially  decided  ? 

It  is  apparent  to  my  mind  that  the  President  thoroughly  be 
lieved  the  tenure-of-office  act  to  be  unconstitutional  and  void.  He 
was  so  advised  by  every  member  of  his  cabinet  when  the  bill  was 
presented  to  him  for  his  approval  in  February,  1867.  The  man 
agers  on  the  part  of  the  House  of  Representatives  have  put  before 
us  and  made  legal  evidence  in  this  case  the  message  of  the  Presi 
dent  to  the  Senate,  dated  December  12,  1867.  In  that  message 
the  President  declared : 

"  That  tenure-of-office  law  did  not  pass  without  notice.  Like 
other  acts  it  was  sent  to  the  President  for  approval.  As  is  my  cus 
tom,  I  submitted  its  consideration  to  my  cabinet  for  their  advice 
upon  the  question,  whether  I  should  approve  it  or  not.  It  was  a 
grave  question  of  constitutional  law,  in  which  I  would  of  course  rely 
most  upon  the  opinion  of  the  Attorney-General  and  of  Mr.  Stanton, 
who  had  once  been  Attorney -General.  Every  member  of  my  cabi 
net  advised  me  that  the  proposed  law  was  unconstitutional.  All 
spoke  without  doubt  or  reservation,  but  Mr.  Stanton's  condemnation 
of  the  law  was  the  most  elaborate  and  emphatic.  He  referred  to 
the  constitutional  provisions,  the  debates  in  Congress — especially 
to  the  speech  of  Mr.  Buchanan  when  a  Senator — to  the  decisions  of 
the  Supreme  Court,  and  to  the  usage  from  the  beginning  of  the 
Government  through  every  successive  Administration,  all  concur 
ring  to  establish  the  right  of  removal  as  vested  by  the  Constitution 


350  LIFE  OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1868. 

in  the  President.  To  all  these  he  added  the  weight  of  his  own  de 
liberate  judgment,  and  advised  me  that  it  was  my  duty  to  defend 
the  power  of  the  President  from  usurpation,  and  to  veto  the  law." 

The  counsel  for  the  respondent  not  only  offered  to  prove  the 
truth  of  this  statement  of  the  President  by  members  of  the  cabinet, 
but  they  tendered  in  addition  thereto  the  proof  "  that  the  duty  of 
preparing  a  message,  setting  forth  the  objections  to  the  constitu 
tionality  of  the  bill,  was  devolved  on  Mr.  Seward  and  Mr.  Stanton." 
They  also  offered  to  prove — 

"  That  at  the  meetings  of  the  cabinet,  at  which  Mr.  Stanton 
was  present,  held  while  the  tenure-of-office  bill  was  before  the  Pres 
ident  for  approval,  the  advice  of  the  cabinet  in  regard  to  the  same 
was  asked  by  the  President  and  given  by  the  cabinet ;  and  there 
upon  the  question  whether  Mr.  Stanton  and  the  other  Secretaries 
who  had  received  their  appointment  from  Mr.  Lincoln  were  within 
the  restrictions  upon  the  President's  power  of  removal  from  office 
created  by  said  act  was  considered,  and  the  opinion  expressed  that 
the  Secretaries  appointed  by  Mr.  Lincoln  were  not  within  such  re 
strictions. 

And— 

"  That  at  the  cabinet  meetings  between  the  passage  of  the  ten- 
ure-of-civil-office  bill  and  the  order  of  the  21st  of  February,  1868, 
for  the  removal  of  Mr.  Stanton,  upon  occasions  when  the  condition 
of  the  public  service  as  affected  by  the  operation  of  that  bill  came 
up  for  the  consideration  and  advice  of  the  cabinet,  it  was  consid 
ered  by  the  President  and  cabinet  that  a  proper  regard  to  the  pub 
lic  service  made  it  desirable  that  upon  some  proper  case  a  judicial 
determination  on  the  constitutionality  of  the  law  should  be  ob 
tained." 

This  evidence  was,  in  my  opinion,  clearly  admissible  as  cumula 
tive  of,  or  to  explain  or  disprove,  the  message  of  the  President, 
which  narrates  substantially  the  same  facts,  and  which  the  managers 
have  introduced  and  made  a  part  of  their  case ;  but  it  was  rejected 
as  incompetent  testimony  by  a  vote  of  the  Senate.  I  believe  that 
decision  was  erroneous ;  and  inasmuch  as  there  is  no  tribunal  to 
revise  the  errors  of  this,  and  it  is  impossible  to  order  a  new  trial  of 
this  case,  I  deem  it  proper  to  regard  these  offers  to  prove  as  equiva 
lent  to  proof. 

We  have  in  addition  to  this  testimony  as  to  the  intent  of  the 
President  the  evidence  of  General  Sherman.  The  President  desired 
to  appoint  General  Sherman  Secretary  ad  interim  for  the  Depart- 


1868. J  A  SENATOR  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  351 

ment  of  War,  and  tendered  to  him  the  office.  The  complications 
in  which  the  office  was  then  involved  were  talked  over  between 
them.  General  Sherman  says  that  the  subject  of  using  force  to  eject 
Mr.  Stanton  from  the  office  was  only  mentioned  by  the  President  to 
repel  the  idea.  When  General  Sherman  asked  him  why  the  lawyers 
could  not  make  up  a  case  and  have  the  conflicting  questions  decided 
by  the  courts,  his  reply  was  "  that  it  was  found  impossible,  or  a  case 
could  not  be  made  up  ;  but,"  said  he,  "  if  we  can  bring  the  case  to 
the  courts  it  would  not  stand  half  an  hour." 

Here,  then,  we  have  the  President  advised  by  all  of  the  mem 
bers  of  his  cabinet,  including  the  Attorney-General,  whose  duty  it 
is  made  by  law  to  give  legal  advice  to  him,  including  the  Secretary 
for  the  Department  of  War,  also  an  eminent  lawyer  and  an  Attor 
ney-General  of  the  United  States  under  a  former  Administration, 
that  the  act  of  March  2,  1867,  was  unconstitutional  and  void,  that 
the  three  members  of  the  cabinet  holding  over  from  Mr.  Lincoln's 
Administration  were  not  included  within  its  provisions,  and  that  it 
was  desirable  that  upon  some  proper  case  a  judicial  determination 
on  the  constitutionality  of  the  law  should  be  obtained. 

Now,  when  it  is  remembered  that,  according  to  Chief-Justice 
Marshall,  the  act  of  1789,  creating  the  Department  of  War,  was  in 
tentionally  framed  "  so  as  to  clearly  imply  the  power  of  removal  to 
be  solely  in  the  President,"  and  that,  "  as  the  bill  passed  into  a  law, 
it  has  ever  been  considered  as  a  full  expression  of  the  sense  of  the 
Legislature  on  this  important  part  of  the  American  Constitution ; " 
when  it  is  remembered  that  this  construction  has  been  acquiesced 
in  and  acted  on  by  every  President  from  Washington  to  Johnson, 
by  the  Supreme  Court,  by  every  Congress  of  the  United  States  from 
the  first  that  ever  assembled  under  the  Constitution  down  to  the 
Thirty-ninth  ;  and  when  it  is  remembered  that  all  of  the  President's 
cabinet  and  the  most  eminent  counselors  within  his  reach  advised 
him  that  the  preceding  Congresses,  the  past  Presidents  and  states 
men,  and  Story,  and  Kent,  and  Thompson,  and  Marshall,  were  right  in 
their  construction  of  the  Constitution,  and  the  Thirty-ninth  Con 
gress  wrong,  is  it  strange  that  he  should  doubt  or  dispute  the  con 
stitutionality  of  the  tenure-of-office  act  ? 

But  all  this  is  aside  from  the  question  whether  Mr.  Stanton's 
case  is  included  in  the  provisions  of  that  act.  If  it  was  not,  as  I 
think  it  clearly  was  not,  then  the  question  of  intent  is  not  in  issue, 


352  LIFE  OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1868. 

for  he  did  no  unlawful  act.  If  it  was  included,  then  I  ask  whether, 
in  view  of  those  facts,  the  President's  guilty  intent  to  do  an  unlawful 
act  "  shines  with  such  a  clear  and  certain  light "  as  to  justify,  to 
require  us  to  pronounce  him  guilty  of  a  high  constitutional  crime  or 
misdemeanor  ?  The  manager,  Mr.  Boutwell,  admits  that — 

"  If  a  law  passed  by  Congress  be  equivocal  or  ambiguous  in  its 
terms,  the  Executive,  being  called  upon  to  administer  it,  may  apply 
his  own  best  judgment  to  the  difficulties  before  him,  or  he  may  seek 
counsel  of  his  advisers  or  other  persons  ;  and  acting  thereupon  with 
out  evil  intent  or  purpose,  he  would  be  fully  justified,  and  upon  no 
principle  of  right  could  he  be  held  to  answer  as  for  a  misdemeanor 
in  office." 

Does  not  this  admission  cover  this  case  ?  Is  there  not  doubt 
about  the  legal  construction  of  the  tenure-of-office  act  ?  Shall  we 
condemn  the  President  for  following  the  counsel  of  his  advisers  and 
for  putting  precisely  the  same  construction  upon  the  first  section 
of  the  act  that  we  put  upon  it  when  we  enacted  it  into  a  law  ? 

It  is  not  necessary  for  me  to  refer  to  another  statement  made  by 
a  manager  in  order  to  sustain  my  view  of  this  case  ;  but  I  allude  to 
it  only  to  put  on  record  my  reprobation  of  the  doctrine  announced. 
It  was  said  that — 

"  The  Senate,  for  the  purpose  of  deciding  whether  the  respond 
ent  is  innocent  or  guilty,  can  enter  into  no  inquiry  as  to  the 
constitutionality  of  the  act,  which  it  was  the  President's  duty  to 
execute,  and  which,  upon  his  own  answer,  and  by  repeated  official 
confessions  and  admissions,  he  intentionally,  willfully,  deliberately 
set  aside  and  violated." 

I  cannot  believe  it  to  be  our  duty  to  convict  the  President  of  an 
infraction  of  a  law,  when  in  our  consciences  we  believe  the  law 
itself  to  be  invalid,  and  therefore  having  no  binding  effect.  If  the 
law  is  unconstitutional  it  is  null  and  void,  and  the  President  has 
committed  no  offense  and  done  no  act  deserving  of  impeachment. 

Again,  the  manager  said  : 

"  The  constitutional  duty  of  the  President  is  to  obey  and  exe 
cute  the  laws.  He  has  no  authority  under  the  Constitution,  or  by 
any  law,  to  enter  into  any  schemes  or  plans  for  the  purpose  of  test 
ing  the  validity  of  the  laws  of  the  country,  either  judicially  or  oth 
erwise.  Every  law  of  Congress  may  be  tested  in  the  courts,  but 
it  is  not  made  the  duty  of  any  person  to  so  test  the  laws." 

Is  this  so  ?     It  is  not  denied,  I  think,  that  the  constitutional 


1868.]  A   SENATOK   OF  THE  UNITED   STATES.  353 

validity  of  this  law  could  not  be  tested  before  the  courts  unless  a 
case  was  made  and  presented  to  them.  No  such  case  could  be 
made  unless  the  President  made  a  removal.  That  act  of  his  would 
necessarily  be  the  basis  on  which  the  case  would  rest.  He  is  sworn 
to  "  preserve,  protect,  and  defend  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States."  He  must  defend  it  against  all  encroachments  from  what 
ever  quarter.  A  question  arose  between  the  legislative  and  execu 
tive  departments  as  to  their  relative  powers  in  the  matter  of  remov 
als  from  and  appointments  to  office.  That  question  was,  Does  the 
Constitution  confer  on  the  President  the  power  which  the  tenure- 
of-office  act  seeks  to  take  away  ?  It  was  a  question  manifestly  of 
construction  and  interpretation.  The  Constitution  has  provided  a 
common  arbiter  in  such  cases  of  controversy — the  Supreme  Court 
of  the  United  States.  Before  that  tribunal  can  take  jurisdiction  a 
removal  must  be  made.  The  President  attempted  to  give  the  court 
jurisdiction  in  that  way.  For  doing  so  he  is  impeached,  and  for 
the  reason,  as  the  managers  say,  that — 

"  He  has  no  authority  under  the  Constitution,  or  by  any  law, 
to  enter  into  any  schemes  or  plans  for  the  purpose  of  testing  the 
validity  of  the  laws  of  the  country,  either  judicially  or  otherwise." 

If  this  be  true,  then  if  the  two  Houses  of  Congress  should  pass 
by  a  two-thirds  vote  over  the  President's  veto  an  act  depriving  the 
President  of  the  right  to  exercise  the  pardoning  power,  and  he 
should  exercise  that  power  nevertheless,  or  if  he  should  exercise  it 
only  in  a  single  case  for  the  purpose  of  testing  the  constitutionality 
of  the  law,  he  would  be  guilty  of  a  high  crime  and  misdemeanor  and 
impeachable  accordingly.  The  manager's  theory  establishes  at 
once  the  complete  supremacy  of  Congress  over  the  other  branches 
of  Government.  I  can  give  my  assent  to  no  such  doctrine. 

This  was  a  punitive  statute.  It  was  directed  against  the  Presi 
dent  alone.  It  interfered  with  the  prerogatives  of  his  Department 
as  recognized  from  the  foundation  of  the  Government.  It  wrested 
from  him  powers  which,  according  to  the  legislative  and  judicial 
construction  of  eighty  years,  had  been  bestowed  upon  him  by  the 
Constitution  itself.  In  my  opinion  it  was  not  only  proper,  but  it 
was  his  duty,  to  cause  the  disputed  question  to  be  determined  in  the 
manner  and  by  the  tribunal  established  for  such  purposes.  This 
Government  can  only  be  preserved  and  the  liberty  of  the  people 
maintained  by  preserving  intact  the  coordinate  branches  of  it — leg- 


354  LIFE   OF  JAMES  W.   GKIMES.  [1868. 

islative,  executive,  judicial — alike.  I  am  no  convert  to  any  doctrine 
of  the  omnipotence  of  Congress. 

But  it  is  said  that  in  our  legislative  capacity  we  have  several 
times  decided  this  question,  and  that  our  judgments  on  this  trial 
are  therefore  foreclosed.  As  for  myself,  I  have  done  no  act,  given 
no  vote,  uttered  no  word,  inconsistent  with  my  present  position. 
I  never  believed  Mr.  Stanton  came  within  the  provisions  of  the 
tenure -of-office  act,  and  I  never  did  any  act,  or  gave  any  vote,  in 
dicating  such  a  belief.  If  I  had  done  so,  I  should  not  consider  my 
self  precluded  from  revising  any  judgment  then  expressed,  for  I  am 
now  acting  in  another  capacity,  under  the  sanction  of  a  new  oath, 
after  a  full  examination  of  the  facts,  and  with  the  aid  of  a  thorough 
discussion  of  the  law  as  applicable  to  them.  The  hasty  and  incon 
siderate  action  of  the  Senate  on  the  21st  of  February  may  have 
been,  and  probably  was,  a  sufficient  justification  for  the  action  of 
the  House  of  Representatives,  as  the  grand  inquest  of  the  nation, 
in  presenting  their  articles  of  impeachment,  but  it  furnishes  no 
reason  or  apology  to  us  for  acting  otherwise  than  under  the  respon 
sibilities  of  our  judicial  oath,  since  assumed. 

The  tenth  article  charges  that,  in  order  to 

"  bring  into  disgrace,  ridicule,  hatred,  contempt,  and  reproach,  the 
Congress  of  the  United  States,  and  the  several  branches  thereof,  to 
impair  and  destroy  the  regard  and  respect  of  all  the  good  people  of 
the  United  States  for  the  Congress  and  legislative  power  there 
of  (which  all  officers  of  the  Government  ought  inviolably  to  pre 
serve  and  maintain),  and  to  excite  the  odium  and  resentment  of  all 
the  good  people  of  the  United  States  against  Congress,  and  the 
laws  by  it  duly  and  constitutionally  enacted ;  and  in  pursuance  of 
his  said  design  and  intent,  openly  and  publicly,  and  before  divers 
assemblages  of  the  citizens  of  the  United  States,  convened  in  divers 
parts  thereof,  to  meet  and  receive  said  Andrew  Johnson  as  the  Chief 
Magistrate  of  the  United  States,  did,  on  the  18th  day  of  August,  in 
the  year  of  our  Lord  1866,  and  on  divers  other  days  and  times,  as 
well  before  as  afterward,  make  and  deliver  with  a  loud  voice  cer 
tain  intemperate,  inflammatory,  and  scandalous  harangues,  and  did 
therein  utter  loud  threats  and  bitter  menaces." 

These  speeches  were  made  in  1866.  They  were  addressed  to 
promiscuous  popular  assemblies,  and  were  unattended  by  any  of 
ficial  act.  They  were  made  by  the  President  in  his  character  of  a 
citizen.  They  were  uttered  against  the  Thirty -ninth  Congress, 
which  ceased  to  exist  more  than  a  year  ago.  That  body  deemed 


1868.]  A  SENATOR   OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  355 

them  to  be  unworthy  of  their  attention,  and  the  present  House  of 
Representatives  decided  by  an  overwhelming  majority  that  they, 
too,  did  not  consider  them  worthy  to  be  made  the  ground  of  im 
peachment.  The  first  amendment  to  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States  declares  that  "  Congress  shall  make  no  law  abridging  the 
freedom  of  speech."  Congress,  therefore,  could  pass  no  law  to  pun 
ish  the  utterance  of  those  speeches  before  their  delivery ;  but,  ac 
cording  to  the  theory  of  this  prosecution,  we,  sitting  as  a  court 
after  their  delivery,  can  make  a  law,  each  for  himself,  to  govern  this 
case  and  to  punish  the  President. 

I  have  no  apology  to  make  for  the  President's  speeches.  Grant 
that  they  were  indiscreet,  indecorous,  improper,  vulgar,  shall  we 
not,  by  his  conviction  on  this  article,  violate  the  spirit  of  the  Con 
stitution  which  guarantees  to  him  the  freedom  of  speech  ?  And 
would  we  not  also  violate  the  spirit  of  that  other  clause  of  the  Con 
stitution  which  forbids  the  passage  of  ex  post  facto  laws  ?  We  are 
sworn  to  render  impartial  justice  in  this  case  according  to  the  Con 
stitution  and  the  laws.  According  to  what  laws  ?  Is  it  to  be,  in 
the  absence  of  any  written  law  on  the  subject,  according  to  the 
law  of  each  Senator's  judgment,  enacted  in  his  own  bosom,  after 
the  alleged  commission  of  the  offense  ?  To  what  absurd  violations 
of  the  rights  of  the  citizen  would  this  theory  lead  us  ?  For  my 
own  part  I  cannot  consent  to  go  beyond  the  worst  British  Parlia 
ments  in  the  time  of  the  Plantagenets  in  efforts  to  repress  the  free 
dom  of  speech. 

The  eleventh  article  contains  no  matter  not  already  included  in 
one  or  more  of  the  preceding  articles,  except  the  allegation  of  an 
intent  to  prevent  the  execution  of  the  act  of  March  2,  1867,  for  the 
more  efficient  government  of  the  rebel  States.  Concerning  this,  a 
telegraphic  dispatch  from  General  Parsons,  of  Alabama,  and  the 
reply  of  the  President  thereto,  each  dated  in  January  preceding  the 
passage  of  the  law,  appear  to  be  the  only  evidence  adduced.  These 
dispatches  are  as  follows  : 

"  MONTGOMERY,  ALABAMA,  January  17,  1867. 

"Legislature in  session.  Efforts  making  to  reconsider  vote  on 
constitutional  amendment.  Report  from  Washington  says  it  is 
probable  an  enabling  act  will  pass.  We  do  not  know  what  to 
believe.  I  find  nothing  here.  LEWIS  E.  PARSONS, 

'•'•Exchange  IIoteL 

" His  Excellency  ANDREW  JOHNSON,  President" 


356  LIFE   OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1868. 

The  response  is : 

"UNITED  STATES  MILITARY  TELEGRAPH  EXECUTIVE  OFFICE,  [ 
WASHINGTON,  D.  0.,  January  17,  1867.      J 

"  What  possible  good  can  be  obtained  by  reconsidering  the  con 
stitutional  amendment  ?  I  know  of  none  in  the  present  posture  of 
affairs ;  and  I  do  not  believe  the  people  of  the  whole  country  will 
sustain  any  set  of  individuals  in  attempts  to  change  the  whole  char 
acter  of  our  Government  by  enabling  acts  or  otherwise.  I  believe, 
on  the  contrary,  that  they  will  eventually  uphold  all  who  have 
patriotism  and  courage  to  stand  by  the  Constitution,  and  who  place 
their  confidence  in  the  people.  There  should  be  no  faltering  on  the 
part  of  those  who  are  honest  in  their  determination  to  sustain  the 
several  coordinate  departments  of  the  Government  in  accordance 
with  its  original  design.  ANDREW  JOHNSON. 

"  Hon.  LEWIS  E.  PAESONS,  Montgomery,  Alabama.'1'1 

I  am  wholly  unable,  from  these  dispatches,  to  deduce  any  crim 
inal  intent.  They  manifest  a  diversity  of  political  views  between 
the  President  and  Congress.  The  case  contains  ample  evidence 
outside  of  these  dispatches  of  that  diversity  of  opinion.  I  do  not 
perceive  that  these  dispatches  change  the  nature  of  that  well- 
known  and,  in  my  opinion,  much-to-be-deplored  diversity. 

1  have  thus,  as  briefly  as  possible,  stated  my  views  of  this  case. 
I  have  expressed  no  views  upon  any  of  the  questions  upon  which  the 
President  has  been  arraigned  at  the  bar  of  public  opinion,  outside 
of  the  charges.  I  have  no  right  to  travel  out  of  the  record. 

Mr.  Johnson's  character  as  a  statesman,  his  relations  to  political 
parties,  his  conduct  as  a  citizen,  his  efforts  at  reconstruction,  the 
exercise  of  his  pardoning  power,  the  character  of  his  appointments, 
and  the  influences  under  which  they  were  made,  are  not  before  us 
on  any  charges,  and  are  not  impugned  by  any  testimony. 

Nor  can  I  suffer  my  judgment  of  the  law  governing  this  case  to 
be  influenced  by  political  considerations.  I  cannot  agree  to  destroy 
the  harmonious  working  of  the  Constitution  for  the  sake  of  getting 
rid  of  an  unacceptable  President.  Whatever  may  be  my  opinion  of 
the  incumbent,  I  cannot  consent  to  trifle  with  the  high  office  he 
holds.  I  can  do  nothing  which,  by  implication,  may  be  construed 
into  an  approval  of  impeachments  as  a  part  of  future  political 
machinery. 

However  widely,  therefore,  I  may  and  do  differ  with  the  Presi 
dent  respecting  his  political  views  and  measures,  and  however 
deeply  T  have  regretted,  and  do  regret,  the  differences  between 


1868.]  A  SENATOR  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  357 

himself  and  the  Congress  of  the  United  States,  I  am  not  able  to 
record  my  vote  that  he  is  guilty  of  high  crimes  and  misdemeanors 
by  reason  of  those  differences.  I  am  acting  in  a  judicial  capacity, 
under  conditions  whose  binding  obligation  can  hardly  be  exceeded, 
and  I  must  act  according  to  the  best  of  my  ability  and  judgment, 
and  as  they  require.  If,  according  to  their  dictates,  the  President 
is  guilty,  I  must  say  so ;  if,  according  to  their  dictates,  the  Presi 
dent  is  not  guilty,  I  must  say  so. 

In  my  opinion  the  President  has  not  been  guilty  of  an  impeach- 
able  offense,  by  reason  of  anything  alleged  in  either  of  the  articles 
preferred  against  him  at  the  bar  of  the  Senate  Uy  the  House  of 
Representatives. 

Two  days  after  delivering  this  opinion,  Mr.  Grimes  was 
attacked  with  paralysis  in  the  Senate-Chamber,  and  suffered 
extreme  prostration.  On  the  16th  of  May,  though  continuing 
to  be  very  feeble,  he  went  to  the  Senate,  determined  that  no 
risk  should  deter  him  from  his  public  duty.  Much  apprehen 
sion  was  felt  by  friends  as  to  the  consequences.  On  that  day  a 
vote  was  taken  on  the  eleventh  article  of  impeachment.  When 
his  name  was  called,  Judge  Chase  said  he  might  remain  seated. 
With  the  assistance  of  friends,  however,  he  rose.  The  Chief- 
Justice  said:  "Mr.  Senator  Grimes,  how  say  you?  Is  the  re 
spondent,  Andrew  Johnson,  guilty  or  not  guilty  of  a  high  mis 
demeanor,  as  charged  in  this  article  ? "  Mr.  Grimes  answered, 
"  Not  guilty."  Thirty-five  Senators  voted  "  Guilty ; "  nineteen 
voted  u  Not  guilty."  The  Chief-Justice,  announcing  the  vote, 
said :  "  Two-thirds  not  having  pronounced  guilty,  the  President 
is,  therefore,  acquitted  upon  this  article."  The  vote  was  taken 
on  the  second  and  third  articles,  May  26th,  with  the  same  result, 
when  the  Senate,  sitting  as  a  court  of  impeachment,  adjourned 
without  day. 

Mr.  Grimes's  vote  brought  upon  him  foul  abuse  and  detrac 
tion.  The  country  was  in  a  blaze  of  excitement.  Honest  opin 
ion  was  divided.  Many  able  and  true  men  had  felt  assured  of 
guilt  and  evil  designs  on  the  part  of  the  President.  In  expecta 
tion  of  his  removal  from  office,  arrangements  had  been  presumed 

upon  with  reference  to  the  high  offices  of  the  Government,  and 
24 


358  LIFE   OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1868. 

many  persons  were  dazzled  by  visions  of  place  and  power.  Mr. 
Grimes  kept  aloof  from  partisan  considerations.  He  remarked 
to  an  old  friend  :  "  Perhaps  I  did  wrong  not  to  commit  perjury 
by  order  of  a  party;  but  I  cannot  see  it  in  that  way."  He  was 
upon  his  oath.  He  heard  the  whole  case,  and,  under  a  sense  of 
responsibility  to  the  Supreme  Judge  and  to  the  country,  gave 
his  verdict. 

In  the  storm  of  calumny  and  vituperation  that  fell  upon 
him,  Chief-Justice  Chase  called,  and,  sitting  by  his  bed  with 
friendly  anxiety  and  sympathy,  said  to  him :  "  I  would  rather 
be  in  your  place,  Mr.  Grimes,  than  to  receive  any  honor  in  the 
gift  of  our  people."  In  a  few  years,  time  and  reflection  altered 
many  men's  judgments,  and  the  integrity  of  Mr.  Grimes,  and 
the  political  wisdom  and  sagacity  of  his  general  views  upon  the 
subject,  were  approved  to  the  country.  In  facing  clamor  and 
prejudice  and  passion  with  firm  resolution  and  an  heroic  spirit, 
he  gave  a  fine  example  of  unshaken  and  unterrified  faith,  loyalty, 
and  zeal,  in  a  crisis  of  the  nation.1 

111. — To  Henry  W.  Starr,  Esq.,  Burlington,  Iowa. 

WASHINGTON,  May  17,  1868. 

Am  writing  my  first  letter  after  paralysis.  Am  getting  better, 
but  doctors  say  I  must  leave  here,  and  shall  go  as  soon  as  I  can 
travel.  Am  covered  with  blisters.  This  attack  admonishes  me 
that  my  political  career  is  nearly  over,  that  it  is  quite  probable  the 
last  vote  I  shall  ever  give  I  gave  yesterday ;  and  I  can  say  before 
God  that  I  never  gave  one  more  conscientiously,  nor  one  I  am  bet 
ter  satisfied  with. 

The  following  card  is  a  sufficient  reference  to  the  calumnies 
of  the  period : 

1  "  On  the  trial  of  Marshal  Ney  for  treason  (1815),  the  Duke  de  Broglie  was  the  only 
peer  who  voted  "  Not  guilty."  The  man,  the  place,  and  the  hour  all  considered,  the 
violence  of  political  passions  outside,  the  fear  of  fresh  convulsions  within — this  was 
certainly  one  of  the  most  heroic  actions  recorded  in  parliamentary  history.  It  was 
a  vote  worthy  of  the  son-in-law  of  Madame  de  Stael ;  and,  whatever  may  be  thought 
of  the  weakness  and  guilt  of  Ney,  many  a  courtier,  a  soldier,  and  a  peer,  lived  to 
regret  that  he  did  not  vote  as  Victor  de  Broglie  voted  on  that  memorable  day.'' — 
JSdinburgh  Review,  April,  1872, 


1868.]  A  SENATOR   OF  THE  UXITED  STATES.  359 

A  Card  to  the  Chicago  Tribune. 

WASHINGTON,  May  26,  1868. 

It  is  not  true  that  I  have  now,  or  ever  had,  any  hostility  to  Mr. 
Wade.  I  never  had  the  slightest  misunderstanding  with  him  in 
my  life. 

It  is  not  true  that  I  ever  sought  to  be,  or  ever  desired  to  be, 
a  candidate  for  Vice-President  or  President  pro  tempore  of  the 
Senate. 

It  is  not  true  that  Chief-Justice  Chase  sought  to  influence  my 
judgment  in  the  impeachment  trial.  I  never  had  a  word  of  con 
versation  with  the  Chief-Justice  on  that  subject,  nor  on  the  subject 
of  a  new  party  or  of  any  political  party ;  nor  did  he  ever  mention 
the  subject  of  the  presidency  to  me.  I  have  not  been  in  the  house 
of  the  Chief-Justice  for  more  than  two  years. 

It  is  not  true  that  I  have  ever  been  dissatisfied  with  the  recon 
struction  plan  of  Congress.  So  far  from  it,  I  was  one  of  the  seven 
Senators  who  were  members  of  the  Joint  Committee  on  Recon 
struction,  and  signed  the  report.  I  was  chairman  of  the  sub-com 
mittee  on  the  State  of  Tennessee,  and  it  was  upon  my  recommenda 
tion  that  that  State  was  so  early  restored  to  the  Union. 

It  is  not  true  that  I  am  now  or  ever  was,  either  directly  or  indi 
rectly,  interested  in  the  Chicago  Tribune  newspaper.  I  do  not 
know  nor  ever  have  known  how  the  Tribune  corps  is  organized, 
what  is  its  capital,  who  are  its  stockholders,  or  the  value  of  its 
stock.  Nor  have  I  ever  sought  to  influence  the  course  of  that  paper 
on  any  measure,  public  or  private.  I  am  sorry  to  be  compelled  to 
add  that  the  story,  so  circumstantially  related  and  published,  that 
the  wife  of  the  editor  of  that  paper  is  my  daughter,  is  not  true. 

It  is  not  true  that  I  ever  had  the  slightest  sympathy  with  the 
general  policy  of  Mr.  Johnson's  Administration.  I  have  had  no  per 
sonal  intercourse  with  Mr.  Johnson  for  two  years ;  never  asked  him 
for  a  favor,  and  never  received  one  from  him. 

It  is  true  that,  when  I  took  an  oath  that  "  in  all  things  ap 
pertaining  to  the  trial  of  the  impeachment  of  Andrew  Johnson  I 
would  render  impartial  justice  according  to  the  Constitution  and  the 
laws"  I  ceased  to  act  in  a  representative  capacity.  I  became  a 
judge,  acting  on  my  own  responsibility  and  accountable  only  to 
my  own  conscience  and  my  Maker ;  and  no  power  could  force  me 


360  LIFE   OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1868. 

to  decide  in  such  a  case,  contrary  to  rny  convictions,  to  suit  the 
requirements  of  a  party,  whether  that  party  were  composed  of  my 
friends  or  my  enemies.  JAMES  W.  GRIMES. 

112.— To  Hon.  William  P.  Fessenden,  Washington. 

YONKERS,  N.  Y.,  June  10,  1868. 

I  am  doing  well ;  have  recovered  the  use  of  my  arm,  though  I 
cannot  wield  a  pen  with  ease,  and  hence  use  a  pencil.  Mv  leg  is 
improving,  but  is  weak,  and  I  suppose  will  be  for  some  time. 

You  must  accept  the  Boston  dinner.  A  great  deal  depends  on 
it.  If  you  do,  it  will  hurt  Sumner ;  especially  if  you  and  Trumbull 
call  up  and  press  his  resolutions  1  lately  introduced  about  impeach 
ment,  or  at  any  rate  make  speeches  about  them.  Those  resolutions 
are  "  the  last  straw,"  are  odious,  and  will  be  fatal  to  him,  if  you 
press  him  on  them.  Even  this  little  use  of  my  arm  weakens  it, 
and  I  must  stop. 

June  iQth. — I  am  an  egotist,  as  you  know,  and  therefore  will 
begin  by  saying  that  I  am  improving,  am  gaining  flesh  and  strength, 
though  I  fear  that  my  increase  of  strength  is  not  equal  to  the 
increase  of  weight.  This  is  partly  owing  to  the  fact  that  I  now 
eschew  tobacco  in  all  its  forms. 

I  hope  you  can  attend  the  Boston  dinner,  and  make  a  prepared 
speech.  If  you  do  not,  you  must  write  a  long  letter.  I  would 
carefully  avoid  the  slightest  allusion  to  Sumner  personally,  but  you 
ought  to  state  in  the  strongest  terms  your  convictions  of  the  rev 
olutionary  tendencies  of  the  demands  of  the  impeachmentites,  and 
insist,  as  is  the  fact,  that  we  saved  the  country. 

1  June  3d,  Mr.  Sumner  submitted  resolutions  declaring  the  constitutional  re 
sponsibility  of  Senators  for  their  votes  on  impeachment : 

1.  That  even  assuming  that  the  Senate  is  a  court  in  the  exercise  of  judicial 
power,  Senators  cannot  claim  that  their  votes  are  exempt  from  the  judgment  of  the 
people,  etc, 

2.  That  the  Senate  is  not  at  any  time  a  court,  invested  with  judicial  power,  but 
always  a  Senate  with  specific  functions  ;  that  the  proceeding  by  impeachment  is 
from  beginning  to  end  political,  and  that  the  vote  of  a  Senator  on  impeachment, 
though  different  in  form,  is  not  different  in  responsibility  from  his  vote  on  any  other 
political  question,  etc 

3.  That  the  simple  requirement  of  the  Constitution,  which  says,  "Senators  when 
sitting  to  try  impeachment  shall  be  on  oath  or  affirmation,"  was  never  intended  to 
change  the  character  of  the  Senate  as  a  political  body,  and  cannot  have  any  such 
operation,  etc. 


1868-'G9.]        A  SENATOR   OF  THE  UNITED   STATES.  361 

You  are  right  in  supposing  that  I  am  not  surprised  at  the 
course  of  Mr.  Stanton.  You  need  never  expect  forgiveness  from 
him.  Governor  Fish  inquired  for  you  to-day,  and  so  does  almost 
every  one  I  meet.  I  see  no  one  who  does  not  sustain  you  in  youi 
course.  I  am  satisfied  that,  with  a  few  well-directed  blows  now  that 
we  have  the  anarchists  down,  their  reign  will  forever  end. 

BATH,  ME.,  July  7,  1868. 

I  see  that  Butler  has  made  a  report,  but  fails  to  report  the  tes 
timony.  From  the  extracts  I  have  seen,  I  judge  that  it  is  the  most 
discreditable  public  paper  ever  issued  in  this  country.  I  have  not 
heard  of  a  man  here  who  disapproved  of  }rour  course  on  impeach 
ment,  after  he  came  to  understand  it.  Nor  did  I  in  Boston.  I  dis 
covered  that  Hooper  telegraphed  and  went  to  Boston,  while  the 
matter  was  pending,  to  get  up  a  public  meeting,  petitions,  etc.,  in 
favor  of  conviction,  and  it  was  to  head  off  that  movement  that  R. 
H.  Dana,  Jr.,  introduced  his  resolutions  into  the  House,  which  came 
so  near  passing  that  body. 

BATH,  ME.,  August  1,  1868. 

I  have  been  watching  the  Portland  press  to  notice  the  announce 
ment  of  your  return  home,  and  not  seeing  it  I  judge  that  you  have 
not  yet  reached  that  to  me  very  desirable  place.  Had  you  done  so, 
I  should  have  been  tempted  to  make  a  descent  upon  you,  though  I 
am  in  a  very  poor  condition  to  make  a  visit  to  anybody.  I  leave 
on  Monday  for  Rye  Beach.  I  want  to  see  you  very  much,  but  my 
physician  orders  surf-bathing,  and  I  must  obey.  Notwithstanding 
his  order,  however,  I  think  I  should  lay  over  a  day  in  Portland,  were 
I  sure  you  were  there. 

I  am  happy  to  say  that  my  original  trouble  is  over,  so  far  as  I 
can  see,  but,  having  been  compelled  to  cease  smoking,  I  have 
grown  quite  fleshy,  and  am  troubled  with  weakness  and  neuralgic 
pains  in  my  hips  and  thighs.  Added  to  this,  my  head  is  in  a  con 
stant  whirl.  So  you  see  I  would  not  be  a  very  agreeable  visitor 
were  I  to  go  to  see  you. 

113.— To  Mr.  N.  G.  Deer  ing. 

WASHINGTON,  January  29,  1869. 

I  thank  you  for  your  letter  of  the  19th  instant.  I  had  no  doubt, 
when  I  gave  my  vote  on  the  question  of  impeachment,  that  the 


362  LIFE   OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1869. 

storm  would  beat  upon  me,  and  that  many  good  men  whose  opin 
ions  I  esteemed  would  always  believe  that  I  was  influenced  by 
improper  motives  ;  still  there  was  only  one  course  open  to  me,  and 
that  was  to  obey  my  oath,  to  "  do  impartial  justice  according  to 
the  Constitution,  the  laws,  and  the  evidence,"  and  submit  to  the 
consequences,  let  them  be  what  they  might.  Neither  the  honors  nor 
the  wealth  of  the  world  could  have  induced  me  to  act  otherwise, 
and  I  have  never  for  a  moment  regretted  that  I  voted  as  I  did.  I 
shall  always  thank  God  that  he  gave  me  courage  to  stand  firm  in 
the  midst  of  the  clamor,  and  by  my  vote  not  only  to  save  the  Re 
publican  party,  but  prevent  such  a  precedent  being  established  as 
would  in  the  end  have  converted  ours  into  a  sort  of  South  American 
republic,  in  which  there  would  be  a  revolution  whenever  there  hap 
pened  to  be  an  adverse  majority  in  Congress  to  the  President  for 
the  time  being-. 

In  January  Mr.  Grimes  made  a  donation  of  five  thousand 
dollars  to  Dartmouth  College :  to  found  two  scholarships  of  one 
thousand  dollars  each ;  a  prize  fund  of  one  thousand  dollars, 
the  income  to  be  given  annually  in  .two  prizes  to  members  of 
the  senior  class  for  excellence  in  English  composition ;  a  fund 
of  one  thousand  dollars,  the  income  to  be  annually  awarded  to 
that  member  of  the  senior  class  who,  in  the  judgment  of  the 
Faculty,  has  made  the  most  satisfactory  progress  during  his  col 
lege  course,  taking  into  consideration  his  preparation  when  he 
entered  ;  and  one  thousand  dollars  to  the  "  Social  Friends,"  a 
literary  society,  of  which  he  was  a  member  when  in  college. 

President  Smith,  acknowledging  the  donation,  said,  Febru 
ary  3d : 

Allow  me  to  thank  you  in  the  name  of  the  Faculty,  the  trus 
tees,  and,  I  will  add,  of  the  young  men,  who,  in  all  future  time, 
will  be  benefited  by  your  bounty.  For  you  have  given  such  direc 
tion  to  your  gift  that,  in  one  way  or  another,  it  will  affect  every 
member  of  the  institution.  I  note  what  you  say  about  giving 
"  unnecessary  publicity  "  to  your  benefaction,  and  I  appreciate  your 
wish  to  escape  newspaper  notoriety.  But  the  thing  cannot  be  kept 
in  a  corner.  The  students  must  know  it,  and  they  will  be  delighted 
with  it ;  and  gladness,  you  know,  has  always  a  tongue.  Besides, 
your  name  is  an  honored  one  in  New  Hampshire,  and  I  almost 


1869.]  A  SENATOR  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  363 

think  the  good  people  have  a  right  to  know  that  you  have  thus  re 
membered  the  one  college  of  your  native  State. 


INCREASE  OF  DUTY  UPON  COPPER. 

I  am  glad  to  know  upon  what  theory  this  bill  proceeds.  We 
learn  from  the  Senator  from  Vermont  (Mr.  Merrill)  that  it  is  a 
charitable  measure,  that  it  originated  in  a  pure  spirit  of  humanity. 
It  seems  that  there  is  a  class  of  people  somewhere  in  the  State  of 
Michigan  who  are  in  a  starving  condition,  and,  because  they  are  in 
a  starving  condition,  the  Senator  has  been  willing  to  acknowledge 
here  that  he  is  content  to  destroy  all  the  commerce  of  this  country 
that  is  used  in  connection  with  this  copper  interest,  and  increase 
the  value  of  every  spike  and  nail,  and  the  sheathing  and  yellow 
metal  with  which  vessels  are  covered,  to  the  extent  of  a  very  large 
per  cent.  If  that  is  the  spirit  in  which  this  bill  originated,  it  seems 
to  me  it  would  be  better  to  organize  a  branch  of  the  Freedmen's 
Bureau,  to  take  charge  of  those  famishing  and  suffering  people, 
than  to  increase  the  duty  on  every  article  of  household  economy 
that  is  made  of  copper.  This  increase  comes  off  of  every  laboring- 
man,  artisan,  and  mechanic.  It  comes  off  of  every  man  who  is  com 
pelled  to  buy  a  cooking-stove.  Instead  of  taking  money  out  of  the 
wealth  of  the  country  for  feeding  these  famishing  people  in  Michi 
gan,  you  make  every  man  in  my  State  and  in  Illinois  poorer  to  the 
extent  that  the  Senator  has  succeeded  in  inducing  this  body  to  in 
crease  the  duty  from  thirty-five  to  forty-five  per  cent. 

There  is  another  question  I  should  like  to  have  solved.  I  should 
like  to  know  how  much  copper  there  is  on  hand.  They  protected 
us  in  my  country,  two  years  ago,  by  putting  a  high  duty  on  wool, 
by  which  they  succeeded  in  lowering  the  value  of  wool  in  my  State 
from  forty -five  or  fifty -five  cents  down  to  no  market  at  all ;  but  there 
were  parties  who  were  protected,  and  they  were  the  people  who  had 
large  quantities  of  wool  on  hand.  The  immediate  effect  was  that 
everybody  in  the  Western  country  attempted  to  increase  the  pro 
duction  of  wool,  and  doubled  his  flocks,  or  increased  his  flocks  to  the 
largest  extent  possible.  While  doing  that,  you  put  a  high  duty  on 
the  imported  wool,  which  was  necessary  to  be  used  in  order  to 
manufacture  the  articles  that  each  one  wears  here  to-day,  and  the 
result  was,  there  was  not  any  market  for  our  wool.  But  there 


364:  LIFE   OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1869. 

were  parties  that  were  benefited,  who  had,  in  anticipation  of  the 
passage  of  that  law,  imported  large  quantities  of  foreign  wool, 
which  they  were  able  to  sell,  realizing  the  advance  we  put  upon 
the  tariff.  The  price  rose  in  anticipation  of  the  law,  just  as  copper 
has  risen  to-day  in  anticipation  of  the  passage  of  this  bill.  I  am 
told  there  is  a  vast  quantity  on  hand,  and  the  passage  of  this  bill 
will  put  immense  sums  in  the  pockets  of  the  men  owning  it.  That 
is  the  advantage  of  passing  tariff  bills  in  this  way.  I  need  not  indi 
cate,  I  think,  that  I  shall  vote  against  this  bill,  and  against  all  other 
tariff  bills  that  are  not  levied  strictly  for  revenue  purposes  (Jan 
uary  19th) 

Congratulating  Mr.  Cameron,  of  Pennsylvania,  upon  his 
liberal  ideas  in  favor  of  free  banking,  Mr.  Grimes  said,  Febru 
ary  22d ; 

I  trust  in  a  few  months  he  will  be  able  still  more  to  liberalize 
his  conceptions  of  public  affairs,  and  that  he  will  then  be  in  favor 
of  more  liberal  laws  and  rules  in  regard  to  commerce  and  trade,  and 
that  it  will  be  but  a  little  while  before  I  shall  be  able  to  welcome 
him  into  my  party  of  free  trade. 

Upon  a  resolution  to  admit  books,  maps,  regalia,  apparatus, 
art  collections,  etc.,  for  certain  purposes,  free  of  duty,  he  said : 

While  in  favor  of  throwing  as  few  obstacles  as  possible  upon 
the  importation  of  such  articles,  I  am  not  prepared  to  vote  to  put 
three  hundred  per  cent,  duty  upon  copper,  that  is  used  in  all  sorts 
of  domestic  purposes,  and,  at  the  same  time,  entirely  exempt  such 
articles  from  duty  (February  24th). 

In  favor  of  paying  three  thousand  dollars  to  the  widow  of 
Samuel  T.  Hartt,  naval  constructor,  Mr.  Grimes  said,  Febru 
ary  llth : 

This  man,  while  in  the  performance  of  his  duties  at  the  Norfolk 
Navy- Yard,  conceived  the  idea  of  a  new  kind  of  elevator,  such  as 
had  never  been  used  in  our  own  or  any  other  navy,  by  which  to  ele 
vate  and  depress  the  breech  of  a  gun.  Up  to  that  time  it  had 
always  been  elevated  by  inartificial  and  awkward  blocks,  if  I  may 
be  permitted  to  use  an  unprofessional  phrase  here.  The  sloop-of- 


1869.]  A  SENATOR   OF  THE   UNITED  STATES.  3G5 

war  Portsmouth  was  about  being  fitted  out  at  the  Norfolk  Navy- 
Yard,  and  was  going  to  the  Asiatic  squadron  in  the  Chinese  seas, 
under  the  command  of  the  late  lamented  Rear-Admiral  Foote.  He 
thought  favorably  of  this  plan,  and,  at  his  instance,  the  Secretary 
of  the  Navy  allowed  the  guns  of  that  vessel  to  be  fitted  out  in  this 
particular  way.  She  sailed  for  China,  and  engaged  in  a  conflict 
with  the  Canton  Barrier  forts,  where  the  guns  had  a  fair  opportu 
nity  of  being  tested  with  this  experiment,  and  with  very  great  suc 
cess.  Shortly  after,  Mr.  Hartt  died,  leaving  a  widow  and  four  help 
less  children.  She  took  out  no  letters-patent,  nor  did  Hartt  in  his 
lifetime.  Finding  that  it  was  a  success,  and  that  this  screw  abso 
lutely  became  necessary,  we  have  been  introducing  it  into  our  ships, 
and  using  it  with  all  our  guns.  Now  the  widow  comes  to  us  and 
says  that  she  is  entitled  to  some  compensation  for  the  use  of  her 
husband's  method  for  elevating  and  depressing  guns,  and  the  Naval 
Committee  have  agreed  with  her  in  that.  I  agree  with  the  Senator 
from  Pennsylvania  (Mr.  Cameron)  as  to  the  general  principle  that 
an  officer  in  the  employ  of  the  Government  ought  to  bestow  upon 
the  Government  his  undivided  services ;  but  I  think  that  this  bill 
does  not  come  within  that  rule,  and  this  is  the  first  case  where  I 
have  ever  consented  to  report  such  a  bill  to  the  Senate  favorably. 

Advocating  the  publication  by  Congress  of  the  medical  and 
surgical  history  of  the  war,  Mr.  Grimes  said,  February  13th : 

I  think  it  is  but  due  to  poor  humanity,  that  we  should  let  it 
know  what  has  been  accomplished  by  medical  science  during  our  war 
to  save  human  life,  for  the  benefit  of  the  world  in  the  future.  The 
war  drew  to  it  the  most  eminent  medical  ability  in  this  country,  and 
the  result  is  that  medical  science  in  the  United  States  to-day  stands 
higher  than  it  does  in  any  country  in  Europe.  There  may  be  indi 
vidual  physicians  and  surgeons  in  Europe,  who  have  devoted  their 
time  to  particular  specialties,  who  have  a  higher  reputation  than 
any  surgeons  in  this  country ;  but,  as  a  mass,  in  consequence  of  the 
developments  of  this  war,  I  am  assured,  not  by  men  who  are  inter 
ested  in  the  publication  of  this  work,  but  by  men  outside  of  the 
army-surgeons,  and  by  men  connected  with  the  profession  in  other 
countries,  that  American  medical  science  has  a  higher  reputation 
than  that  of  any  county  in  Europe ;  and  it  grows  out  of  the  expe 
rience  of  this  war.  I  think  it  is  due  to  the  country,  it  is  due  to 


366  LIFE   OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1869. 

humanity,  that  we  should  let  the  world  know  what  these  develop 
ments  have  been,  in  the  most  authentic  way  possible. 


§    6. — In  the  Forty-first  Congress.  —  First  Session  —  March, 

April,  1869. 

The  country  still  groaning  under  the  burden  of  taxation, 
Mr.  Grimes  continued  to  urge  economy  in  all  public  expendi 
ture.  He  introduced  a  bill,  March  6th,  to  reorganize  the  Navy, 
mainly  for  the  purpose  of  reducing  its  expenses,  so  that  the 
number  of  officers  should  be  a  little  less  than  at  the  beginning 
of  the  war ;  and  advocated  similar  economy  with  reference  to 
the  Army  and  the  Indian  Department.  Upon  a  motion  to  ap 
propriate  five  thousand  dollars  for  medallions  of  the  President, 
to  be  distributed  to  Indian  tribes,  he  remarked  : 

I  am  satisfied  this  is  a  custom  more  honored  in  the  breach  than 
in  the  observance.  At  an  early  day  I  lived  in  the  neighborhood  of 
Indians,  and  I  have  seen  a  dozen  of  these  medallions  hung  up  in 
corner  groceries,  where  they  had  been  bartered  off  by  the  Indians 
for  whiskey.  Once  in  a  while  an  old  fellow  may  carry  one  for  some 
years,  but  generally  they  soon  are  lost,  or  fall  into  the  hands  of  the 
whiskey-sellers. 

Upon  the  introduction  of  a  bill  to  authorize  the  prepayment 
of  interest  on  the  public  debt,  a  letter  from  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  being  read  in  favor  of  the  measure,  Mr.  Grimes  asked 
why  the  Secretary  preferred  to  do  this,  rather  than  to  comply 
with  the  law  in  regard  to  a  sinking-fund.  Mr.  Sherman  said, 
"  Many  persons  are  opposed  to  a  sinking-fund."  Mr.  Grimes 
replied : 

Many  people  may  be  opposed  to  it,  but  Congress  is  not.  When 
we  authorized  the  debt  to  be  created,  we  declared  that  there  should 
be  a  sinking-fund.  That  fund  exists  only  upon  the  statute.  The 
law  authorizes  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  to  buy  the  bonds  of 
the  United  States.  Where  should  we  save  any  money  by  paying 
the  interest  in  advance,  over  buying  up  the  bonds  of  the  United 
States,  and  putting  them  into  the  sinking-fund  ?  (March  23d). 


1869.]  A  SENATOR  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  367 

Mr.  Grimes  advocated  the  repeal  of  tlie  tenure-of -office  act,  of 
March  2, 1867.  That  act  was  passed  to  tie  the  hands  of  President 
Johnson.  It  trammeled  alike  those  of  the  new  President. 
To  repeal  it,  however,  seemed  to  many  Senators,  as  Mr.  Mori-ill, 
of  Vermont,  remarked,  like  eating  their  own  words,  when  they 
voted  Andrew  Johnson  guilty  of  violating  the  Constitution,  as 
well  as  the  act  in  question.  Mr.  Grimes  had  no  occasion  for 
such  scruples.  He  held  that  the  Government  could  be  properly 
administered  only  by  enforcing  a  speedy  and  strict  accountability 
of  all  officers  to  the  Executive.  He  did  not  wish  to  have  a 
hand  in  perpetuating  such  troubles  and  conflicts  between  the 
Executive  and  Congress  as  had  existed  to  the  injury  of  the 
public  service  under  Mr.  Johnson. 

114. — To  Henry  W.  Starr,  Esq.,  Burlington. 

WASHINGTON,  March  18,  1869. 

I  shall  go  to  Europe  next  month.  Am  glad  to  hear  that  the 
library  is  so  successful,  and  trust  that  an  effort  will  be  made  to 
keep  it  up. 

The  impeachment  furor  has  entirely  subsided  here,  and  those 
who  voted  for  it  are  now  on  the  defensive,  rather  than  those  who 
voted  against  it.  Between  us,  I  am  satisfied  that  I  am  stronger  in 
the  Senate  in  every  respect,  where  I  am  so  well  known,  than  I  ever 
was  before  I  was  tried  in  the  furnace  of  impeachment.  The  only 
evil  resulting  to  me  from  that  attempt  to  act  according  to  my  con 
victions,  has  been  the  injury  to  my  health.  I  am  slowly  overcom 
ing  that,  however,  and  I  hope  that  I  shall  some  time  be  nearly,  if 
not  quite,  restored. 


CHAPTEE  Y. 

TRAVELS    IN   EUEOPE. — RETURN   HOME. DEATH. CHARACTER. 

1869-1872. 

MR.  GRIMES  sailed  for  Europe,  April  14,  1869,  and  remained 
abroad  until  the  summer  of  1871.  He  was  in  London  early  in 
May,  and  found  there  a  state  of  great  excitement,  growing  out 
of  a  recent  speech  of  Mr.  Sumner's  on  the  Johnson-Clarendon 
treaty.  In  interviews  with  a  number  of  English  gentlemen,  who 
occupied  places  of  authority  and  influence,  and  by  a  letter  to 
the  Times,  which  orie  of  those  gentlemen  assured  him  would  be 
of  great  service  at  that  moment,  he  assisted  to  correct  and  quiet 
the  public  mind.  "  It  is  gratifying,"  said  the  Times,  "  to  re 
ceive  so  emphatic  a  disclaimer  of  Mr.  Sumner's  extravagant 
propositions." 

115. — To  the  Editor  of  the  London  Times. 

Will  you  permit  an  American,  who  has  read  all  the  articles 
published  in  your  columns  within  the  last  two  weeks  on  American 
affairs,  and  who  thinks  he  has  a  tolerably  correct  judgment  of  the 
public  sentiment  of  his  country,  to  assure  you — 

1.  That  there  never  has  been  a  time  within  the  last  fifty  years 
when  there  was  in  the  United  States  less  of  a  disposition  to  go  to 
war  with  any  country,  least  of  all  with  Great  Britain,  than  there  is 
at  the  present  moment. 

2.  That  the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  by  their  vote  on  what 
is  called  "  the  Alabama  Treaty,"  simply  agreed  to  the  conclusion 


1869.]  TRAVELS  IN  EUROPE.       ,  369 

at  which  Mr.  Sumner  arrived  in  his  speech  in  the  executive  session 
of  that  body,  and  not  to  the  processes  by  which  he  reached  that 
conclusion,  or  the  arguments  by  which  he  supported  it.  4 

3.  That  Mr.  Sumner  delivered  an  elaborate  speech  on  this  sub 
ject,  which  he  had  been  four  weeks  preparing,  and  from  which  he 
desired  the  injunction  of  secrecy  to  be  removed,1  a  request  that  is 
always  granted   by  the  Senate.     All  other  remarks  made  on  the 
occasion  were  informal  and  conversational,  and  the  speakers  neither 
felt  nor  expressed  any  similar  desire  for  publicity. 

4.  That  there  were  various  causes  not  generally  known,  and 
which  it  is  needless  to  allude  to,  that  conspired  to  secure  the  re 
jection  of   the    treaty,  not  the  least  of    which  were  the    unwise 
declarations  of  members  of  the   British  legation  in  Washington, 
which,  coupled  with  the  manner  of  constituting  the  commission,  as 
agreed  upon  in  the  treaty,  gave  an  appearance,  at  least,  of  probable 
unfairness  in  the  arbitration. 

5.  That  England's  offense  in  the  eyes  of  Americans  is  not  "  that 
she  conceded  belligerent  rights  to  the  Confederacy,  at  a  time  when 
the  Southern  States  had  apparently  established  themselves  as  an 
independent  power,"  or  that  she  recognized  their  belligerent  rights 
at  any  time,  nor  that  we  did  not  enjoy  the  full  sympathy  of  her 
citizens  during  the  rebellion.     Their  real  grievance  is  that  the  Ala 
bama,  built  and  fitted  out  in  an  English  port,  never  ran  into  a  Con 
federate  port  so  as  to  acquire  the  legal  character  of  a  Confederate 
belligerent,  technically  or   otherwise ;    that   she  was  in  truth  an 
English  vessel,  sailing  from  a  British  port,  under  the  British  flag, 
manned  by  British  sailors,  was  everywhere  cordially  received,  sup 
plied  and  coaled  at  British  stations,  while  such  hospitalitj7  was  de 
nied  to  American  cruisers ;  that  she  never  had  any  other  home  than 
the   port  of   Liverpool,  from  which  she    originally  departed,  and 
remained  in  law  and  conscience  a  British  vessel  until  she  sank  be 
neath  the  waves.     This  is  our  grievance.     All  else  is  the  embellish 
ment  of  the  advocate  and  orator. 

6.  That  while  it  is  not  to  be  denied  that  there  is  a  desire  in  the 
Northwestern  States  of  the  Union  to  see  the  British  provinces  add 
ed  to  their  Government,  for  the  purpose  of   securing  control  of  the 
navigation  of  the  St.  Lawrence  River,  which  drains  a  large  portion 

1  "  The  removal  of  the  injunction  of  secrecy  was  not  made  at  my  request.     It 
was  the  spontaneous  act  of  the  Senate." — (MR.  SUMXER  to  MR.  GRIMES,  Nay  2S//«.) 


370  LIFE  OF  JAMES  W.   GKIMES.  [1869. 

of  their  territory,  it  is  also  true  that  many  of  the  Atlantic  States 
are  opposed  to  their  acquisition,  because  they  fear  that  if  acquired 
the  West  will  have  uninterrupted  water  communication  with 
Europe,  without  passing  through  and  being  tributary  to  them. 
The  intelligent  people  of  the  West  are  patiently  biding  their  time, 
in  the  full  faith  that  when  the  British  Government  concludes,  as  it 
sooner  or  later  will  conclude,  that  the  provinces  are  an  element  of 
expensive  weakness  to  it,  and  that  it  will  no  longer  support  them, 
they  will  be  quite  as  anxious  to  join  the  United  States  as  their 
public  men,  who  almost  exclusively  enjoy  the  bounty  bestowed  by 
the  home  Government,  now  profess  to  be  unwilling  to  do  so. 
There  is  not  a  respectable  minority  of  any  party  in  any  State  in  the 
Union  that  would  for  a  moment  justify  an  attempt  to  wrest  the 
Canadas,  by  force,  from  the  British  crown. 

7.  I  am  not  prepared  to  say  what  may  be  the  specific  instruc 
tions  with  which  Mr.  Motley  may  come  to  England  ;  but  I  am  pre 
pared  to  say  that  they  will  not  be  other  than  of  the  most  pacific 
character.  It  should  be  borne  in  mind  that  under  our  Government 
the  Senate  is  a  part  of  the  treaty -making  power ;  that  the  rejection 
or  amendment  of  a  treaty  by  that  body  is  of  frequent  occurrence, 
and  that  such  a  rejection  furnishes  no  reason  to  the  American  mind 
why  efforts  at  negotiation  should  not  be  renewed  again  and  again. 
Possibly  Mr.  Motley  may  not  be  instructed  to  take  the  initiative  in 
a  new  treaty,  but  that  should  not  be  the  cause  of  uneasiness  on  the 
part  of  any  one,  and  certainly  cannot  be  the  cause  of  war. 

AN  AMERICAN  CITIZEN. 

1  CHAKGES  STREET,  May  10,  1869. 

116.—  To  Hon.   W.  P.  Fessenden. 

LONDON,  May  10, 1869. 

You  have  no  idea  of  the  tumult  that  has  been  created  here  by 
Sumner's  speech.  Our  friends  during  the  war  are  much  grieved 
about  it,  for  it  has  had  the  effect  to  place  them  in  a  false  position 
entirely.  Mr.  Bright  told  me  to-day  that  Johnson  brought  to  him 
a  letter  of  introduction  from  Sumner,  indorsing  him  and  what  he 
might  do,  in  the  strongest  possible  manner,  that  Mr.  Seward  fur 
nished  substantially  the  terms  of  the  treaty,  and  he  offered  to  show 
me  a  letter  from  Sumner  to  him,  received  about  three  weeks  ago, 
in  which  he  said  that  if  the  treaty  had  been  submitted  to  the  Sen- 


1869.]  TRAVELS  IN  EUROPE.  371 

ate  twelve  months  ago,  it  would  have  passed  that  body  with  no  dis 
sentients.  He  denounced  Sumner  quite  vigorously,  for  a  quaker, 
and  wound  up  by  saying  that  he  was  either  a  fool  himself,  or  else 
thought  the  English  public  and  their  public  men  to  be  fools.  He 
sent  for  me  to  call  on  him,  and  I  had  a  long  talk  with  him.  He  is 
undoubtedly  a  true  friend  of  our  country.  It  cannot  be  compre 
hended  how  the  Senate  could  remove  the  injunction  of  secrecy 
from  Sumner's  speech,  so  full  as  it  is  of  vituperation,  and  not  re 
move  it  from  the  supposed  other  senatorial  speeches,  unless  the 
whole  body  is  in  full  sympathy  with  his  sentiments.  I  have  ex 
plained  all  that  in  the  Times.  Our  bonds  here  have  fallen  five  per 
cent.,  and  the  English  people  are  really  anticipating  war  with  us, 
in  which  they  expect  to  be  aided  by  France.  I  have  laughed  and 
continue  to  laugh  at  the  panic,  but  it  is  really  becoming  serious. 

The  truth  is,  that  Sumner  has  greatly  injured  our  cause  by  pre 
senting  so  many  perfectly  absurd  arguments,  and  urging  them  with 
so  much  bitterness.  The  true  way  is  to  present  our  real  grievance  in 
the  Alabama  case,  which  is  a  grievance  patent  to  all.  But  he  covers 
up  that  confessedly  evil  act  in  so  much  rhetorical  verbiage  about 
the  sympathies  of  the  English  people,  which  this  Government  could 
not  control,  and  their  declaration  of  belligerent  rights,  which  we 
recognized  first,  that  he  fritters  away  the  strength  of  his  strong 
point.  I  suppose  this  will  all  blow  over  in  time,  but  it  has  really 
been  looking  blue  here  for  a  week.  There  is  a  talk  here  among 
Americans  that  Mr.  Bright  may  be  sent  on  a  special  mission  to 
America,  to  adjust  this  matter.  No  one  here  denies  their  liabilit}' 
on  account  of  the  Alabama  depredations,  and  they  are  anxious  to 
settle  it.  They  do  not  want  war,  but  they  are  ready  for  it.  They 
can  borrow  money  at  three  per  cent.,  while  we  would  be  unable  to 
borrow  it  at  all,  and  while  they  would  sweep  our  commerce  from 
the  seas,  they  would  also  ravage  our  coasts  with  their  vastly  su 
perior  navy,  and  blockade  all  our  ports. 

We  have  been  in  England  two  weeks,  and  in  London  one ;  have 
been  seeing  and  shall  continue  to  see  the  sights  for  a  week  yet, 
and  then  go  to  Paris  and  then  to  the  Aix-la-Chapelle  baths,  whither 
I  have  been  ordered  by  the  doctor. 

When  Mr.  Grimes  had  been  about  three  weeks  in  Paris,  he 
suffered  a  second  attack  of  paralysis.  He  then  believed  that 


372  LIFE  OF  JAMES   W.   GRIMES.  [1869. 

lie  should  never  be  able  to  resume  his  place  in  the  Senate,  and 
soon  afterward  sent  in  his  resignation  of  the  office  of  Senator 
to  the  Governor  of  Iowa. 

117.— To  the  Hon.   W.  P.  Fessenden. 

PABIS,  July  9,  1869. 

Your  welcome  letter  came  duly  to  hand.  You  have  perhaps 
heard  that  I  have  had  the  misfortune  to  be  attacked  a  second  time 
by  my  terrible  enemy,  the  paralysis.  This  time  the  attack  was  of 
the  left  side.  It  occurred  about  five  weeks  ago  in  this  city,  just  as 
we  were  about  to  leave  it,  and  the  very  day  I  had  pronounced  my 
self  to  my  wife  as  well  as  I  was  before  my  first  attack.  I  am  slowly 
recovering,  and  hope  to  be  nearly  if  not  quite  well  in  time.  My 
head  has  been  a  good  deal  affected,  and  this  is  the  first  time  I  have 
attempted  to  write,  read,  or  think,  without  giddiness  and  suffering 
in  that  important  organ.  This  attack  closes  up  my  political  career. 
I  shall  never,  I  am  sorry  to  say,  sit  by  your  side  as  a  member  of 
the  Senate  again.  I  shall  not  return  to  America  this  year,  but 
shall  resign  my  place  as  Senator  before  Congress  meets.  So  much 
of  a  personal  character,  for  which  you  must  pardon  me ;  but  I 
thought  you  might  wish  to  know  my  condition  and  plans. 

I  received  a  letter  from  Sumner  about  two  weeks  ago,  grieving 
over  my  letter  to  the  Times.  I  had  a  mind  to  answer  it  publicly, 
but  have  concluded  to  let  him  go.  I  could  scare  him  terribly.  I 
hear  it  from  undoubted  authority  that  he  has  written  to  Motley, 
complaining  of  his  Liverpool  speech-  as  not  being  sufficiently  bel 
ligerent.  I  have  not  seen  an  American  in  Europe  who  is  not 
ashamed  of  Sumner's  speech,  and  but  feels  humiliated  that  such  a 
speech  should  be  regarded  as  the  highest  attainment  of  senatorial 
eloquence  on  a  great  international  question. 

There  is  one  thing  we  lack  in  America,  more  than  anything  else, 
to  make  up  an  accurate  history  of  our  country,  and  that  is,  me 
moirs  of  public  men.  I  am  greatly  struck  with  that  fact  here, 
where  they  have  ever  been  so  abundant.  What  kind  of  a  history 
can  any  man  coming  after  us  make  up  of  the  last  ten  years  from  the 
newspapers  ?  None  at  all.  Now,  you  have  lived  in  the  most 
eventful  period  of  our  country's  history.  You  have  had  a  leading 
part  in  public  affairs  for  twenty-five  years ;  you  have  a  cool  head,  a 
retentive  memory,  and  a  facile  pen.  I  insist  that  you  ought,  in 


1869.]  TRAVELS  IN"  EUROPE.  373 

justice  to  the  future,  in  behalf  of  your  own  memory,  and  for  the 
common  good,  to  spend  a  few  leisure  hours  every  day  in  preparing 
your  memoirs.  You  need  not  necessarily  take  up  subjects  seriatim  • 
begin  with  any  one  of  the  many  interesting  topics,  and  after  one  is 
completed  you  will  be  more  in  the  humor  to  begin  another.  If 
you  do  not  choose  to  publish  them  in  your  own  time,  leave  them  to 
be  published  in  some  future  time,  in  vindication  of  your  memory, 
and  to  promote  the  cause  of  truth. 

118.— To  Henry   W.  Starr,  Esq.,  Burlington. 

PARIS,  July  23,  1869. 

I  had  about  six  weeks  ago  another  stroke  of  the  paralysis,  this 
time  affecting  my  left  side,  from  the  crown  of  my  head  to  the  sole 
of  my  foot.  I  had  thought  I  was  entirely  recovered  from  the  first 
attack,  which  you  remember  was  of  the  right  side,  and  began  to 
be  imprudent  in  my  diet,  labor,  etc.  This  attack  came  on  in  the 
night.  The  day  before,  which  was  a  warm  Sunday,  I  did  not  go 
out  of  the  house,  and  said  to  my  wife,  when  going  up-stairs  after 
dinner,  that  I  believed  I  was  now  entirely  well  again.  The  next 
morning  I  was  prostrated.  This  attack  was  much  more  violent  than 
the  first  one,  affecting  my  head  much  more.  I  have  not  written  a 
letter  until  within  three  days  without  the  very  little  mental  exertion 
causing  a  pressure  upon  the  brain,  and  a  sense  of  giddiness  or  light 
ness,  so  that  I  would  be  compelled  to  rest  every  minute.  I  feel 
this  sensation  to  some  extent  now,  but  I  am  rapidly  gaining  on  it. 
I  have  had  three  of  the  most  eminent  physicians  in  Paris.  They 
are  certainly  very  intelligent  men,  and  appear  to  understand  the 
subject.  Their  course  is  exactly  opposite  to  that  advised  by  the 
American  physicians  :  in  America  I  was  dosed  with  strychnine,  and 
in  Paris  with  arsenic.  I  am  gaming  slowly,  am  keeping  house, 
have  been  compelled  to  remain  in  Paris,  am  advised  to  ride  and 
be  in  the  open  air,  and  therefore  keep  a  span  of  horses  and  a 
driver,  and  have  seen  the  outside  of  everything  in  and  around  Paris, 
and  Mrs.  Grimes  and  Mary  have  seen  nearly  everything  inside. 
We  have  been  here  now  three  months.  We  are  told  that  we  can 
go  to  Homburg,  in  Germany,  next  week,  but  we  shall  remain  here 
a  week  after  that,  in  order  to  see  John  Walker,  who  is  on  his  way 
hither,  in  command  of  the  frigate  Sabine,  with  the  class  of  grad 
uating  midshipmen,  George  Remey,  young  Bridgman,  etc. 
25 


374  LIFE   OF  JAMES  "W.   GRIMES.  [1869. 

T  was  shocked  to  hear  of  the  death  of  Mr.  Carpenter.1  There 
seem  to  be  very  few,  if  any,  of  our  early  contemporaries  left  about 
Burlington. 

I  wrote  the  Alabama  letter  when  in  London,  and  published  it 
at  the  instance  of  John  Bright,  who  had  been  all  through  the  war 
our  friend,  is  such  now,  and  always  will  be,  but  who  at  the  time 
was  terribly  disturbed  by  the  taunts  of  Roebuck,  Laird,  and  the 
rest  of  our  enemies.  It  was  known  all  through  London  who  wrote 
it,  and  it  was  said  to  have  produced  a  good  effect.  Such  men  as 
Robert  Chambers,  of  Edinburgh,  called  on  me  to  thank  me  for  it, 
etc.  You  can  have  no  conception  of  the  effect  of  Sumner's  speech. 
Our  bonds  fell  five  per  cent,  in  London  in  one  day,  and  would  have 
fallen  twenty,  but  for  the  German  buyers,  who  stepped  in  and  held 
up  the  market,  and  made  themselves  rich  by  it.  Would  you  be 
lieve  it  possible  that  John  Bright  could  have  a  letter  from  Sumner, 
written  as  late  as  January  last,  in  which  he  said  that,  had  the  Ala 
bama  treaty  been  presented  to  the  Senate  one  year  ago,  it  would 
have  been  confirmed  without  a  dissenting  voice?  Yet  it  is  true,  for 
I  have  seen  the  letter  ;  and  yet  Sumner  made  that  speech. 

I  must  from  this  time  forward  cease  to  attend  to  business  of  any 
kind.  It  is  rather  hard  that  just  at  this  time,  when  I  feel  myself 
in  the  full  vigor  of  my  mental  powers,  I  should  be  compelled  to 
surrender  all  the  ambitions  of  a  lifetime.  I  have  the  consolation 
of  feeling  that,  however  much  I  may  have  erred,  my  error  was  one 
of  judgment,  and,  sweetest  of  all,  I  have  the  consolation  of  knowing 
that  on  the  subject  about  which  I  really  made  shipwreck  of  my 
health,  I  have  daily,  hourly  evidences  that  the  intelligent  senti 
ment  of  the  country  applauds  the  course  I  took,  and  that  that  sen 
timent  will  increase  more  and  more  from  year  to  year. 

119. — To  Mr.  Lyman  Cook,  Burlington. 

AIX-LES-BAINS,  SAVOY,  August  27,  1869. 

Your  long  and  very  agreeable  letter  of  the  8th  of  August  has 
just  reached  me  here,  for  which  I  am  greatly  obliged  to  you.  I 
assure  you  that  your  letters  have  the  effect  to  dissipate  for  some 
time  the  feeling  of  homesickness  and  the  blues,  with  which  I  am  a 
great  deal  of  the  time  much  oppressed. 

I  flatter  myself  that  you  want  to  hear  about  myself  and  my  cori- 

1  Anthony  W.  Carpenter,  mayor  of  the  city,  1868. 


1869.]  TKAVELS  IN  EUROPE.  375 

dition  and  future  movements.  Ten  days  ago  we  came  to  this  place, 
which  is  a  village  of  four  thousand  people,  on  the  bank  of  Lake 
Bourget,  and  entirely  surrounded  by  high  mountains,  making  it  for 
about  six  hours  in  the  day  the  hottest  place  in  the  world.  It  is  six 
and  a  half  miles  from  Chambe'ry,  the  ancient  capital  of  Savoy,  a  few 
miles  from  the  Mont  Cenis  Tunnel,  three  and  a  half  hours  by  rail 
from  Geneva,  and  about  fifty  miles  from  Mont  Blanc.  There  is  a 
celebrated  hot  sulphur  spring  here,  known  to  the  Romans,  who 
erected  baths,  a  temple  to  Diana,  etc.,  the  remains  of  which  are  still 
conspicuous,  and  a  splendid  gateway  to  the  baths  is  standing,  which 
was  erected  in  the  fourth  century.  The  water  is  about  120°  Fahr., 
and  for  the  most  part  administered  by  douches,  and  with  friction. 
There  are  about  three  thousand  visitors  here  at  present,  and  the 
ihimber  is  about  ten  thousand  during  the  year.  I  fancy  that  I  have 
been  helped  by  the  baths.  The  immediate  effect  of  them  is  to  greatly 
bleach,  and  reduce  the  strength  of  the  patient.  Such  to  some  extent 
has  been  my  experience.  I  am  not  as  strong  as  when  I  came  here, 
and  I  am  as  white  as  a  ghost ;  still  I  hope  and  believe  that  I  am 
better.  The  physician  advises  me  to  leave  here  after  bathing  a  few 
days  longer,  and  go  to  the  alkaline  waters  at  Evian,  a  small  water 
ing  place  on  Lake  Geneva.  We  shall,  therefore,  leave  here  on  the 
4th  of  September  for  that  place,  where  we  shall  remain  about  three 
weeks,  when  we  shall  go  to  Nice,  via  Lyons  and  Marseilles,  to  meet 
John  Walker  and  the  frigate  Sabine,  and  shall  probably  go  on 
her  to  Naples.  My  great  difficulty  is  with  my  head,  which  is  full 
of  uncomfortable  and  sometimes  excruciating  pains.  I  fancy  that  I 
am  destined  to  overcome  them  in  some  measure  in  the  future — at 
any  rate  my  experience  has  taught  me  the  necessity  of  taking  care 
of  myself. 

These  Savoyards  are  a  very  quiet,  simple  people,  and  inhabit  a 
most  interesting  country.  It  was  in  relation  to  these  people  that 
Milton  wrote  his  grand  invocation  beginning — 

"Avenge,  0  Lord,  thy  slaughtered  saints  !  " 

and  for  whom  also  Cromwell  demanded  and  obtained  religious 
toleration.  Then,  they  were  a  part  of  the  dukedom  of  Savoy,  after 
ward  belonged  to  the  kingdom  of  Sardinia  and  Italy,  and  in  1860 
were  ceded  to  France,  in  consideration  of  the  assistance  rendered 
by  the  latter  country  to  Victor  Emmanuel  in  his  war  with  Austria. 
It  is  curious  to  see  the  hills  cultivated  in  places  to  their  very  tops, 


376  LIFE  OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1869. 

to  see  fig-trees  as  large  as  our  apple-trees,  to  see  the  olive-orchards, 
and  the  grapes  twined  tree  to  tree,  and  hanging  in  festoons  be 
tween. 

You  may  be  interested  to  know  that  I  have  had  the  honor  of 
importing  the  American  fever  and  ague  to  this  Alpine  country,  and 
that  that  infernal  disease,  which  I  have  had  for  thirty-four  years,  is 
the  assigned  cause  for  my  disease  of  paralysis.  It  seems  that  I 
shall  never  be  rid  of  it. 

I  am,  of  course,  most  happy  to  know  that  the  eclipse  was  a  great 
success.1 

You  have,  doubtless,  noticed  that  I  have  resigned  my  place  in 
the  United  States  Senate.  It  may  be  that  Iowa  will  secure  abler, 
more  brilliant  men,  to  represent  her  in  the  Senate,  but  she  will 
obtain  no  one  more  anxious  always  to  promote  her  best  interests. 
After  thirty-one  years,  off  and  on,  of  political  experience  and  omce- 
holding,  I  have  now  laid  down  the  rdle,  never,  in  any  event  to  be 
resumed.  What  may  be  my  future  course,  I  know  not. 

I  hope  you  will  come  to  Europe  in  the  spring,  and  spend  a  few 
months  at  least.  I  doubt  if  you  could  better  dispose  of  yourself 
and  the  small  amount  of  money  it  will  cost.  Do  not  fail  to  write 
often,  and  remember  me  kindly  to  all  friends,  of  whom  I  trust  that 
I  have  a  few  yet  remaining  in  Burlington. 

120.— To  Hon.   W.  P.  Fessenden. 

AIX-LES-BAINS,  SAVOY,  August  31,  1869. 

Your  letter  of  the  8th  inst.  has  just  reached  me,  in  the  midst 
of  the  Savoy  Alps,  being  douched  and  soaked  in  hot  sulphur- water. 

Perhaps  you  have  observed  that  I  have  resigned  my  place  in  the 
Senate.  The  truth  is,  the  place  has  become  irksome  to  me.  There 
are  so  many  men  there  with  whom  I  have  not  and  never  can  have  a 
particle  of  sympathy,  so  much  corruption  in  the  party  with  which  I 
would  be  compelled  to  act,  so  much  venality  and  meanness  all 
around,  that,  aside  from  my  ill-health,  I  had  about  made  up  my 
mind  that  the  Senate  was  no  longer  the  place  for  me.  To  this  is 
to  be  added  the  fact  that  I  am  bound,  I  suppose,  to  regard  myself 
hereafter  as  a  broken-down  man,  unfit  for  active  duties  anywhere, 
much  less  in  such  a  body  as  the  Senate.  I  regret  to  leave  on  your 
account,  and  on  Trumbull's.  I  have  just  counted  the  Senators  over, 
1  An  eclipse  of  the  sun,  total  In  Burlington,  sky  clear,  August  7th. 


1869.]  TRAVELS  IN  EUROPE.  377 

and  find  that  I  leave  seven  men  there  who  were  members  when  I 
entered  the  body. 

But  if  you  are  going  to  be  as  virtuous  as  you  say  you  will  be, 
you  will  not  be  reflected  to  the  Senate.1  Why,  the  war  has  cor 
rupted  everybody  and  everything  in  the  United  States.  Just  look 
at  the  senatorial  elections  of  the  last  winter !  They  were  all  cor 
rupt.  It  is  money  that  achieves  success  in  such  affairs  nowada}>s. 
Thank  God,  my  political  career  ended  with  the  beginning  of  this 
corrupt  political  era  ! 

We  are  in  a  valley,  on  the  bank  of  Lake  Bourget,  surrounded  on 
all  sides  by  mountains  five  thousand  feet  high,  which  makes  it  the 
hottest  place  in  the  wo'rld.  The  water  comes  gushing  right  out  of 
the  mountain,  hot  enough  to  boil  potatoes.  The  village  has  about 
four  thousand  patients  and  three  thousand  inhabitants.  I  am  quite 
well  satisfied  that  I  have  improved  here,  and  that  my  trial  of  the 
waters  was  a  wise  act  on  my  part.  The  American  congressional 
delegation  in  Europe  is  quite  numerous,  and  very  eminent.  The 
truth  is,  that  a  quiet  gentleman,  like  myself,  does  not  feel  highly 
honored  by  coming  in  contact  with  a  large  majority  of  his  country 
men  whom  he  meets  in  Europe.  They  are,  to  a  very  considerable 
extent,  of  the  shoddy  species.  • 

I  need  not  say  that  we  shall  not  return  to  America  this  year. 
We  have  it  in  contemplation  to  spend  the  winter  in  Italy,  a  con 
siderable  part  of  it  in  Rome,  and  I  shall  take  the  liberty  to  kiss  the 
pope's  great-toe  on  your  account,  and  in  your  behalf.  Read  Mil 
ton's  invocation  beginning — 

"  Avenge,  0  Lord,  thy  slaughtered  saints  ! " 

and  then  fancy  that  we  are  right  among  the  descendants  of  the 
"  saints." 

121. —  To  Mr.  Lyman  Cook,  Burlington. 

VEVAT,  SWITZERLAND,  October  10, 3869. 

You  don't  know  how  much  good  yours  of  the  19th  of  last  month 
did  me,  which  reached  me  day  before  yesterday.  I  do  not  know 

1  "I  shall  be  a  candidate  ;  for  duty  to  myself  and  the  State  requires  it  of  me.  If 
money  is  to  be  used,  be  it  so.  It  will  not  be  used  by  or  for  me.  I  will  have  no 
hand  in  corrupting  legislative  morals.  If  elected  at  all,  it  must  be  on  my  merits, 
and  because  the  people  so  decree.  For  corrupt  and  corrupting  honors,  I  have  no 
desire.  My  hands  are  clean  thus  far,  and  I  mean  to  keep  them  so.  Any  but  an 
honest  and  high-minded  people  I  have  no  desire  to  serve," — (MR.  FESSENDEN  to  MR. 
GRIMES,  Portland,  August  8,  1869.) 


378  LIFE   OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1869'70. 

that  I  shall  be  able  to  answer  it,  for  I  must  tell  you  that  I  am 
afflicted  with  some  sort  of  nervous  trouble  of  the  head,  which  be 
comes  immediately  aggravated  by  the  slightest  mental  exertion.  I 
can  read  without  difficulty,  but  continuous  thought  for  five  minutes 
plays  the  deuce  with  me.  I  may  therefore  be  compelled  to  stop  in 
writing  this  at  any  minute.  .  .  . 

As  I  feared  might  be  the  case,  I  was  obliged  to  cease  writing 
last  night,  and  resume  my  letter  to-day. 

I  have  never  been  so  afflicted  by  the  death  of  any  one  as  by  the 
sudden  decease  of  Mr.  Fessenden.1  He  was  my  most  intimate,  sin 
cere,  and  attached  friend,  and  the  sentiment  was  most  cordially  recip 
rocated.  I  knew  him  as  no  other  man  knew  him,  for  he  always  made 
me  his  confidant ;  I  admired  as  only  those  admired  him  who  knew 
him  intimately,  and  I  loved  him  as  I  never  loved  a  brother.  He  was 
the  highest-toned,  truest,  noblest  man  I  ever  knew.  I  never  knew  or 
expect  to  know  a  man  who  can  approach  him  in  the  qualities  that 
go  to  make  a  grand  man  and  a  noble  statesman.  The  man  does  not 
live  who  can  take  his  place  in  the  Senate.  To  tell  you  the  truth, 
his  death  has  been  a  severe  blow  to  me.  I  suppose  it  is  to  be  in 
some  measure  attributed  to  my  disordered  and  weak  state ;  but  sure 
it  is  that  the  news  nearly  upset  me.  I  have  not  been  able  to  think 
of  much  else  since  I  heard  it.  Only  four  days  before  the  news  came, 
I  received  a  long,  cheerful,  and  characteristic  letter  from  him.  But 
I  must  stop  for  the  day. 

October  V&tJi. — We  leave  here  for  Nice  the  14th.  I  won't  worry 
myself  by  attempting  to  describe  this  beautiful  place,  which  is  on 
Lake  Leman,  surrounded  by  mountains,  some  of  them,  as  Byron 
says,  with  a  thousand  years  of  snow  on  them.  We  have  been  here 
just  four  weeks.  We  shall  probably  be  as  long  at  Nice;  so  you 
see  we  become  pretty  well  acquainted  wherever  we  go.  I  must 
stop,  for  the  suffering  from  my  head  is  too  great  to  endure. 

122.— To  Mr.  Jacob  Rich,  Dubuque. 

GLION,  SWITZERLAND,  January  9,  1870. 

It  is  a  happy  circumstance  that  you  renew  your  professional 
calling  so  full  of  hope  and  faith.  As  you  know,  I  do  not  share  either 
your  hope  or  faith.  I  do  not  pretend  that  the  Democratic  party  is 

1  September  8,  1869. 


1870.]  TRAVELS  IN  EUROPE.  379 

pure.  Where  it  has  unlimited  sway,  as  in  New  York,  it  is  unques 
tionably  corrupt ;  but  not  a  whit  more  corrupt  than  the  Republican 
party  in  Philadelphia  and  Washington.  It  is  the  possession  of  un 
controlled  power  that  makes  every  party  corrupt,  and  almost  every 
man.  I  notice  that  in  your  paper  you  cite,  as  evidences  of  corrup 
tion  in  New  York  City,  that  some  men  received  pay  as  office-hold 
ers  who  never  rendered  any  duty.  Why,  I  know  a  dozen  men  who 
received  pay  as  clerks  in  the  departments,  who  never  entered  them 
but  on  the  last  day  of  each  month  to  receive  their  pay.  No,  no ; 
power  makes  all  parties  corrupt,  and  there  is  nothing  more  essen 
tial  than  a  change ;  especially  is  a  change  for  the  good  of  the  coun 
try  needed  now.  .  .  . 

Was  there  ever  such  an  outrage  as  the  attempt  to  foist  upon 
the  country,  in  the  interests  of  the  corruptionists,  the  annexation  of 
San  Domingo?  This  purchase  was  on  the  carpet  when  I  was  in 
New  York  last  month  two  years  ago,  and  I  was  advised  with  about 
it.  A  friend  asked  my  advice  as  to  investing  money  in  the  public 
debt,  in  buying  up  Baez,  etc. ;  and  I  dissuaded  him  from  it.  I  could 
not  imagine  that  there  was  a  man  in  America  who  had  the  slightest 
quantum  of  brains,  or  an  aspiration  toward  statesmanship,  who  would 
ever  think  of  the  annexation  of  San  Domingo. 

The  Iowa  members-elect  are  not  thinking  men  enough  to  study 
and  comprehend  the  whole  subject  of  revenue  reform.  They  will 
say  that  we  want  one  hundred  and  sixty-one  millions,  and  must  not 
take  off  anything  ;  when,  if  they  would  take  off  one-half,  they  would 
probably  get  twice  one  hundred  and  sixty-one  millions.  1  am  a 
revenue  reformer,  and  I  am  for  raising  all  revenue  from  imports.  I 
therefore  insist  upon  the  highest  rate  that  an  article  can  stand,  so 
as  not  to  prevent  its  introduction.  They  say  it  protects  people  at 
home  by  preventing  importations  from  abroad.  It  is  enough  to 
make  the  de'il  laugh  with  glee,  to  see  the  farmers  of  Iowa  voting 
to  support  a  high  tariff,  which  doubles  the  cost  of  railroad-iron, 
spikes,  chairs,  locomotives,  tenders,  cars,  etc.,  the  effect  of  which  is 
to  double  the  cost  of  transportation  of  all  that  they  produce,  and 
all  that  they  consume,  and  then  hear  them  growl  about  the  high 
rates  of  passage  and  freight;  not  for  a  moment  reflecting  that  they 
by  their  votes  impose  these  high  rates  of  freight  on  themselves. 

The  country  needs  a  terrible  shaking  up  and  shaking  down, 
financially,  politically,  and  morally.  The  war  and  the  easy  way  of 


380  LIFE  OF  JAMES  W.   GRTMES.  [1870. 

making  money  have  demoralized  everybody  in  America,  and  we  need 
a  discipline  as  much  as  the  French  did  at  the  beginning  of  their  war, 
and  we  shall  get  it  sooner  or  later. 

From  a  letter  of  Hon.  H.  B.  Anthony,  Senator  from  Rhode 
Island,  to  Mr.  Grimes : 

WASHINGTON,  February  14,  1870. 

MY  DEAR  ADMIRAL — for  admiral  you  still  are,  although  Cragin 
has  been  promoted  to  that  grade,  vice  Grimes,  placed  on  the  retired 
list,  at  his  own  request — we  miss  you  much  in  the  Senate,  and 
especially  in  the  Naval  Committee,  where  your  name  is  often  on  our 
lips,  and  when  we  are  discussing  naval  questions  with  too  little 
information,  I  put  down  the  other  side  with,  "  That  is  what  Grimes 
said." 

123. —  To  Mr.  Lyman  Coolc,  Burlington. 

BEELIN,  May  14,  1870. 

You  will  never  be  able  to  imagine  how  thankfully  any  news  from 
home  is  received,  until  you  shall  yourself  be  in  a  foreign  country  a 
year  or  two. 

Since  I  last  wrote,  I  have  spent  two  days  at  the  world-famous 
Leipsic  Fair,  where  were  assembled  people  from  all  over  the  world, 
and  with  the  products  of  all  the  world  exposed  for  sale  in  thousands 
of  tents  and  booths.  It  was  a  wonderful  sight,  and  worth  crossing 
the  Atlantic  to  see.  Of  course  when  at  Leipsic  we  rode  over  the 
ground  where,  in  1813,  four  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  men  fought 
for  four  days,  commanded  by  the  greatest  generals  of  the  world, 
with  a  loss  of  one  hundred  and  ten  thousand  human  beings. 

Berlin  is  one  of  the  very  finest  cities  in  Europe,  with  a  popula 
tion  of  about  seven  hundred  and  fifty  thousand.  Last  evening  I 
saw  the  King  of  Prussia  and  the  Emperor  of  Russia.  I  do  not  know 
that  the  latter  potentate  came  down  expressly  to  meet  me,  but 
fortunately  we  met  here,  and  our  intercourse  thus  far  has  not  been 
unpleasant. 

I  am  filled  with  admiration  of  the  German  people.  Such  indus 
try,  such  order,  such  sobriety,  such  neatness,  such  cultivation  of 
everything  that  is  beautiful  and  aesthetic,  such  schools,  such  freedom 
from  poverty  and  misery,  is  to  be  found  nowhere  else  in  the  world. 

I  am  having  some  German  books  selected  for  the  library.     I 


1870.]  TRAVELS  IN  EUROPE.  381 

shall  buy  three  or  four  hundred  volumes,  including,  I  am  told,  almost 
all  of  the  standard  authors  in  German  literature.  I  do  this  for  the 
benefit  of  the  Germans  in  Burlington,  and  of  their  children,  who, 
unless  they  have  access  to  books,  will  have  a  very  superficial  knowl 
edge  of  the  German  language  and  literature ;  and  of  such  people 
of  American  lineage  as  choose  to  cultivate  the  German.  I  hope  the 
effect  will  be,  and  I  think  it  will  be,  to  stimulate  the  Germans  in 
Burlington  to  take  an  interest  in  the  library,  which  they  do  not 
probably  at  present  feel. 

After  spending  a  week  here  we  go  to  Hanover,  thence  to  Co 
logne,  and  then  up  the  Rhine  to  Frankfort,  and  then  for  a  while 
into  Switzerland.  We  hope  to  be  at  home  in  October,  but  I  have 
not  the  slightest  idea  that  I  can  endure  the  climate  of  Iowa  next 
winter.  It  is  wonderful  how  the  climate  affects  me.  The  wind 
blowing  from  the  south  makes  me  nervous,  sleepless,  and  rheumatic, 
and  I  am  experiencing  these  sensations  at  the  present  moment,  be 
cause  the  weather  is  warm  and  cloudy  with  a  southerly  wind. 

124. — To  Mr.  Lyman  Cook,  Burlington. 

GLION,  S-WITZEBLAND,  December  11,  1870. 

I  always  knew  you  to  be  a  philosopher,  and  the  imperturbable 
manner  in  which  you  speak  of  the  city  taxes  of  six  per  cent.,  and 
of  our  city  government  for  the  last  few  years,  always  in  fact  except 
when  you  were  mayor,  goes  to  show  that  I  had  a  true  appreciation 
of  you.  I,  too,  am  trying  to  be  a  philosopher  in  my  afflictions,  and 
especially  just  at  this  time,  for  I  am  confined  to  my  room  by  lum 
bago.  With  the  aid  of  sweats,  cathartics,  liniments,  etc.,  I  am 
much  better,  but  it  is  so  painful  to  move  that  I  am  compelled  to  sit 
in  one  position.  This  will  in  part  account  for  my  elegant  hand 
writing,  for  I  am  propped  up  at  the  table,  with  the  use  of  no  part 
of  my  body  but  one  hand. 

It  is  about  half-past  four  o'clock  of  a  beautiful  Sunday  afternoon. 
I  sit  and  muse,  looking  at  the  lake,  the  mountains,  and  the  skies, 
thinking  of  my  distant  home  and  friends,  and  try  to  think  as  little 
of  myself  as  possible.  And  yet  I  cannot  help  thinking  of  myself, 
much  as  I  know  it  injures  me  to  do  so. 

Almost  every  American  newspaper  I  see  brings  the  news  of  the 
death  of  some  old  friend  and  associate,  and  I  cannot  help  feeling 
that  in  the  course  of  Nature  my  time  will  soon  come,  and  when  I 


382  LIFE  OF  JAMES  W.   GRIMES.  [1871. 

ask  myself,  "  What  have  I  done  to  make  the  world  better  for  having 
lived  in  it  ?  "  I  cannot  help  pronouncing  the  judgment  that  my  life 
has  been  a  failure.  I  do  not  mean  to  say  that  it  has  been  a  failure 
in  what  I  have  done  for  my  State  and  for  mankind,  in  comparison 
with  what  has  been  done  by  other  men,  but  in  comparison  with 
what  I  might  and  ought  to  have  done.  And,  strange  as  it  may 
seem  to  you,  who  have  not  thought  much  of  the  matter,  sitting  here 
calmly,  and  reviewing  my  whole  course,  I  have  no  hesitation  in  say 
ing  that  I  regard  that  act  for  which  I  have  been  most  condemned, 
my  vote  on  the  impeachment  trial,  as  the  most  worthy,  the  proud 
est  act  of  my  life.  I  shall  ever  thank  God  that  in  that  terrible 
hour  of  trial,  when  many  privately  confessed  that  they  sacrificed 
their  judgments  and  their  consciences  at  the  behests  of  party  news 
papers  and  party  hate,  I  had  the  courage  to  be  true  to  my  oath  and 
my  conscience,  and  refused,  when  I  had  sworn  to  "  do  a  man  im 
partial  justice  according  to  the  Constitution  and  the  laws,"  to  do 
execution  upon  him  according  to  the  dictation  of  the  chairman  of 
the  Republican  congressional  committee,  or  the  bowlings  of  a  parti 
san  mob.  I  would  not  to-day  exchange  the  recollection  of  that 
grasp  of  the  hand  and  that  glorified  smile  given  me  by  that  purest 
and  ablest  of  men  I  ever  knew,  Mr.  Fessenden,  when  I  was  borne 
into  the  Senate-Chamber  on  the  arms  of  four  men  to  cast  my  vote, 
for  the  highest  distinction  of  life.  Yet  we  had  no  desire  to  save 
Johnson  as  Johnson ;  I  wanted  to  save  my  own  self-respect,  and 
my  oath,  and  I  wanted  to  save  the  country  from  the  wild,  revolu 
tionary  career  upon  which  the  party  was  entering.  But  enough  of 
this.  It  is  growing  dark,  and  I  must  quit. 

125.— To  Hon.  F.  A.  Pile,   Calais,  Maine. 

GLION,  SWITZERLAND,  January  10,  1871. 

I  write  in  the  hope  that  this  may  find  you  in  the  land  of  the 
living,  though  it  is  so  long  since  I  have  heard  from  you  that  you 
may  well  have  been  translated  and  glorified  before  this  time.  We 
spent  the  spring  and  summer  in  Germany  ;  the  war  drove  us  away 
in  the  end  of  July.  We  have  been  six  months  in  Switzerland,  four 
months  of  that  time  in  Glion,  near  the  upper  end  of  Lake  Leman, 
not  far  from  Vevay. 

What  is  being  done  in  America  ?  Was  there  ever  anything  so 
absurd,  so  wicked,  indeed,  as  the  attempt  to  force  the  country  to 


1871.]  TRAVELS  IN  EUROPE.  383 

accept  San  Domingo  against  its  will  ?  I  have  no  great  admiration 
for  Sumner,  but  I  glory  in  his  pluck,  and  I  wish  I  were  able  to  be 
in  Washington  to  fight  by  his  side.  Is  Maine  always  to  adhere  to 
the  protective  system,  by  which  she  is  proportionally  growing 
poorer  and  poorer  every  day  ? 

I  am  near  the  war.  I  watch  it  with  intense  interest.  The  Ger 
mans  are  the  greatest  soldiers  in  the  world. 

126.— To  Mr.  J.  W.  Cadwallader,  Burlington. 

GLION,  SWITZERLAND,  January  24,  1871. 

Since  I  left  America,  two  years  ago,  I  have  received  no  letter 
that  gratified  me  more  than  your  very  kind  one  of  the  1st  of  this 
month.  It  is  a  great  comfort  for  me  to  know  that  there  are  people 
who  care  for  me,  and  who  think  kindly  of  me  in  my  absence. 

Within  the  last  two  years  I  have  been  over  a  great  part  of  Eu 
rope,  but  unfortunately  I  have  been  compelled  to  travel  as  an 
invalid.  Perhaps  you  know  that  in  Paris,  shortly  after  arriving,  I 
was  suddenly  stricken  with  a  paralysis,  against  which  I  have  ever 
since  been  struggling.  It  seems  the  culmination  of  a  complaint 
of  which  I  had  had  premonitions  for  years ;  the  first  one,  I  think, 
was  the  last  time  I  undertook  to  address  an  assembly  of  people  in 
my  hall  some  four  or  five  years  ago.  I  am  happy  to  be  able  to 
say  that  I  am  now  nearly  well,  but  I  am  required  to  use  a  great 
deal  of  care  as  to  my  diet,  exercise,  etc.  I  still  have  a  little  trouble 
with  one  arm  and  side,  and  at  times  a  good  deal  with  my  head, 
which  is  the  seat  of  my  disease,  but  I  think  I  am  slowly  improving, 
though  I  have  given  up  all  idea  of  ever  being  entirely  well  again. 
For  several  months  I  could  not  write  a  sentence  without  the  most 
intense  pain.  I  can  now  write  without  the  slightest  trouble. 

We  are  spending  the  winter  on  the  side  of  a  mountain  in  Switz 
erland,  looking  down  upon  the  beautiful  Lake"Leman,  and  across 
it  to  mountains  twelve  thousand  feet  high,  or  twice  as  high  as  the 
White  Mountains  in  New  Hampshire.  There  is  some  snow  here, 
no  wind,  and  the  air  is  mild,  bracing,  and  comfortable.  We  leave 
here  in  March  for  a  watering-place  in  Germany,  where  we  were  last 
year,  and  then  to  England,  and  shall  embark  for  the  United  States 
in  June  or  July  next.  Our  journey  has  been  full  of  interest  ;  still 
we  shall  all  be  glad  to  be  at  home  again. 

I  am  glad  to  know  that  Burlington  is  improving.     It  ought  to 


384  LIFE  OF  JAMES  W.  GPJMES.  [1871. 

be  a  good  town,  and  I  think  it  will  become  such  in  a  little  time.  I 
am  happy  to  know  that  Ella  is  in  the  high-school.  I  remember  she 
was  a  very  fine  scholar  for  her  age,  and  I  presume  to  say  she  con 
tinues  to  be  such.  Mrs.  Grimes  and  Mary  wish  to  be  kindly 
remembered  to  you,  your  wife  and  daughter,  and  I  beg  you  to 
accept  the  thanks  of  all  of  us  for  your  very  kind  and  acceptable 
letter. 

127. — To  Mr.  Lyman  Goo\  Burlington. 

GLION,  SWITZERLAND,  February  6,  1871. 

As  you  see,  we  are  at  our  old  quarters,  enjoying  ourselves  as 
usual.  I  am  eating  my  meals  regularly,  reading  the  newspapers, 
and  thinking  of  the  past  and  the  absent.  It  is  becoming  pretty 
lonesome  and  tedious,  but  I  must  endure  it  until  the  latter  part  of 
next  month,  when  we  start  on  our  travel  again.  I  have  all  my  life 
thought  of  the  happy  time  coming  when  I  should  be  entirely  free 
from  all  business  and  care  and  anxiety,  and  when  nothing  and  no 
body  could  in  any  way  control  or  influence  my  conduct  and  move 
ments.  Well,  I  have  reached  that  period  in  my  existence,  and  I  do 
not  find  what  I  expected.  One  cannot  sever  himself  from  the 
world ;  he  cannot  be  free  from  care,  and  he  must  become  perplexed 
about  his  own  affairs  and  about  the  affairs  of  others.  One's  thoughts 
must  be  occupied,  or  else  the  discomfort  following  from  mental  lazi 
ness  will  soon  kill  him. 

I  have  employed  myself  ever  since  it  began  with  studying  the 
war.  I  thank  the  Lord  that  the  Germans  are  not  on  our  side  of  the 
Atlantic.  Brave  and  patriotic  as  our  people  are,  the  Prussians 
would  sweep  over  our  whole  country  in  three  months.  They  have 
generals,  and  the  only  ones  now  in  the  world  so  far  as  is  known.  I 
wish  you  could  see  a  Prussian  brigade  or  division ;  you  would  then 
see  what  an  army  is.  The  North  German  is  a  larger  man,  better 
educated,  has  more  mm,  and  is  a  better  warrior  than  the  South  Ger 
man.  I  see  that  all  sorts  of  war  news  are  published  in  America,  but 
the  truth  is,  that  the  Germans  have  not  lost  a  battle  from  the  be 
ginning,  and  the  French  were  never  in  the  neighborhood  of  gaining 
one.  A  French  army  of  eighty-four  thousand  men  has  just  taken 
refuge  over  here,  and  we  are  now  overrun. 

128. —  To  Hon.   Charles  Mason,  Burlington. 

[Written  in  reply  to  a  letter  inquiring  whether  his  health 
and  inclination  would  permit  him  again  to  engage  in  public  life.] 


1871.]  TRAVELS  IN  EUROPE.  385 

GLION,  SWITZERLAND,  February  27,  1871. 

Yours  of  the  9th  is  at  hand.  I  have  irrevocably  resolved  to 
have  nothing  more  to  do  with  public  life.  I  am  impelled  to  this 
resolution  both  by  necessity  and  inclination.  My  physicians  with 
one  voice  warn  me  against  it,  and  predict  that  I  would  not  survive 
the  attempt  to  mingle  in  political  excitement  but  a  very  short 
time.  The  truth  is,  I  am  a  terribly  shattered  man.  I  look  well 
enough,  quite  as  well  as  ever,  if  not  better.  My  appetite  is  good, 
though  nearly  everything  I  eat  disagrees  with  me,  and  my  locomo 
tion  is  perfect,  without  the  aid  of  a  cane  or  other  help,  but  my  left 
arm  and  side  lack  animation,  or  rather  have  too  much  of  it.  My 
head  constantly  afflicts  me,  and  at  least  half  of  my  nights  are  sleep 
less.  This  is  my  true  condition.  I  am  far  better  than  I  have  been, 
but  I  am.  not  sanguine  enough  to  believe  for  a  moment  that  a  man 
at  my  age,  blasted  as  I  have  been,  will  ever  entirely  recover. 

So  much  as  to  the  necessity  of  abstention  from  politics.  I  am 
happy  to  be  able  to  say  that  I  have  used  so  much  philosophy  as  to 
be  able  to  completely  reconcile  myself  with  the  necessities  of  my 
position.  I  rejoice  that  I  have  ceased  to  have  any  active  part  in 
politics,  and  I  assure  you  that  no  man  could  be  more  happy  to  get 
into  the  Senate  than  I  was  to  get  out  of  it,  after  the  inroad  of  the 
carpet-bag  knights  of  the  South. 

129. — To  Mr.  Henry  K.  Edson,  Principal  of  the  Academy  at  Denmark, 
Lee  County,  Iowa. 

HEIDELBERG,  GERMANY,  April  9,  1871. 

In  the  two  years  we  have  been  in  Europe  we  have  traveled 
slowly,  and  seen  much  of  France,  Germany,  Austria  and  Bohemia, 
Italy,  and  Switzerland.  We  have  yet  to  visit  Holland  and  Bel 
gium.  I  am  not  one  of  those  Americans  who  see  nothing  to  ad 
mire  on  this  side  of  the  Atlantic.  The  Prussians  (I  by  no  means 
include  all  Germans — only  about  one-half)  are  in  all  respects  the 
greatest  people  on  the  face  of  the  earth  ;  the  best  educated  in  the 
mass,  the  most  learned  in  the  professions,  the  most  industrious,  the 
most  warlike  when  war  comes,  the  most  peaceful  in  their  instincts, 
with  fewer  pauper  and  abject  poor  than  any  country  in  Europe, 
less,  indeed,  than  in  the  old  States  in  America,  and  with  less  crime 
than  in  any  country  in  Europe,  or  in  the  world.  Nowhere  are  life 
and  property  so  safe,  and,  I  suppose,  contrary  to  what  you  have 


336  LIFE  OF  JAMES  W.  GRIMES.  [1871. 

believed,  nowhere  does  such  a  deep  religious  sentiment  pervade  the 
masses  of  the  people. 

Mr.  Grimes  reached  home,  September  22d,  apparently  in 
improved  health  and  in  good  spirits.  He  was  gratified  to  find 
a  change  in  many  minds  as  to  his  course  upon  the  trial  of  the 
President.  Men  who  three  years  before  looked  askance  at  him, 
because  he  acted  as  a  judge  rather  than  as  a  partisan,  now  thanked 
him  for  what  he  did.  He  was  invited  to  public  receptions  at 
Burlington  and  other  places  in  the  State,  without  distinction  of 
sect  or  party,  but  invariably  and  firmly  declined.  He  insisted 
upon  entire  repose.  He  felt  that  his  safety  depended  upon  it. 

The  following  extracts  from  letters  which  he  received  ex 
pressed  the  sentiments  of  many  old  friends.  Hon.  Eliphalet 
Price,  one  of  the  early  settlers  at  the  "  Dubuque  Mines,"  in 
1834,  and  a  Representative  in  the  third  General  Assembly, 
1850-'51,  wrote : 

GlTTTENBEEG,    CLAYTON    COUNTY,    October  18,    1871. 

I  have  learned  with  pleasing  emotions  of  your  safe  return  to 
Iowa,  in  the  historic  volume  of  which  your  name  will  pass  on  to 
other  generations  with  an  honorable  record.  Your  vote  on  the  im 
peachment  trial,  I  am  frank  to  admit,  awakened  in  me,  at  the  time, 
emotions  of  sorrow  and  regret.  My  mind  was  keyed  to  the  high 
est  pitch  of  excitement.  The  scenes  of  the  war  alone  lived  in  my 
remembrance.  But  time  has  carried  me  forward  to  a  belief  that 
your  vote  was  correct,  and  those  who  have  long  known  you  per 
sonally,  as  well  as  the  future  historian,  will  not  hesitate  to  admit 
that  your  action  as  an  impeachment  juror  was  prompted  by  a  far- 
seeing  wisdom,  which  few  persons  would  have  had  the  courage  to 
carry  out  at  that  time. 

STATE  OF  IOWA,  EXECUTIVE  DEPARTMENT,  / 
DBS  MOINES,  October  23,  1871.      \ 

I  write  to  congratulate  you  upon  your  safe  return  to  Iowa,  and 
especially  on  the  restoration  of  your  health.  Iowa  is  proud  of  you, 
and  rejoices  to  see  you  once  more  walking  her  soil.  Long  and  well 
have  you,  in  an  eminent  manner,  served  your  State.  Much  of  our 
greatness,  present  and  prospective,  is  largely  due  to  your  early 


1871-72.]  CLOSE  OF  HIS   LIFE.  387 

efforts.      May  God  bless  you  with  a  long  life,  and  at  its  close  an 
honored  grave  upon  our  soil ! 

With  sentiments  of  high  respect, 

SAMUEL  MERRILL,  Governor. 

On  the  twenty-fifth  anniversary  of  Mr.  Grimes' s  marriage, 
November  9th,  a  few  friends  came  to  his  silver  wedding,  bring 
ing  their  congratulations  upon  the  felicity,  serenity,  and  sweet 
content  of  his  domestic  life. 

The  closing  months  were  spent  in  the  bosom  of  home,  in 
the  society  of  friends,  with  books,  amid  alternations  of  health 
and  disease.  On  some  days  he  was  in  fine  spirits,  and  felt  about 
as  well  as  ever.  He  read  during  the  winter  the  histories  of 
Gibbon  and  Motley,  a  history  of  Switzerland,  and  was  reading 
Tacitus  at  the  last. 

He  went  to  the  polls  at  a  city  election,  February  5th,  and 
cast  his  vote  in  favor  of  water-works,  without  voting  for  city 
officers.  On  the  evening  of  February  7th,  sitting  in  his  parlor, 
in  conversation  with  his  old  friend,  Mr.  Lyman  Cook,  he  was 
attacked  with  sharp  and  severe  pains  in  the  region  of  the  heart ; 
but  having  had  two  similar  attacks  a  few  days  before,  no  seri 
ous  apprehensions  were  excited.  On  feeling  relieved,  conversa 
tion  was  resumed.  In  half  an  hour  another  attack  came  on,  when 
Mr.  Cook  insisted  on  going  for  a  physician;  but  Mr.  Grimes, 
bec6ming  easier,  said  it  was  unnecessary,  as  the  doctor  would 
call  in  the  morning.  Soon  after,  Mr.  Cook  having  gone  for  the 
physician,  a  more  violent  attack  supervened,  and,  with  par 
oxysms  of  intense  suffering,  death  came  quickly.  A  post-mor 
tem  examination  revealed  organic  disease  of  the  heart.  His 
father,  twenty  years  previously,  died  suddenly  of  heart-disease. 

Funeral  services  were  held  at  the  Congregational  church, 
Sunday  afternoon,  February  llth,  and  were  attended  by  an  im 
mense  concourse  of  citizens.  There  were  present,  as  represen 
tatives  of  the  State,  the  Governor,  Hon.  C.  C.  Carpenter,  the 
Secretary  of  State,  Hon.  Edward  Wright,  the  Treasurer  of  State, 
Hon.  Samuel  E.  Eankin,  and  ex-Governors  Hon.  R.  P.  Lowe 
and  Hon.  Samuel  Merrill.  The  following  gentlemen  acted  as 
pall-bearers :  Hon.  A.  C.  Dodge,  Messrs.  W.  H.  Postlewaite, 


388  LIFE  OF  JAMES  W.  GRIMES.  [1872. 

Thomas  Hedge,  John  H.  Gear,  John  Patterson,  George  C.  Lau- 
man,  E.  D.  Band,  John  G.  Foote,  James  Morton,  J.  S.  Schramm, 
C.  E.  Perkins,  and  J.  C.  Peasley.  The  remains  were  deposited 
in  Aspen  Grove  Cemetery. 

The  City  Council,  the  Old  Settlers'  Association,  the  bar  of 
the  county,  and  the  trustees  of  the  Public  Library,  adopted  reso 
lutions  of  profound  regret  at  his  death,  expressing  their  sense  of 
his  ability,  integrity,  public  spirit,  and  eminent  services,  and 
their  respect  for  his  character  as  "  one  who  fearlessly  performed 
whatever  he  deemed  his  duty,  uninfluenced  by  party  bias,  popu 
lar  prejudice,  or  personal  interest."  The  public  press  presented 
many  tributes  to  his  honor  and  fame.  The  General  Assembly 
of  Iowa,  by  a  resolution  approved  April  23,  1872,  ordered  his 
portrait  to  be  procured  and  placed  in  the  Capitol. 

Hon.  G.  Y.  Fox  wrote  to  Mrs.  Grimes : 

I  mourn  with  you  at  the  loss  of  one  who  stood  very  close  to  my 
heart.  Our  mutual  feelings  intertwined  during  great  events,  when 
I  learned  to  respect,  to  admire,  and  to  love  him. 

The  widow  of  a  gallant  officer,  who  laid  down  his  life  in  the 
war,  wrote : 

I  hope  you  will  let  me  express  to  you  my  sympathy  for  you, 
and  my  respect  and  admiration  for  Senator  Grimes.  Besides  my 
own  feeling  for  you,  I  have  always  associated  you  both  with  my 
husband,  and  I  like  to  think  that  I  am  sending  you  his  sympathy 
with  my  own.  I  wish  the  whole  country  could  feel,  as  I  do,  that 
Senator  Grimes  has  given  his  life  for  the  nation,  as  truly  as  those 
did  who  died  in  the  war,  and  how  deep  a  debt  we  owe  him  for  his 
steadfast  clinging  to  what  he  knew  was  right,  when  the  struggle 
was  so  hard  a  one.  What  a  blessing  it  must  be  to  you  to  feel  that 
through  all  his  public  life  you  have  helped  and  upheld  him  ! 

A  companion  of  the  later  portion  of  his  public  life  said : 

I  feel  more  indebted  to  Mr.  Grimes  than  any  one  for  the  little 
success  I  have  achieved.  His  early  friendly  recognition  of  me  at 
Washington  gave  me  a  position  and  companionship  that  would 
otherwise  have  required  years  of  patient  labor.  To  enjoy  his 
friendship  was  to  secure  the  confidence  of  the  truest  and  best  men 


THE  TOMB  IN  ASPEN-GKOVE  CEMETERY, 


1872.]  TRIBUTES  TO  HIS  MEMORY.  389 

of  the  country.  The  inducements  to  temptation  and  folly  are  so 
great  at  Washington  that,  but  for  his  friendly  counsel  and  guid 
ance,  I  might  have  yielded  to  them.  In  his  death  the  State  and 
the  country  have  suffered  a  great  loss,  and  the  young  men  who  en 
joyed  his  confidence,  and  looked  to  him  for  guidance  in  the  future, 
will  look  in  vain  to  find  one  suited  to  take  his  place. 

Hon.  H.  B.  Anthony,  of  Rhode  Island,  who  sat  next  to  him 
in  the  Senate,  and  was  with  him  upon  the  Committee  on  Naval 

Affairs,  says : 

Mr.  Grimes's  ability,  sterling  common-sense,  capacity  for  busi 
ness,  and  unquestioned  and  straightforward  integrity,  gave  him 
great  influence  in  the  Senate.  He  was  not  a  frequent  speaker, 
never  a  dull  one.  He  spoke  only  when  he  had  something  to  say, 
and  always  with  a  knowledge  of  the  subject;  always  for  effect  in 
the  Senate,  never  for  Buncombe.  I  have  seldom  seen  a  man  who 
had  such  thorough  contempt  for  humbug.  In  this,  as  in  many 
other  respects,  he  resembled  his  intimate  friend  Mr.  Fessenden, 
whom  he  shortly  followed  to  the  "  undiscovered  country."  He 
had  the  greatest  knowledge  of  naval  affairs  of  all  the  men  that  I 
ever  knew.  W^e  used  on  the  committee  to  call  him  "The  Admi 
ral/'  His  acquaintance  with  the  personnel  of  the  Navy  was  equal 
to  his  acquaintance  with  its  history,  its  condition,  and  its  need.  It 
may  never  be  fully  known  how  much  the  Navy  owes  to  him  for  the 
glorious  successes  of  the  war.  He  was  of  immense  value  in  reor 
ganizing  it,  and  in  the  legislation  that  was  required.  Touching  his 
course  on  the  impeachment,  of  his  entire  honesty  in  that,  as  in  all 
his  public  life,  I  never  heard  a  doubt  expressed ;  I  have  reason  to 
suppose  that  it  gave  him  great  pain  to  differ  from  so  many  of  his 
friends,  but  no  consideration  could  swerve  him  from  the  line  of 
duty  that  his  judgment  and  conscience  had  marked  out. 

Hon.  Joseph  S.  Fowler,  of  Nashville,  Tennessee,  wrote : 

It  was  not  my  fortune  to  know  him  so  long  and  so  well  as  many 
of  his  more  intimate  friends,  but  I  knew  him  during  one  of  the 
most  eventful  trials  that  any  public  servant  was  ever  called  upon 
to  undergo.  How  often  have  I  recalled  the  agony  of  that  great, 
earnest,  tender  heart !  How  well  I  remember  that  divine  sense  of 
justice  and  right,  that  braved  calumny  and  threats,  and  the  fears 
26 


390  LIFE  OF  J.   W.   GEIMES. 

of  misguided  friends  !  Never  shall  I  cease  to  remember  the  de 
voted  purpose  that  looked  far  into  the  future  for  approval.  Dur 
ing  that  trying  ordeal  it  was  my  fortune  to  meet  him  alone.  It 
was  then  I  learned  the  deep  recesses  of  his  heart,  and  its  pure 
fountains  of  life.  His  warm  friend  and  elder  brother,  and  great 
companion,  preceded  him  a  few  years.  In  many  respects  they  were 
alike,  in  many  different.  Both  were  earnest,  brave,  faithful,  and 
commanding  Senators.  They  lived  above  mean  and  debasing  pur 
poses,  and  were  among  the  most  illustrious  men  that  have  adorned 
our  annals. 


Mr.  Grimes  was  five  feet  eleven  inches  in  height,  with  a 
well-proportioned  frame,  and  a  commanding  presence.  Careless 
of  appearance,  and  somewhat  rough  and  ungainly  in  early  life,  he 
grew  with  years  into  suavity,  and  grace,  and  dignity  of  bearing. 
He  had  the  canny  qualities  of  the  stock  from  which  he  came. 
Plain  in  dress,  and  frugal  in  his  habits,  he  was  unassuming  in 
every  situation;  simplicity,  straightforwardness,  and  indepen 
dence  characterized  both  his  manners  and  his  mind.  He  abhorred 
pretension  and  indirection.  Having  great  power  of  secretive- 
ness  and  reserve,  he  seemed  cold  and  repellent  to  many,  and 
could  chill  with  indifference  those  whom  he  distrusted  or  dis 
liked.  If  thrown  in  the  way  of  such  persons,  he  would  turn 
aside  quietly,  or  pass  on.  To  those  who  enjoyed  his  confidence, 
he  was  frank  and  hearty,  and  open  as  summer.  Exposed  in  the 
political  agitations  of  his  career  to  animosity  and  abuse,  he  kept 
himself  scrupulously  from  personality  and  recrimination.  The 
popularity  which  he  enjoyed  at  different  periods  was  never  won 
by  any  arts,  or  by  seeking  it.  His  candor  was  proverbial; 
friends  sometimes  objected  that,  in  political  discussion,  as  was 
said  of  his  practice  at  law,  he  conceded  too  much  to  oppo 
nents.  His  speeches  an$  letters  reveal,  without  reserve,  his 
principles,  sentiments,  and  habits.  His  words  and  deeds  afford  a 
better  indication  of  his  character  than  can  be  given  by  another 
hand. 

His  mind  was  not  imaginative  or  fanciful,  but  critical  and 


CHARACTER.  391 

exact,  with  a  superior  power  of  analysis  and  comprehension. 
His  perceptions  were  quick  and  clear ;  his  memory  ready  and 
retentive.  Of  strong  common-sense,  he  was  cautious  and  delib 
erate  in  judgment.  Forming  his-  opinions  from  thorough  infor 
mation,  he  was  positive  and  tenacious  in  conviction.  It  was 
hard  to  move  him,  when  he  had  made  up  his  mind.  He  had 
a  remarkable  insight  into  men,  and  estimated  character  and 
capacity  with  surprising  accuracy.  He  seemed  to  discern  vir 
tue  and  merit,  or  detect  artifice  and  pretension,  at  a  glance.  It 
was  not  easy  to  cheat  him,  or  to  win  his  favor  for  visionary  or 
unworthy  schemes.  Corrupt  men,  who  sought  his  aid  for  in 
trigue  or  to  obtain  office,  did  not  call  upon  him  the  second  time. 
He  had  a  genius  for  public  affairs,  and  evinced  superior  tact 
and  practical  wisdom  in  the  Legislative  Assembly  of  an  infant 
Territory  and  State,  in  the  Executive  chair  of  a  growing  Com 
monwealth,  and  in  the  Senate  of  the  nation.  He  loved  deliber 
ative  assemblies  and  the  cares  of  state/  The  prosperity  of  great 
communities  and  the  well-being  of  future  times  were  objects  of 
his  ambition.  In  office,  he  disclaimed  considerations  of  party, 
and  declared  that  he  would  not  allow  his  conduct  to  be  influenced 
by  appeals  upon  that  ground.  In  the  Senate  he  maintained  the 
dignity  of  the  Chamber,  and  vindicated  its  ancient  boast  of  un 
limited  debate,  discussion,  and  deliberation.  He  felt  the  full 
responsibility  of  the  place,  and  regarded  no  other  position  as 
affording  a  better  opportunity  to  conserve  and  promote  good 
government.  Thoroughly  imbued  with  American  principles, 
jealous  for  constitutional  and  representative  government,  and 
familiar  with  the  history  and  legislation  of  the  country,  he 
sought  to  preserve  the  balance  of  power  between  the  different 
departments  of  the  Federal  Government,  and  between  the  re 
spective  States  and  the  United  States,  and,  maintaining  the  pre 
rogatives  of  each,  resisted  alike  encroachments  from  either  side. 
In  the  changes  from  peace  to  war,  and  from  war  to  peace,  he 
knew  the  seasons,  and  was  prompt  to  take  occasion  by  the  hand, 
and  conform  his  political  action  to  new  and  altered  conditions. 
He  held  those  who  had  been  enemies  in  war,  as  in  peace,  friends. 
In  war,  no  bugle  blew  a  bolder  blast ;  in  peace,  no  one  bade 


392  LIFE  OF  JAMES  W.  GKIMES. 

heartier  farewell  to  all  pride,  pomp,  and  circumstance  of  war, 
or  sought  more  sincerely  the  things  that  make  for  peace. 

In  the  matter  of  appointments  to  office  he  exercised  his  in 
fluence  with  a  conscientious  regard  to  the  public  service,  deli 
cately,  without  patronizing  airs,  imposing  no  obligation  upon 
appointees,  and,  following  the  ancient  tradition  that  offices 
should  seek  men,  oftentimes  without  personal  solicitation. 

A  leader  more  than  a  follower  of  opinion,  his  guiding  hand 
was  upon  the  institutions  and  laws  of  a  new  era  in  the  State  of 
Iowa,  and  in  the  nation.  He  was  foremost  in  the  organization 
of  the  Republican  party,  in  1855,  and  gave  early  and  efficient 
help  in  bringing  up  the  country,  and  President  Lincoln  and  his 
cabinet,  to  the  great  measure  of  emancipation.  The  naval  vic 
tories  of  the  war  were  organized  with  his  counsel,  and  under  his 
eye.  No  Senator  was  more  successful  in  carrying  measures 
which  he  believed  to  be  right.  Never  obtruding  himself,  but 
with  apparent  unconsciousness,  and  keeping  out  of  public  sight, 
he  came  to  be  recognized  by  common  consent  as  one  of  the 
triumvirate,  with  his  particular  friends  Fessenden  and  Trum- 
bull,  whose  opinions  ruled  the  Senate  in  the  era  of  the  nation's 
transformation.  Foremost  in  discerning  the  peril  that  threatened 
the  land  in  the  impeachment  trial  of  President  Johnson,  the 
nation  owes  its  escape  and  safety  at  that  crisis  to  him  more  than 
to  any  other  one  man. 

The  foundation  of  his  character  was  in  a  strong  sense  of  jus 
tice,  truth,  and  moral  obligation.  Among  religious  teachers  he 
preferred  Channing  and  those  of  his  school.  Distrustful  of  dog 
mas,  and  fully  assured  only  of  the  ethical,  the  practical,  and  the 
humane  parts  of  Christianity,  he  gave  unqualified  assent  to  no 
particular  creed.  He  held  that  men  should  judge  in  themselves 
what  is  right,  and  that  the  preparation  necessary  for  another 
world  is  to  do  our  duty  in  this.  The  writings  of  Channing  gave 
a  powerful  impulse  to  his  hatred  of  slavery  and  to  his  interest 
in  humane  institutions.  At  home  he  was  a  regular  attendant  at 
the  Congregational  Church. 

Eichly  blest  and  supremely  happy  in  his  home,  no  other 
place  was  so  dear  to  him,  he  cherished  no  other  influences  so  con- 


CHARACTER.  393 

stantly  and  warmly,  and  none  were  more  helpful  to  his  charac 
ter  and  life.  With  the  children  and  youth  who  were  members 
of  his  family  he  was  upon  easy  familiarity,  entering  into  their 
interests,  guiding  their  studies,  and  counseling  them  in  their 
preparation  for  life.  One  who  lived  several  years  under  his  roof 
says : 

My  recollections  of  him  are  almost  as  of  a  father,  always  lenient, 
and  ready  to  help,  and  to  forget  my  faults.  I  have  heard  him  called 
stern  and  severe ;  for  with  his  firm  and  decided  views  on  honesty 
in  politics  and  business  he  was  apt  to  be  impatient  with  men  who 
did  not  walk  in  his  own  straight  paths ;  but  there  was  nothing  of 
this  at  home.  No  one  could  be  gentler  with  all  about  his  house 
hold. 

He  was  a  lover  of  good  men,  and  in  every  situation  won  the 
respect  and  confidence  of  the  wisest  and  the  best.  His  friend 
ship  with  Mr.  Fessenden,  who  was  of  a  different  temperament, 
and  ten  years  his  senior  in  age,  was  one  of  the  beautiful  inci 
dents  of  his  life,  and  presents  a  rare  case  of  pure  and  unalloyed 
affection  among  eminent  men,  called  to  stand  side  by  side,  and 
to  act  each  a  prominent  part  in  great  events,  and  amid  severe 
conflicts  of  opinion. 

The  cares,  anxieties,  and  disquietudes  of  the  years  Mr.  Grimes 
served  in  Congress  proved  too  great  a  strain  upon  many  of  the 
public  men  of  the  period.  Not  a  few  have  wasted  away  with 
premature  decay.  Not  alone  on  the  battle-field,  and  in  ships-of- 
war,  were  the  costly  sacrifices  made  that  saved  the  nation.  This 
volume  is  a  record  of  a  valiant  man  worn  out,  his  health  im 
paired,  and  nervous  power  paralyzed,  by  the  watchings  and  de 
bates  and  discussions  through  which  the  life  and  integrity  of  the 
republic  were  assured  to  future  times. 


INDEX. 


ADAMS,  C.  F.,127. 

Admiral,  grade  of,  199,  202. 

Agricultural  Bureau,  306  ;  college  bill,  284. 

Alabama,  the,  246,  369,  371. 

Allison,  W.  B.,  388. 

Alton,  Illinois,  13. 

Ames,  Oakes,  301. 

Anthony,  H.  B.,  119,  240,  380,  389. 

Army,  filling  up  ranks  of,  257 ;  increase  of 

standing,  140,  141,  145,  289. 
Atchison,  D.  E.,  46,  97. 

Banking,  free,  364. 

Banks,  23,  34,  99,  103,  214. 

Banks  Expedition,  transports  for,  225. 

Banks,  N.  P.,  260. 

Bartlett,  S.  C.,  6. 

Barton,  Clara,  287-289. 

Bates,  Curtis,  35,  52. 

Battle  of  Belmont,  175 ;  of  Bull  Eun,  146, 

147,  160. 

Battles  of  the  Wilderness,  261. 
Bell,  L.  V.,  75. 
Bellows,  H.  W.,  31,  292. 
Berlin,  380. 
Bissell,  F.  E.,  90. 
Black-Hawk  Purchase,  10. 
Blanchard,  Jonathan,  120,  260. 
Blockade,  140,  247. 
Bright,  John,  370,  371,  374. 
Brown,  John,  121. 
Browne,  J.  B.,  64. 
Browning,  M.  D.,  63,  64. 
Buchanan,  James,  97,  132. 
Burlington,  Iowa,  10,  12,  14,  15,  21,  277, 

280,  300,  336;   public  library  of,  327, 

336,  367,  380. 


Butler,  A.  P.,  39,  47. 
Butler,  B.  F.,  361. 

Cabinet,  changes  in,  recommended,  206. 

Cairo,  Illinois,  254. 

Cameron,  Simon,  139,  141,  142,  153,  154, 
156,  364,  365. 

Canada,  266,  369,  370. 

Carpenter,  A.  W.,  374. 

Carpenter,  C.  C.,  115,  387. 

Cass,  Lewis,  132. 

Central  Park,  New  York,  298. 

Chambers,  Eobert,  374. 

Channing,  W.  E.,  392. 

Channing,  W.  H.,  153,  157,  159,  196. 

Chapman,  W.  W.,  13. 

Charleston,  attack  on,  235,  237. 

Chase,  S.  P.,  53-55,  75, 116,  133, 152,  156, 
215,  337,  357-359. 

Chicago  Tribune,  359. 

Child,  Eber,  3. 

Cholera,  Asiatic,  292. 

Clark,  Daniel,  240. 

Clarke,  C.  S.,  65. 

Class  legislation,  323. 

Clergy,  loyal,  237. 

Coast  Survey  officers,  to  go  into  army  or 
navy  during  war,  143. 

Cobb,  Howell,  132. 

Coercion,  130. 

Colorado,  284-287,  309. 

Columbus,  Kentucky,  evacuation  of,  177. 

Compromise  of  1850,  42. 

Confiscation,  194,  195,  197,  215,  216,  234. 

Congress,  duty  of,  as  to  executive  depart 
ments,  205 ;  night  sessions,  322 ;  pay 
of  members,  308 ;  Thirty-sixth,  118- 


INDEX. 


395 


139 ;  Thirty-seventh,  139-235 ;  Thirty- 
eighth,  235-276;  Thirty-ninth,  276- 
322;  Fortieth,  323-366;  Forty-first, 
first  session,  366,  367. 

Conscription,  216,  257. 

Contrabands,  196. 

Cook,  Ebenezer,  64. 

Cook,  Lyman,  377,  381,  387. 

Cotton-tax,  325. 

Court  of  Claims,  124. 

Cowles,  W.  F.,  73. 

Crittenden,  J.  J.,  Mrs.,  121. 

Crittenden  proposition,  133,  234. 

Dartmouth  College,  5,  7,  71,  276,  282,  362. 

Davis,  Jefferson,  122,  154,  163. 

Davis,  Timothy,  63. 

Dean,  Amos,  90. 

Deering,  New  Hampshire,  2,  3. 

Democratic  party,  48,  68,  96,  99,  100,  115, 

135,  225,  238,  263,  281. 
Des  Moines  County,  10, 18. 
Des  Moines  Eiver  land  grant,  126. 
Dickinson  County,  Sioux  incursion  into, 

107. 

Diplomacy,  249. 
District  of  Columbia,  jail  of,  164;    land 

grant  for  schools  in,  282 ;  marshal  of, 

166  ;  slavery  and  emancipation  in,  141 ; 

suffrage  in,  309. 
Disunion,  133. 
Dodge,  A.  C.,  114, 117,  387. 
Dodge,  Henry,  11,  12. 
Douglas,  S.  A.,  38,  41,  79. 
Dubuque  County,  10. 
Du  Pont,  S.  F.,  157-159, 169, 180,  196, 198, 

202,  218,  235,  239,  246,  248,  263. 

Education,   26,   56,   94,   283;    of   colored 

youth,  233. 

Elections,  military  interference  at,  207. 
Emancipation,  first  act  of,  in  District  of 

Columbia,  141 ;  on  aid  for,   in  Mis- 
,  souri,  207,  235  ;   President  Lincoln's 

proclamation,  208,  217,  218,  234. 
Ericsson,  John,  172,  182,  270,  296. 
Etiquette,  239. 
Extravagance  in  the  public  service,  244. 

Farragut,  D.  G.,  180,  201,  267,  274,  296, 

333. 
Fashion,  31. 


Fessenden,  W.  P.,  132,  140,  152,  155,  156, 

201,   217,  239,  260,  263-266^  280,  290, 

292,  299,  311,  36$,  361,  376-378,  382, 

390,  392,  393. 

Fillmore,  Millard,  26,  69,  80. 
Florida,  284. 
Foot,  Solomon,  290. 
Foote,  A.  H.,  169,  174-177,  181,  183, 197, 

365. 

Foreign  immigration,  39. 
Fort  Donelson,  169, 176. 
Foster,  L.  S.,  240,  260. 
Fowler,  J.  S.,  389. 

Fox,  G.  V.,  146,  159,  213,  295,  297,  388.    , 
Fraud  and  corruption  in  naval  supplies, 

252. 
Fraud  and  extortion  in  transport  service, 

229. 

Freedmen's  Bureau,  257,  323. 
Freedmen's  Savings  and  Trust  Company, 

323,  324. 

Free-Soil  party,  33,  54,  63,  78,  96, 115,116. 
Fremont,  J.  C.,  153-156. 
Fruit-culture,  25. 
Fugitive  slave,  72. 
Fugitive-slave  law,  54,  73,  243. 

Gage,  Frances  D.,  51. 

General,  lieutenant,  243. 

Generals,  excessive  multiplication  of,  202- 
206 :  on  thanks  to,  for  civil  adminis 
tration,  325. 

German  people,  the,  39,  380,  384,  385. 

German  vote,  the,  76,  80. 

Giddings,  J.  R.,  63. 

Government,  object  of,  56 ;  limitations  of 
the  Federal,  293. 

Grant,  U.  S.,  243,  261,  263,  367. 

Greeley,  Horace,  322. 

Grimes,  J.  W.,  birth  and  ancestry,  1 ;  edu 
cation,  3 ;  at  Burlington,  10 ;  mar 
riage,  25;  Governor  of  Iowa,  33; 
Senator  of  the  United  States,  118 ;  re- 
elected,  243  ;  attack  of  paralysis,  357 ; 
travels  in  Europe,  368 ;  second  attack 
of  paralysis,  371 ;  resigns  the  office  of 
Senator,  372 ;  returns  home,  386 ; 
death,  387 ;  tributes  to  his  memory, 
388 ;  character,  390. 

Grog-ration,  195, 197. 

Hale,  E.  E.,  291. 


30G 


INDEX. 


Hale,  J.  P,,  71,  159,  226,  240. 

Hall,  James,  68,  70." 

Halleck,  H.  W.,  175;  Order  No.  3,  187, 

188. 

Hammond,  J.  H.,  122. 
Hampton  Academy,  4. 
Handel's  "  Messiah,"  322. 
Harlan,  James,  62-65,  242. 
Harris,  Ira,  205,  240. 
Harris,  Eoswell,  4,  5. 
Harrison,  W.  H.,  21. 
Hartt,  S.  T.,  364. 
Hempstead,  Stephen,  27,  98. 
Home,  25,  32,  93,  265,  276,  279,  280,  392. 
Homestead  bill,  39,  125. 
Honolulu,  304. 
Hosmer,  Eev.  Mr.,  69. 
Hutchinson,  Horace,  24. 

Impeachment  of  President  Johnson,  323, 
336,  360,  361,  367,  382,  386,  392;  Mr. 
Grimes's  oath  upon  trial  of,  337,  359 ; 
his  opinion,  337. 

Indian  affairs,  289,  366. 

Intemperance  in  the  army,  160. 

Internal  improvement,  37,  38. 

Iowa,  State  of,  18,  40,  61,  74,  115,  116,  136, 
148,  285 ;  agricultural  societies  of,  58 ; 
breach  of  faith  by  United  States  tow 
ard,  105 ;  capital,  94 ;  Capitol,  90 ; 
charitable  institutions  of,  58,  72  ;  con 
stitution  of,  27,  34,  46,  58,  94,  99,  102 ; 
county  and  city  indebtedness,  90 ; 
geological  survey,  68,  88,  105 ;  growth 
of,  87 ;  hospital  for  insane,  62,  65,  69, 
72 ;  laws  of,  98, 102,  115, 123  ;  loyal  to 
the  Union,  225, 237, 257  ;  penitentiary, 
88 ;  public  schools,  57,  104 ;  railroad 
grant,  81 ;  registry  law,  89,  103 ;  Rep 
resentatives  of,  in  Congress,  217 ; 
school  funds,  89 ;  school  law,  90 ; 
township  organization  in,  103  ;  United 
States  officers  in,  126,  199,  200 ;  Uni 
versity  of,  57,  90,  94,  104. 

Iowa,  Territory  of,  11,  18,  47,  205. 

Iron-clad  ships-of-war,  145,  170, 171,  180, 
269. 

Isbell,  N.  W.,  64,  65. 

James,  Edwin,  72. 

Johnson,  Andrew,  159,  278,  291,  323,  336- 
357,  359,  367,  382. 


Johnson-Clarendon  treaty,  368. 
Johnson,  Eeverdy,  255,  311,  370. 
Johnstone,  Edward,  65,  67. 
Jones,  G.  W.,  114. 
Joy,  J.  F.,  7. 

Kansas,  12,  80,  83,  84,  86,  92,  96,  110,  137, 

138. 
Kentucky,  military  arrest  of  citizens  of, 

.  267  ;  grant  of  land  in  Florida  to,  284. 
Kirkwood,  S.  J.,  133,  152. 
Know-Nothing  party,  67,  69,  70,  79. 

Lamon,  W.  H.,  166. 

Land,  purchase  of,  24 ;  grant  for  Iowa 
railroads,  81 ;  grant  for  schools  in  Dis 
trict  of  Columbia,  282. 

Land-warrant  system,  283. 

Lands,  leasing  of  saline,  303. 

Lawyer,  advice  to  a  young,  13 ;  anxiety  of, 
for  clients,  22. 

League  Island,  212,  319. 

Lee,  K.  E.,  321. 

Legislation,  responsibilities  of,  55. 

Leipsic,  380. 

Letters  of  marque,  220-224. 

Liberty,  gospel  of,  51. 

Lincoln,  Abraham,  83,  94,  128,  140,  149, 
150,  156,  196,  205,  208,  215,  278,  279. 

London  Times,  368,  371,  372. 

Loper,  K.  F.,  231. 
I  Louisiana  purchase,  39. 
|  Lovejoy,  Owen,  120. 

Lowe,  R.  P.,  73, 100,  102,  114,  387. 

Lowell,  Mrs.,  388. 

Lucas,  Robert,  13,  18-20. 

I  Magoun,  G.  F.,  277. 

!  Mann,  Horace,  90. 

|  Marine  Corps,  332. 

|  Marsh,  John,  197. 

!  Mason,  Charles,  26.  98,  384. 

i  Mason,  J.  M.,  121. 

j  McKinstry,  Justin,  154,  156.  t 

McLean,  John,  26. 

McClellan,  G.  B.,  147. 

Memoirs  of  public  men,  372. 

M«rrill,  Samuel,  386,  387. 

Merrimac,  the,  171. 

Mexico,  221,  249,  299. 

Michigan,  Territory  of,  10. 

Military  Academy,  128,  209,  298. 


INDEX. 


397 


Mississippi  River,  railroad  -  bridge  over, 
300;  Des  Moines  rapids  improve 
ment,  320. 

Missouri,  11,  13,  40,  45,  96,  207. 
Missouri  Compromise,  33,  39,  43, 45, 47, 59, 

60,  72,  87, 108, 134. 
Monitor,  the,  171, 181, 182,  270. 
Monitors,  improvements  in,  294. 
^          Moral  responsibility  in  politics,  49. 

^   Morrill,  J.  S.,  367. 
SM^rapAll,  L.  M.,  283. 
Miiscatine,  15. 

Napoleon  III.,  221,  299. 

National  banks,  214. 

Naturalization  laws,  119. 

Naval  Academy,  129,  130,  139,  157,  201, 

210,  211,  219,  249,  293-298. 
Naval  Affairs,  Committee  on,  118,  239,  240, 

246,  268,  332,  380. 
Naval  apprentices,  332. 
Naval  flotilla,  achievements  of,  173,  182, 

248. 

Naval  officers  on  the  retired  list  for  con 
suls,  328. 

Naval  pension  fund,  329. 
"  Naval  Warfare  Ashore  and  Afloat,"  272. 
Navy,  129,  144,  145,  161,  198,  268,  331; 

right    arm    of  public  defense,    179 ; 

work  of,  in  the  war,  245. 
Navy  agent,  245,  252. 
Navy-yards,  212,  319. 
Nebraska,  33,  39,  42,  43,  286,  308. 
Nevada,  273. 
Niagara  Ship-Canal,  302. 
Non-interference  with  matters  belonging 

to  the  States,  292. 
Northern  frontier,  defense  of,  266. 

Ordinance  of  1787,  38,  46,  47. 

Pacific  Mail  Company,  304. 
Pacific  Eailroad,  232,  254,  301. 
Pardoning  power,  82. 
Paris  Exposition,  299. 
Partridge,  Geo.,  26. 
Peabody,  Geo.,  325. 
Peace  Conference,  138. 
Pension  system,  the,  331. 
Phillips,  Wendell,  92,  121. 
Pierce,  Franklin,  7,  53,  84,  193. 
Pierpont,  John,  154. 


Pike,  F.  A.,  272,  382. 
Pillsbury,  Parker,  193. 
Plank-roads,  26,  80. 

Porter,  D.  D.,  159,  169,  180,  274,  296,  298. 
Port  Royal,  157. 
Post-Office  Department,  126. 
Powell,  L.  W.,  234,  243,  267. 
Power,  possession  of  uncontrolled,  cor 
rupting,  379. 
Price,  Eliphalet,  386. 
Private  claims,  289. 
Prize  law,  272. 

Railroads,  18,  26,  27,  30,  32,  81,  82,  115, 

126. 

Reconstruction,  282,  291,  292,  299,  359. 
Republican  party,  63,  67,  69,  70,  75, 78,  87, 

96,  123,  280,  323,  379,  392. 
Ristori,  308. 

Rock  Island,  armory  on,  198. 
Rodgers,  C.  R.  P.,  158, 159, 169,  239. 
Rodgers,  John,  173. 
Russell,  S.  A.,  63. 

Samuels,  B.  M.,  100. 

San  Domingo,  379,  382,  383. 

Savoy,  374,  377. 

Sears,  Joshua,  16. 

Secession,  131,  136. 

Senate  of  the  United  States,  118, 119,  237, 

310,  376,  377,  385. 
Seward,  W.  H.,  69,  76,  80,  118,  127,  156, 

278. 

Sheridan,  P.  H.,  325. 
Sherman,  John,  151. 
Sioux,  incursion  of,  into  Iowa,  106.    . 
Slavery,  39,  46,  49,  54,  59,  60,  71,  72,  97, 

108,  133,  243. 

Slaves,  surrender  of,  by  the  army,  184-193. 
Small,  Robert,  196. 
Smith,  C.  F.,  183. 
Smith,  J.  B.,  181. 
Soldiers,  colored,  190-196,  240-242,    261, 

328. 

Soldiers'  hospitals,  206. 
Soldiers,  search  for  missing,  287. 
Soldiers,  to  be  paid,  and  pay  increased, 

before  civil  officers,  244. 
South  Carolina,  132. 
Southern  States,  prosperity  of,  325. 
Speech  on  achievements  of  Western  naval 

flotilla,    173-181;    on    surrender   of 


398 


INDEX. 


slaves,  184-193;   on  the  tariff,   311- 

318. 

Squatter  sovereignty,  43,  108. 
Stanton,  E.  M.,  197,  337,  361. 
Starr,  H.  W.,  12,  13,  328,  373. 
Stephens,  A.  H.,  47. 
Stevens,  Thaddeus,  292. 
Stockton,  L.  D.,  15. 
Stone  fortifications,  180,  232,  273. 
Stone,  W.  M.,  238. 
Subsidies,  244. 
Suffrage,  280,  287,  309. 
Sunday-traveling,  51. 
Sunderland,  Byron,  290. 
Sumner,  Charles,  74,  80,  121, 127, 184,  257, 

260,  360,  368-372,  374,  383. 
Supreme  Court,  Dred  Scott  decision,  108. 
Switzerland,  378,  383. 

Taney,  E.  B.,  96,  108. 

Tariff,  138,  304,  310-318,  326,  333;  upon 

copper,  363,  364. 
Taylor,  Zachary,  26. 
Telegraph,  international,  244. 
Temperance,  26,  32,  37,  50,  59,  71. 
Tennessee,  282. 
Tenure  of  office,  309,  367. 
Thanksgiving  proclamation,  76. 
Thomas,  Lorenzo,  337. 
Todleben,  276. 
Toombs,  Eobert,  122. 
Trade  with  rebels,  255. 
Travels  in  Europe,  368-385. 
Treason,  detection  of,  138. 
Treaties  with  Sac  and  Fox  Indians  (1836), 

11. 

Trumbull,  Lyman,  139,  376,  392. 
Tucker,  John,  231. 
Turner,  Asa,  63, 115,  238. 

United  States,  designed  for  a  maritime 
nation,   178;    public  debt,   148,  214, 


366 ;  public  money  to  be  deposited  in 
the  Treasury  of,  306;  tendency  of 
the  Government  to  consolidation,  110, 
112 ;  Treasury  notes,  214. 

Vanderbilt,  Cornelius,  227,  325. 

Veto-power,  19,  50. 

Volunteers,  140,  144,  215,  216,  289. 

Wade,  B.  F.,  160,  268,  272,  286,  305,  359. 

Walker,  James,  8. 

Walker,  Mrs.,  8. 

Walker,  John  G.,  2,  129,  251,  373. 

Walker,  E.  J.,96,  101. 

War,  Committee  on  Conduct  of  the,  160, 
269  ;  demoralization  by  the,  379,  380  ; 
medical  and  surgical  history  of  the, 
365 ;  reasons  for  delay  in  prosecuting 
the,  63 ;  to  go  on  until  rebellion  is  sub 
dued,  190;  vigorous  prosecution  of, 
demanded,  215. 

Warren,  F.  H.,  62,  73,  74,  80. 

Washington,  D.  C.,  30,  31,  128,  260,  282, 
336. 

Waters,  Simeon,  115. 

Webster,  Daniel,  31,  42,  43,  74,  81. 

Welles,  Gideon,  139,  196. 

Wentworth,  John,  of  Chicago,  7. 

Wentworth,  John,  Governor  of  Province 
of  New  Hampshire,  2. 

Whig  party,  18,  26,  31,  33,  54,  63,  115,  310. 

Whitney,  J.  D.,  70. 

Wilson,  Henry,  11&,  242,  256,  282,  283, 288. 
324. 

Wilson,  John,  12. 

Winslow,  Henry,  67,  151. 

Wisconsin,  Territory  of,  11. 

Woodward,  W.  G.,  64,  98. 

Worden,  J.  L.,  181,  296. 

Wright,  G.  G.,  64. 

Yulee,  D.  L.,  170. 


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"The  doctrines  taught  in  this  volume  are  of  the  class  ol  those  which  have  long  been  widely 
prevalent  among  students  of  man  and  his  institutions;   and  they  only  need  to  be  exhibited  as 
amended  and  supported,  not  crowded  out  or  overthrown,  by  the  abundant  new  knowledge  which 
the  century  has  yielded,  in  order  to  win  an  acceptance  wellnigh  universal." — Extract  from  Preface, 

FUNGI ;  their  Nature,  Influence,  and  Uses.  By  M.  C.  COOKE,  M.  A.,  LL.  D. 
Edited  by  Rev.  M.  J.  BERKELEY,  M.  A.,  F.  L.  S.  With  109  Illustrations. 
Price,  $1.50. 

"Even  if  the  name  of  the  author  of  this  work  were  not  deservedly  eminent,  that  of  the  editor, 
who  has  long  stood  at  the  head  of  the  British  fungologists,  would  be  a  sufficient  voucher  for  the  ac 
curacy  of  one  of  the  best  botanical  monographs  ever  issued  from  the  press.  .  .  .  The  structure, 
germination,  and  growth  of  all  these  widely-diffused  organisms,  their  habitats  and  influences  for  good 
and  evil,  are  systematically  described." — New  York  World. 

"  Dr.  Cooke's  book  contains  an  admirable  rhumt  of  what  is  known  on  the  structure,  growth, 
and  reproduction  of  fungi,  together  with  ample  bibliographical  references  to-  original  sources  of  in 
formation." — London  A  then&um. 

"  The  production  of  a  work  like  the  one  now  under  review  represents  a  large  amount  of  labori 
ous,  difficult,  and  critical  work,  and  one  in  which  a  serious  slip  or  fatal  error  would  be  one  of  the 
easiest  matters  possible,  but,  as  far  as  we  are  able  to  judge,  the  new  hand-book  seems  in  every  way 
well  suited  to  the  requirements  of  all  beginners  in  the  difficult  and  involved  study  of  fungology." — 
Tlie  Gardener's  Chronicle  (London). 

THE  CHEMISTRY  OF  LIGHT  AND  PHOTOGRAPHY;  in  its  Appli- 
tion  to  Art,  Science,  and  Industry.  By  Dr.  HERMANN  VOGEL,  Professor  in 
the  Royal  Industrial  Academy  of  Berlin.  With  100  Illustrations.  I2mo. 

'   Price,  $2.00. 

"  Out  of  Photography  has  sprung  a  new  science — the  Chemistry  of  Light — and,  in  giving  a 
popular  view  of  the  one,  Dr.  Vogel  has  presented  an  analysis  of  the  principles  and  processes  of  the 
other.  His  treatise  is  as  entertaining  as  it  is  instructive,  pleasantly  combining  a  history  of  the 
progress  and  practice  of  photography — from  the  first  rough  experiments  of  Wedgwood  and  Davy 
with  sensitized  paper,  in  1802,  down  to  the  latest  improvements  of  the  art — with  technical  illustra 
tions  of  the  scientific  theories  on  which  the  art  is  based.  It  is  the  first  attempt  in  any  manual  of 
photography  to  set  forth  adequately  the  just  claims  of  the  invention,  both  from  an  artistic  and  a 
scientific  point  of  view,  and  it  must  be  conceded  that  the  effort  has  been  ably  conducted." — Chicago 
Tribune. 

"'The  Chemistry  of  Light  and  Photography,'  by  Dr.  Vogel,  is  the  fourteenth  contribution  to 
the  International  Scientific  Series,  and  treats  a  rather  dry  subject  in  a  remarkably  interesting  man 
ner.  Dr.  Vogel  first  describes  the  origin  and  earlier  advancement  of  photography,  and  then  traces 
this  important  branch  of  art  through  its  ramifications  in  science,  manufacture,  and  painting.  The 
author  describes  every  thing,  from  the  mere  taking  of  a  portrait,  to  the  mode  in  which  his  art  is 
used  to  register  the  transit  of  Venus,  and  fix  for  all  time  the  spots  on  the  sun.  The  latest  discov 
eries  in  light  are  described  in  a  manner  comprehensible  to  all;  the  mysteries  of  chromo-lithography, 
iron  photography,  and  photography  in  natural  colors,  are  elucidated  in  language  that  robs  them  of 
their  technical  details,  and  we  know  no  higher  praise  than  stating,  what  may  truly  be  stated,  that 
there  is  not  a  dull  page  in  the  entire  work," — Boston  Evening  Gazette. 

THE  DOCTRINE  OF  DESCENT  AND  DARWINISM.  By  OSCAR 
SCHMIDT,  Prpfessor  in  the  University  of  Strasburg.  With  26  Woodcuts.  I 
vol.,  121110.  Cloth.  Price,  $1.50. 

'•'  The  entire  subject  is  discussed  with  a  freshness,  as  well  as  an  elaboration  of  detail,  that  renders 
his  work  interesting  in  a  more  than  usual  degree.  The  facts  upon  which  the  Darwinian  theory  is 
based  are  presented  in  an  effective  manner,  conclusions  are  ably  defended,  and  the  question  is 
treated  in  more  compact  and  available  style  than  in  any  other  work  on  the  same  topic  that  has  yet 
appeared.  It  is  a  valuable  addition  to  the  International  Scientific  Series." — Boston  Post. 

"This  book  is  rather  an  exposition  than  an  argument,  and  attempts  to  instruct  rather  than  to 
convince." — Detroit  Daily  Tribune. 

D.  APPLETON  &  Co.,  PUBLISHERS,  549  &  551  BROADWAY,  N.  Y. 


RKCENT     PUBLICATIONS. 


THE    POPULAR   SCIENCE    LIBRARY. 

Under  the  general  title  of  the  "  POPULAR  SCIENCE  LIBRARY"  will  be  issued  a  series  ot  neat  and 
attractive  books,  at  the  uniform  price  of  a  dollar  each,  that  shall  bring  the  varied  and  important  re 
sults  of  modern  scientific  inquiry  within  easy  reach  of  all  classes  of  readers.  The  "POPULAR  SCI 
ENCE  LIBRARY"  will  contribute  to  this  desirable  object  by  presenting;  a  series  of  volumes  —  original, 
translations,  reprints,  and  abridgments—  with  copious  illustrations,  in  all  the  departments  of  sci 
ence  that  are  of  practical  and  popular  interest.  It  will  take  a  free  range  in  its  choice  of  subjects,  and 
treat  them  in  a  way  that  will  be  most  interesting  and  profitable  to  general  readers. 

The  following  works  have  just  been  issued,  to  be  followed  by  others  of  a  similar  character,  from 
time  to  time.  Price,  $1.00  each. 

HEALTH.    By  Dr.  EDWARD  SMITH,  F.  R.  S. 

"  The  author  of  this  manual  has  rendered  a  real  service  to  Families  and  Teachers.  It  is  not  a 
mere  treatise  on  Health,  such  as  would  be  written  by  a  Medical  Professor  for  Medical  Students. 
Nor  is  it  a  treatise  on  the  treatment  of  disease,  but  a  plain,  common-sense  essay  on  the  prevention 
of  most  of  the  ills  that  flesh  is  heir  to.  There  is  no  doubt  that  much  of  the  sickness  with  which  human 
ity  is  afflicted  is  the  result  of  ignorance,  and  proceeds  from  the  use  of  improper  food,  from  defective 
drainage,  overcrowded  rooms,  ill-ventilated  work-shops,  impure  water,  and  other  like  preventable 
causes.  Legislation  and  municipal  regulations  may  do  something  in  the  line  of  prevention,  but  the 
people  themselves  can  do  a  great  deal  more—  particularly  if  properly  enlightened;  and  this  is  the 
purpose  of  this  book."  —  Albany  Journal. 

THE  NATURAL  HISTORY  OF  MAN.     By  Prof.  A.  DE  QUATREFAGES. 
Translated  from  the  French  by  Eliza  A.  Youmans. 

"In  introducing  it  to  the  public  notice  in  a  cheap  and  convenient  form  there  is  much  sound 
judgment.  M.  de  Quatrefages  is  one  of  the  ablest,  as  he  is  one  of  the  most  enthusiastic  anthropolo 
gists  of  the  day."—  N.  Y.  Times. 


"A  very  competent  translator  has  made  a  charming  English  book  of  what  was  a  charming 
French  book.  As  a  naturalist,  Quatrefages  has  few  superiors  ;  as  a  piquant  and  clear  writer,  still 
fewer  —  he  makes  science  easy,  unequivocal,  and  delightful."  —  Boston  Christian  Register. 


OUTLINE    OF  THE    EVOLUTION   PHILOSOPHY.      By  Dr.    E.   GA 
ZELLES.     Translated  from  the  French  by  O.  B.  Frothingham. 

"  This  unpretentious  little  work  will  no  doubt  be  used  by  thousands  to  whom  the  publications  01 
Mr.  Herbert  Spencer  are  inaccessible  and  those  of  Auguste  Comte  repellent  by  reason  of  their  pro 
lixity  and  vagueness.  In  a  short  space  Dr.  Gazelles  has  managed  to  compress  the  whole  outline 
and  scope  of  Mr.  Spencer's  system  with  his  views  of  the  doctrine  of  progress  and  law  of  evolution, 
and  a  clear  view  of  the  principles  of  positivism."  —  Nature  (London). 

"  This  volume  gives  in_a  condensed  form,  but  in  a  style  that  is  perspicuous,  entertaining,  and  in 
structive,  the  salient  features  of  the  Evolution  theory,  especially  as  it  has  been  developed  by  Mr. 
Herbert  Spencer."  —  Ptttsburg  Gazette. 

THE  SCIENCE  OF  MUSIC.    By  SEDLEY  TAYLOR. 

"The  work  is  full  of  curious  facts  and  is  exceedingly  attractive.  It  is  clearly  written  and  the 
text  is  profusely  illustrated."  —  Boston  Saturday  Evening  Post. 

"It  is  brief,  to  the  point,  thorough,  and  satisfactory."  —  Pittsburg  Gazette. 

"  The  value  of  this  work  cannot  be  over-estimated,  inasmuch  as  Mr.  Taylor  is  a  good  authority, 
and  has  a  happy  facility  of  expressing  his  meaning  in  clear  and  simple  language."  —  Minneapolis 
Tribune. 

ENGLISH  MEN  OF  SCIENCE  :  their  Nature  and  Nurture.     By  FRANCIS 
G  ALTON,  F.  R.  S.     (Just  issued.) 


D.  APPLETON  &  Co.,  PUBLISHERS,  549  &  551  BROADWAY,  N.  Y. 


RECENT     PUBLICATIONS. 


ALICE.  BRAND.     A  Romance  of  the  Capital.      By  A.  G.  RIDDLE,     izmo. 

Cloth.     Price,  $1.75. 

"  Mr.  Riddle  may  congratulate  himself  upon  having  written  a  good,  if  not  a  great  novel.  Its 
prime  merit  is  its  truthfulness  as  a  representation  of  life.  It  is  written  with  vigor  rather  than  ele- 
gance,  and  in  places  is  marked  by  extraordinary  dramatic  power." — Boston  Literary  World. 

HEREDITY :  A  Psychological  Study  of  its  Phenomena,  Laws,  Causes,  and 
Consequences.  By  THEODORE  RIBOT,  author  of  "Contemporary  English 
Psychology."  I2ino.  Cloth.  Price,  $1.75. 

"  We  wish  that  our  space  would  allow  us  to  give  in  some  detail  the  serried  masses  of  facts  with 
which  the  author  illustrates  each  general  assertion.  We  can  only  commend  the  book  as  a  simple 
and  valuable  contribution  to  the  most  important  of  modern  problems." — Philadelphia  Times. 

"  M.  Ribot  has  treated  the  tremendous  question  of  Heredity  in  the  work  before  us  with  great 
amplitude  and  minuteness." — Chicago  Tribune. 

"Eminently  philosophical  in  its  method  and  arrangement,  and  pleasing  in  its  style:  beyond  the 
large  mass  of  scientific  works,  the  book  deserves,  and  will  undoubtedly  have,  a  wide  circle  ot 
thoughtful  readers." — Detroit  Free  Press. 

THE  NATIVE  RACES  OF  THE  PACIFIC  STATES  OF  NORTH 
AMERICA.  By  HUBERT  H.  BANCROFT.  Complete  in  5  vols.,  8vo,  with 
Maps  and  Illustrations.  Price,  per  vol.,  bound  in  Extra  English  Cloth, 
$5.50;  Sheep,  library  style,  $6.50;  Half  Calf,  gilt,  $8.00;  Half  Russia, 
$8.00;  Full  Russia,  $10.00. 

Vol.      I.  Wild  Tribes;  their  Manners  and  Customs. 

Vol.    II.  Civilized  Nations  of  Mexico  and  Central  Amqrica. 

Vol.  III.  Mythology  and  Languages  of  both  Savage  and  Civilized  Nations. 

Vol.  IV.  Antiquities  and  Architectural  Remains. 

Vol.    V.  Aboriginal  History  and  Migrations  :  Index  to  the  Entire  Work. 

These  five  volumes  form  a  magnificent  panorama  of  the  multitude  of  nations  inhabiting  this 
vast  domain  at  the  time  of  its  conquest,  and  before  the  people  were  demoralized  by  foreign  civiliza 
tion.  Now  they  are  gone,  and  all  that  is  known  of  them  is  here  collected  where  it  may  be  forever 
preserved.  Here  is  pictured  their  condition ;  here  their  customs  and  characteristics  are  described ; 
here  their  story  is  told.  All  their  strange  ways  and  doings  ;  their  inner  life  and  outer  forms  ;  their 
weird  beliefs,  and  Babel  tongues,  and  mighty  monuments;  their  wanderings  to  and  fro  and  the  his 
tory  of  their  past  are  here  related  with  vividness  and  correctness  unexampled  in  the  early  history  ol 
mankind. 

"  A  storehouse  of  facts,  gathered  with  admirable  industry  and  care,  and  arranged  with  skill  and 
judgment." — North  American  Review. 

"An  undertaking,  we  suspect,  without  a  parallel  in  literature." — Harper's  Magazine. 

"  Mr.  Bancroft  is  the  historian  for  whom  we  have  all  been  looking,  and  we  may  count  ourselves 
fortunate  in  finding  him  so  worthy  of  his  task." — The  Galaxy. 

"  He  has  been  an  antiquarian  society,  an  archaeological  society,  and  an  historical  and  genealogical 
society,  all  in  one." — Boston  Journal. 

"  I  am  amazed  at  the  extent  and  minuteness  of  your  researches." — William  Cullen  Bryant. 

"It  is  a  production  of  almost  incredible  labor,  of  excellent  management,  and  admirable- execu 
tion,  everywhere  betraying  the  union  of  quiet  enthusiasm  and  sound  judgment." — N.  Y.  Tribiine. 

SCIENTIFIC  LONDON.  By  BERNARD  H.  BECKER,  i  vol.,  I2mo.  Cloth. 
Price,  $1.75. 

"  On  becoming  a  frequent  visitor  at  the  meetings  of  learned  societies,  I  was  astonished  to  find 
the  written  records  of  their  deeds  were  few  and  far  between.  According  to  my  lights,  I  have  striven, 
in  unambitious  fashion,  to  supply  this  gap  in  the  literature  of  Science,  and,  in  the  little  book  now 
offered  to  the  public,  have  attempted  to  describe  in  a  compact  form  the  rise,  progress,  and  present 
condition  of  these  great  Scientific  Institutions  of  which  London— and  for  that  matter,  England— i' 
justly  proud." — Extract  from  Preface. 


D.  APPLETON  &  Co.,  PUBLISHERS,  549  &  551  BROADWAY,  N.  Y 


U.  C.  BERKELEY  LIBRARIES 


